Skip to main content

Full text of "Proceedings"

See other formats




NOVEMBER, 1888, 

fUNE, 1889. 



II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 




ST. martin's lane, LONDON. 

COUNCIL, 1888-9. 

P. LE Page Renouf. 


Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter. 

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c. 

The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c., Bishop of Durham. 

Walter Morrison, ALP. 

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. 

Vei-y Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury. 


Rev. Charles James Ball. 
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. 
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. 
Arthur Gates. 
Thomas Christy, F. L.S. 
Rev. R. Gwynne. 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy. 

Prof. A. Macalisler, M.D. 
Rev. James Marshall. 
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A. 
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A. 
J. Pollard. 

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A. 
E. Towry Whyte, M.A. 
Rev. W. Wright, D.D. 

Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosantjuet. 
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A 
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, M.A. 
Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F. R.G.S. 


Secretary's Report for 1888 ... ... ... ... ... 59-66 

List of Council, &c., for 1889 ... .,. ... ... 68 

Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending 

31st December, 1888 ... ... ... ... ... 67 

Donations to Library^ ... 1-4, 23-24, 57-58, 105-106, 153-154 

Purchases for Library) 175-176, 235-236, 289-290 

Nomination of Candidates ... 4, 24, 58, 106, 154, 176, 236, 290 

Election of Members ... 25, 58, 106, 154, 176, 236, 290 

Errata ... ... ... ... .. ... ... 55 

November 6, 1888. No. lxxviii. 

P. le Page Renouf {Presidoit). Is "=1!^?^ (Gen. xli, 43) 

Egyptian? The Thematic Vowel in Egyptian .. . ... 5-10 

Prof. W. Wright, D.C.L., L.L.D. Kufic Gravestones ... 11-14 

Prof. Sayce. Babylonian Weight ... ... ... ... 15 

Dr. Eezold. The Woman's Language of Ancient Chaldi\;a 16-17 
P. le Page Renouf {President). Pronominal Forms in 

Egyptian ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 18-21 

December 4, 1887. No. lxxix. 

F. Cope Whitehouse. Letter, presenting ALap of Raiyan 

depression... ... ... ... ... ... ... 24 

P. le Page Renouf (President). Two Vignettes of the 

Book of the Dead . . ... ... ... ... 26-28 

Dr. A. Wiedemann. On the Legends concerning the 

Youth of Moses ... ... ... ... ... ... 29-43 

Dr. C. Bezold. Some unpublished Cuneiform Syllabaries 44-54 


January 8, 1889. No. lxxx. page 

Dr. A. Wiedemann. Some Monuments of Mont at Thebes 69-75 

P. le P. Renouf. Errata : Inscription at Kum-el-Ahmar 76 

Prof. Piehl. Errata: Textes Egyptiens Inedits ... ... 77 

Rev. H. G. Tomkins. Note on the Name Nepiriuriu in 

the Karnak Lists of Northern Syria ... ... ... 78-79 

Prof. A. H. Sayce. Pronominal Forms in Egyptian ... 80-82 

P. le P. Renouf. Remarks 82-83 

Dr. Karl Bezold. Two Inscriptions of Nabonidus ... S4-103 

February 5, 1889. No. lxxxi. 

P. le P. Renouf. Egyptian Phonology, I... ... ... 10 7- 115 

Rev. C. J. Ball. Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Parts VII and VIII 116-130 

Dr. C. Bezold. On Two Duplicates of the Babylonian 

Chronicle ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 131-13S 

Dr. Karl. Piehl. Sur le sens du groupe *^ A P I '^ •■• ^39~^4~ 
Rev. C. J. Ball. Note on the Wood called Ukarhia . . 143-144 
Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. Names of Stars in Babylonian 145-151 

March 5, 1889. No. lxxxii. 

P. le P. Renouf {J^resident). A Coptic Transcription of an 

Arabic Text ... ... ... ... ... ... 155-158 

Rev. C. J. Ball. Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Part IX 159-160 

The Cylinder 85, 4-30, British Museum. (8 Plates) 

F. L. Griffith. Notes on the Text of the d'Orbiney Papyrus 161-172 

Dr. Bezold. A Cuneiform List of Gods ... ... ... 173-174 

April 2, 1889. No. lxxxiii. 

P. le P. Kq\\ou{ {Fresideni). Parallels in Folk Lore. ... 177-189 

Prof. G. Maspero. La Reine Sitra... ... ... ... 190-194 

Rev. C. J. Ball. Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

X. The Cylinder A.H. 82-7-14, 1042, British Museum. 195-210 



Notes on the Cylinders 68-7-9, i (5 R- 34) -'ind A.H. 

82-7-14, 1042 [(A) and (B)] ,.. ... ... ... 211-218 

Prof. Karl Piehl. Notes de Philologie Egyptienne ... 219-226 

Dr. A. Wiedemann. Stelas of Libyan Origin ... ... 227 

F, L. Griffith. Notes on a Tour in Upper Egypt ... 228-234 

May 7, 1889. No. lxxxiv. 

Rev. A. Lowy. On the Origin of the Name Dameshek 

(Damascus) 237 

Rev. A. Lowy. The Elohistic and Jehovistic Names of 

Men and Women in the Bible ... ... 238-247 

Rev, C. J. Ball. Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

XL The Nin-Ma^ Cylinder 248-253 

Prof. Dr. August Eisenlohr. Egyptian Antiquities at 

Brussels 254-266 

Dr. A. Wiedemann. On the Legends concerning the 

Youth of Moses. Part I L 267-282 

Prof. Sayce. (Pronominal Forms in Egyptian.) Letter 

from Dr. Neubauer ... ... ... ... ... 283-285 

Dr. C. Bezold. Some unpublished Assyrian "Lists of 

Officials" 286-287 

June 4, 1889. No. lxxxv. 

Rev. G. W. Collins. 'Ashtoreth and the ' Ashera . . . ... 291-303 

Prof. Maspero. Quelques Termes d'Architecture Egyp- 
tienne 304-31 7 

Prof. Sayce. Greek Graffiti at Abydos 318,319 

Rev. C. J. Ball. Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the 

Great. Two Passages of Cylinder 85, 4-30, i 320-325 

Professor Sayce. The Cuneiform Tablets of Tel el- 

Armarna, now preserved in the Boulaq Museum ... 326-413 

F. L. Griffith. Notes on the Text of the d'Orbiney 

Papyrus ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 414-416 

Dr. A. Wiedemann. Texts of the Collection of Mr. Lee 417-421 

Dr. A. Wiedemann. Texts of the Second Part of the 

Eighteenth Dynasty ... ... ... ... ... 422-425 

Dr. C. Bezold. Some Notes on the " Nin-Mag " Inscrip- 
tion 426-430 

Rev. C J. Ball. Remarks on the Nin-Mag Inscription ... 431-433 


Kufic Gravestones. (2 Plates) : — 

Gravestone of Muhammad, son of Sabah, a.d. 904 -s 

Gravestone of Fatima, grand-daughter of Muhammad 

the dyer. a.d. 102 i 
Gravestone of Muhammad, son of Obaid- Allah, a.d. r 

1054 I 

Gravestone of Baraka. a.d. 1063 ... ... ... ^ 

Two Vignettes of the Book of the Dead 
Some unpublished Cuneiform Syllabaries. (8 Plates) : — 


Inscriptions of Nabonidus. (5 Plates) : — 

81, 7-1, 9. Col. I. Col. II 

85,4-30,2. Col. I. Col. II 

Col. Ill 

Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. (2 Plates) : — 

A.H. 83, I -18, 1338. Obverse Plate I ... -1 

A.H. 83, I -18, 1339. Plate II ... / 

An unpublished Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

The Cylinder 85, 4-30, i. British Museum. (8 Plates) 

D'Orbiney Papyrus ... 

A Cuneiform List of Gods. K. 2 1 00. Obverse and Re- 
verse. {2 Plates) ... 

































Notes on a Tour in Upper Egypt. (4 Plates) : — ■ 

Elephantine to Esh Shedidi. Plate I -> 

El Khannaq to Silsileh. Plate II i 

East Silsileh Shrine. Plate III f "^^^ 

East Silsileh Stela Plate IV J 

Some unpublished "Lists of Officials." 81, 2-4, 187. 
Obverse. Ditto Reverse. Rm. 2, 97. Obverse and 
Reverse. 82, 5-22, 526. K. 1359. Obverse and Re- 
verse. (5 Plates) ... ... ... ... 287 










First Meeting, 6th November, 1888. 

%:%— — 



Title and Contents. — Vol. X. 

Alphabetical Index. — Proceedings, Vols. I — X. 

F. i.F. P. ,Renouf (President) — On_ithe Values of the Sign ^, 

Vol. X, pp. 571-578 

6rH November, 1888. 

P. LE Page Renouf {President). — \% "^7?K (Gen. XLi, 43) 

Egyptian? The Thematic Vowel in Egyptian 5-10 

Prof. W. Wright, D.C.L., LL.D. — Kufic Gravestones n-14 

Prof. Sayce. — Babylonian Weight 15 

Dr. Bezold. — The " Woman's Language " of Ancient Chaldaea 16-17 
P. LE Page Renouf {President) : IVonominal Forms in 

Egyptian 18-21 




II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 

188 8. 

[No. Lxxvm.] 


II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



I, Part I 


















To Member 










































Vol. I, Session 1878-79 

II, , 



, 1880-81 


, 1881-82 


, 1882-83 


, 1883-84 


„ 1884-85 


„ 1885-86 


„ 1886-87 


, 1887-88 















To N 
























































A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may be 
obtained on application to the vSccretary, W. II. Rylands, F.S.A., 11, Hart 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



* y- 

^ V — ::;:;. 

^ I iiitiii 


•4^ - Jl- 

A<^ i^^MMM«aa«MPOTP?"<qHPi"|«^HiMMMPW9ii^ 

— ;^ -^ 


i^',-==^ - 


c^jf'^. d'^-- 







First Meeting, 6th November, 1888. 
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President, 


The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author : — Beauty Crowned ; or the Story of Esther, the 
Jewish Maiden, by Rev. I. N. Fradenburgh, Ph.D.; D.D., New 
York. 8vo. 1887. 
From the Author : — The Tale of the Two Brothers, by Charles 
E. Moldenke, A.M., Ph.D. Part I. The Hieratic Text. New 
York. 8vo. 1888. 
From the Author : — Studien zur Geschichte des alten Agypten, 
III. Tyros und Sidon, von Dr. Jakob Krall. Wien, 18S8. 8vo. 
Aus dem Jahrgange 1888, des Sitzungsberichte der phi). -hist. 
Classe der Kais. Akademie der Wissenschaftcn (cxvi Bd., 
I Hft., S. 631). 
From the Author : — Abwehr der Angriffe des Herrn Professor 

Eugene Revillout, von Dr. J. Krall. Privately printed. 1885. 
From the Author : — II Nabucodonosor di Giuditta, Disquisizione 
Biblico-Assira del P. Giuseppe Brunengo, D.C.D.G. Roma. 
8vo. 1888. 

Estratto dalla Civilta Cattolica, Serie XIII, vol. iii-x. 



From the Author :— A newly discovered Key to Biblical Chrono- 
logy, by J. Schwarz. 8vo. (Second Paper.) 
Reprint from the Bibliotheca Sacra. 1888. 

From the Author : — Tel-el-Amarna Thontafelnfund. Zum Isis- 
kult : von Dr. A. Wiedemann. 8vo. 1888. 
Jahrb. d. Ver. v. Alterthsfr. im Rheinl., Ixxxv. 

From the Author : — Die Ehe des Ptolemaeus Philadelphus mit 
Arsinoe II, von Dr. A. Wiedemann. 
From Philologus, N.F., Bd. I, i. 

From Dr. Wiedemann : — Heinrich Welzhofer, Allgemeine Ges- 
chichte der Altertums. 

Article by Dr. Wiedemann from 

From Dr. Wiedemann : — La sculpture antique, etc., par Adrien 

Article by Dr. Wiedemann from 

From the Author : — Aegyptische Geschichte von A. Wiedemann. 

Supplement. Gotha. 1888. 8vo. 
From Dr. Wiedemann : — Geschichte Aegyptens von Psammetich I 
bis auf Alexander den Grossen, etc., von A. Wiedemann. 

Article from the Revue Critique Internat., 1881. No. 2, by 
Prof. Felix Robiou. 
From Dr. Wiedemann : — Geo. Busolt. Griechische Geschichte 
zur Schlacht bei Chaironeia. 

xArticle by Dr. Wiedemann from 

From Dr. Wiedemann : — Hermann Schiller. Geschichte der 
romischen Kaiserzeit. 

Article by Dr. Wiedemann from 

From Dr. Wiedemann : — Le Roi Seta Merenphtah, par E. Naville. 

Zeitsch. f. Aeg. Spr., vol. xvii, p. 69, etc. 

From the Author : — Ernesto Schiaparelli. Cronaca Egiziana (anno 
1887-88) Scavi e Scoperti. Bubasti, Luqsor, Tell-el-Amarna, 
8vo. Firenze. 

Estratto dal Giorn. della Societk Asiat. Italiana, vol. ii, 1888. 

From the Author : — II Grande Papiro Egizio della Biblioteca 
Vaticana, by Cesare A. de Cara, S.J. 8vo. Roma, 1888. 
Estratto dalla Civilta Cattolica, Serie XIII, vol. x, quad. 912. 
16 Giugno, 1888, 



From the Author: — Die Geschichte von der Prinzessin Bentres 
und die Geschichte von Kaiser Zeno und seinen zwei Tochtern, 
von Dr. O. v. Lemm. 8vo. 1888. 

Tire du Bulletin (T. XXXTI, p. 473-476) de I'Acad. Imper. 
des Sciences de St. Petersburg. 
From the Author : — Die zwolfte Tafel des babylonischen Nimrod- 
Epos, von Paul Haupt. (9 plates.) 

" Sonderabdruck aus den Beitriigen zur Assyriologie, etc. 
Heft I, Leipzig 1888. 
From the Author : — Prof. Victor Revillout : — Actes Archaique^ 
de Sippara. Le Caillou du Berlin. 

Extrait du Numero I. Melanges Assyro-Babyloniens. FoHo. 
1888. Paris. 
From the Author : — Announcement of a proposed complete edition 
of the works of Edward Hincks, with a biographical intro- 
duction and portrait of the author. Presented on behalf of tlie 
Semitic Seminary of the Johns Hopkins University, by Dr. Cyrus 

From the Proc. Amer. Oriental Society, vol. xiii. May, 1888. 
From the Author : — Philippe Berger : Cylindre Perse avec legende 

Extrait de la Gazette archeologique de 1888. 
From the Author : — Le catacombe ossia il sepolcro apostolico dell' 
Appia, descritto et illustrato da Gio. Battista Lugari. Roma, 
fol. 1888. 
From the Author : — Relazioni di Inglesi col Governo Pontifico nei 
secoli xvi-xvii E. xviii, per A. Bertolotti. Pisi. 8vo. 1888. 
Estratti dal Giornale Araldico anno xv, N. 7 e 8. 
From the Author: — Die Kafa Sprache in Nordst-Africa, II, von 
Leo Reinisch. Wien. 8vo. 188S. 

Jahrgange 1888, der Sitz. der phil.-hist. Classe der K. Akkad. 
der Wissenschaften, cxvi Bd. i Heft, S. 251. 
From the Author : — A new rendering of the Hebrew Psalms into 
English Verse, etc. By Abraham Coles, M.D., LL.D. New 
York. 8vo. 1888. 
From John Holmes : — A Journal from Grand Cairo to ]\Iount 
Sinai and back again, by the Right Reverend Robert Lord 
Bishop of Clogher. Second Edition. London. 8vo. 1753. 

3 B 2 


From W. J. Haywood : — Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testa- 

tament, von Eberhard Schrader. Giessen. 8vo. 1872. 
From the Author : — Dr. Bezold. Die Thontafelsammlungen des 
British Museum. 
Sitzungsberichte der K. P. Akad. der Wissen. zu Berhn. 
No. xxxiii. 1888. 
From the Author: — Dr. Bezold. Fine Assyriche " Hemerologie." 

Zeitsch. fiir Assyriologie. B. III. H. 3. 1888. 
From the Author : — G. Maspero. Les Hypogees Royaux de 

Revue de I'Histoire des ReHgions. 1888. 
From the Author : — Eugene Revillout. Une Confrerie Egyp- 

Revue Archeologique. 1888. 
From the Author : — Eugene Revillout. Deux Contrats Grecs du 
Louvre, provenant du Faium. 

Annuaire de I'Association pour I'encouragement des Etudes 
From the Author : — Eugene Revillout. Reponse a la Critique. 

Revue Egyptologique. 18S8. 
From the Author : Eugene Revillout. Les Bilingues selon 
Revue Egyptologique. 1888. 

The following were nominated for election at the next 
Meeting on December 4th, 1888 : — 

Drouin Edouard, 15, Rue Moncey, Paris. 

Frank Haes, 28, Bassett Road, Notting Hill, W. 

Rev. Thomas Harrison, 38, Melrose Gardens, West Kensington 

Park, W. 
Rev. Ross C. Houghton, D.D., Portland, Oregon, U.S.A. 
Rev. J. A. Johnston, Kalamazoo, Michigan, U.S.A. 
Rev. William Macgregor, The Manor House, Bolehall, Tamworth. 
Dominique Mallet, 19, Rue Mazarine, Paris. 
Rev. Chauncey Murch, Luxor, Egypt. 
S. Schlechter, 8, Gascony Avenue, N.W. 
Leonard Bradbury Winter, 28, Montpelier Road, Brighton. 

To be added to the List of Subscribers : — 
The Theological Seminary, Princeton, N.J., U.S.A. 

Nov 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

A Paper by E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A., entitled, "The 
Tablets from Tel el-Amarna," was read by the Secretary. 

The following Paper was read : — 

IS 'ry'^nt^ (Gen. xli, 43) EGYPTIAN ? 


By p. le Page Renouf. 

We are told in the history of Joseph (Gen. xli, 43) that after 
Pharaoh had put the golden chain upon his neck, " he made him to 
ride in the second chariot belonging to him, and they cried before 

him "^-^n^." 

The last word in this passage has always been a sore puzzle for 
translators and commentators. No direct translation of it is given 
either in the Septuagint or in the Vulgate. The former of these 
versions has tKi'jpv^ev e/^nrpoadev uinou Ki'jpv^ ; the latter, " clamante 
prsecone ut omnes coram eo genua flecterent." The Targum of 
Onkelos interprets the word as signifying fc^37^P7 i^^^;^, " the king's 
father." This has been justified on the two-fold ground that "7"?. in 
Chaldee signifies king," and that Joseph told his brethren (Gen. xlv, 8) 
that " God hath made me for a father to Pharaoh." The Syriac 
version has |^.«AaO [d] , "father and ruler." The Samaritan trans- 
lation of the Pentateuch simply follows the Septuagint in this place, 

In the first edition of his Bible, Luther followed the Vulgate 
("dassmandie Kniee beugen soil"), but afterwards rendered the 
passage "dieses ist der Landesvater." His private opinion is quoted 
by Gesenius : " Was abrech heisse, lassen wir die Zancker suchen 
bisz an den jungsten Tag ! " 

The ditificulty of accounting for the grammatical form of the wortl 
has induced most modern scholars to look upon it as Egyptian, more 
or less altered to suit the Hebrew ear. There are some very obvious 
objections to this view, but I will here assume that the hypothesis is 
a perfectly sound one, and that the only question is, where we are to 
find an Egyptian word or phrase which can fairly be identified with 


Three conditions require to be satisfied in the solution of this 

1. The Egyptian word or expression must closely correspond 
to. its supposed Hebrew transcription. It would otherwise be much 
simpler to change ^"1^^^ into "THH- 

2. The expression must be genuine Egyptian, not an impossible 
form, such as <LYie DGK, or such others as were suggested before 
the language had been seriously studied. 

3. The sense as well as the sound of the expression must be 
suitable to the whole context of the narrative in which it occurs. 

Of all the solutions which have yet been proposed, that of Canon 

Cook in the Speaker's Commentary, 4 1 S^ a/)-rek, is the 

most perfect as regards sound and grammatical form. But what 
does it mean ? Does it satisfy our third condition ? Our learned 
Vice-President interprets it as meaning "Rejoice thou !" and quotes 
authority for this meaning. But this is not the real sense of the 
word. A/^ strictly signifies ' dance,' and it is only by an extension 
of this sense that it can mean 'dance with joy' or 'rejoice.' The 
Egyptian people might be called upon to dance with joy at the 
benefits conferred upon them by Joseph, but it may be doubted if 
Joseph could appropriately be called upon to dance, whilst he was 
driving in a chariot through the streets with Pharaoh. 

I have nevertheless met with a remarkable passage, in a hieratic 
papyrus lately acquired by the British Museum, which would fully 

justify the use of T 1 J?^ (though in a different sense from 

that advocated by Canon Cook) as a form of respectful salutation. 

The passage in question admits the following transcription in 
hieroglyphic characters : — 

f J ^ ^ P ^ i ^ ' \ f^ "^^ ''''' ''^'^'' ^'"^^'' ^''"'"^' 
and it is susceptible of different interpretations according to the drift 
of the context. We have not here to consider the sense of the words 
in the papyrus where they occur, but to enquire into their probable 
sense if addressed as a salutation to a person of distinction. 

The second part of the passage involves no difficulty. Taken 
optatively seufa hdii-k signifies " may thy limbs [or person] be pre- 
served sound ! " 



The first words T Jf i db re-k form a simple proposition 

in the indicative mood ; re-k being the subject of the verb ab. 

One of the commonest meanings of "Y* (strictly ' mouth ') is 
'word, command.' ' '^ bezeichnet/ says Brugsch,* "das was 
als Laut aus dem Munde hervorgeht, das Wort, der X0709, die Rede, 
der Ausspruch, Spruch. Ce qui sort de la bouche, la parole, le dis- 
cours, la sentence, etc." 

Besides the word ab 'dance' (properly followed by "^ as a 

determinative), there is the far more frequent ^ J ^ db signifying 

' thirst, want, desire, longing, love ;' 4" J cjf 1 therefore signifies 

"thy commandment is the object of our desire :" "we are," in other 
words, " at thy service ! " The Egyptian words express in the most 
concise form (though without any religious application) an idea 
similar to that of the Psalmist when he speaks of the judgments of 
God as more to be desired (□"'ITpHSn) than gold, nay than much 
fine gold." If we wished to translate "I love thy commandments 
above gold " (Ps. cxix, 127) the Egyptian words would be ^ \\> rF'^ 
I c>;;^\ dbu-d re-k er ?iub. 

The required solution is therefore undoubtedly lound if we can 
get over a little difficulty which still remains. 

We are right no doubt in transcribing ^ ^ 1 as db-rek, but 

does this transcription truly represent the Egyptian pronunciation ? 
It unfortunately does not. The Egyptian reader would supply a 
vowel which is not written, and pronounce the verb as dbu. As a 
matter of fact the vowel is written, though it need not have been 
written, in the Papyrus B. M. 10474 ; and the last word on the subject 
is that if ^T'nih^ may be admitted as standing for dbii-re-k, a perfectly 
satisfactory explanation has been found ; but if the insertion of a 

* Worterbtich,Y>.^A2>- Compare de Rouge, C/;rt'j-/'£iwa////V, § 186. The Hebrew 
nS is used in the same way. Joseph (Gen. xlv, 51) "gave them wagons according 
to the comntandinent CS"?!?) of Pharaoh." To "keep the king's comiimndntcut^' 
Eccles. viii, 2, is ibp' '^7?5"''£l. Cf. Ex. xvii, i; xxxviii, 21; Num. iii, 16 ; iv, 37 ; 
xiv, 41 ; Jos. i, 18 ; xv, 13 ; xvii, 4 and many other places. 



short u* is considered too violent a change of the text, the search 
after Egyptian equivalents had better be abandoned. We are not 
likely ever to meet a more eligible one than that which has been 

It would be wrong on this occasion not to call attention to the 
grammatical importance of the second vowel in the word d/^u. 

The Egyptians, as is generally well known, were in the habit of 
omitting vowels in writing, which were absolutely necessary for the 
pronunciation of a word and were supplied by the reader's familiarity 
with the living language. At the present day the only resource lies 
in making a complete index of all the forms which a word assumes 
in the different places where it occurs. We are compelled to trans- 
cribe D 1 I IJl /^ (^^i' until we find the scriptio plena Ak' ^^^ 

1 I Y^ I A^^ ^^^^'' ' ^^ really not at but ait ; v\ i w i 1 a^ Jt^ 

is V^ rm 1 [1(1 ci '^ usebity 

One of the unfortunate results of this defective mode of writing 
is that it has helped to conceal the highly important fact in Compa- 
rative Philology, that in the Egyptian language we have to recognize 
the existence n(jt only of words but of stems and roots. Egypto- 
logists do not, it is true, trouble themselves very much about such 
trifles, but they are ready enough to convert such phenomena as they 
encounter into props for hasty and altogether erroneous theories. 
One of the most favourite of these theories is that the final vowel of 
an Egyptian word ought to be read in the middle. This was a rash 
induction drawn by Lepsius at the beginning of his career from about 
half a dozen Egyptian words compared with their Coptic equivalents. 
On further acquaintance with the language Lepsius abandoned his 
theory, but it is still obstinately held by most Egyptologists, and it is 

* The reason for calling it a short, or rather tone-less ti, is that the accent is 
less likely to have been placed on it than on either of the radical syllables iib or re 
between which it lies. 

+ It is known to all who have carefully noted the vocalisation of Egyptian 
words, that masculine nouns in the singular number commonly end in ^, as the 
feminine end in '^ IJ ^^ . The Egyptian reader would therefore easily supply the 
missing vowels. 


Nov. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

through it that they still believe in such gods as Har and Turn. It 
is difficult to understand how the theory can be carried out in the 
numerous instances where a word is made up of a consonant between 
two vowels, like dhd or dhi, or of a consonant before two vowels. Is 
Q to be read x^d, when the full reading of it is ^Q^ [j(| xdil 

The true theory is plain enough to a disciple of Bopp. 

The final vowel in these words is a pronominal or demonstrative 
suffix through which, in the Egyptian as in the Indo-European lan- 
guages, the abstract notion expressed in the root is limited. The 
only formal difference between verbs on the one hand and nouns 
(substantive or adjective) on the other, is that the former necessarily 
have the additional pronominal suffix indicative of the person, when 
the subject is not otherwise expressed. 

tern as a root has the sense of closing ; "y^-"- v\ Tm-ii is the 

Closer. I ^^\ ne7n signifies repetition, | V\ Y\ J-P nemu is ' one 

who repeats, a reporter,' | f\ ^ ^ W^ nem-ic-d, ' I repeat.' In 

the same way from the Indo-European bhar ' bearing,' comes bhar-a 
'bearer,' bhar-a-ti 'he is a bearer;' from bhiid 'knowing,' bhoda 'a 
knowing one,' bhod-a-ii ' he knoweth.' 

In such forms as ^^=5 jA^ v -6 urt-u-k, <=r=> (In ^.^ per-i-f 

(not pir-f), o (1(1 ^«-. erfa-i-f, kjj v> (1(1 '^vwna Xau-i-tefi, the vowel 

preceding the personal ending fulfils exactly the same function as the 
corresponding vovvel in (pep-o-jiuu, ag-i-//iiis, \k^/-e-Tov. It is what is 
called the Thematic Voivel.'*' Many of the questions with which it is 
connected must remain without solution until all the necessary philo- 
logical data are catalogued and classified. 

* The existence of this thematic vowel has ahvays led me to doubt the value tu, 
assigned by M. de Rouge in his later writings to the signs A and a n It is quite 
true that we have frequent instances of ^ ^ Y^ y^-' ''"'^ '*" ''^^' V ^^^' ^'^'^ thcviatic 
vowel, as it most probably is, the root vovvel may be quite a different one. 

Even the remarkable instance c-^^'^ j ^ '^ g > J (Denkm. II, 105, /'), ' ihe 

putting into a box,' is of no force, for c-"=-^ y^ as a masculine noun as naturally 
ends with the suffix^ as g > J J^ tcb-it. 



One of the facts which at once attract attention is the concurrence 

of parallel forms like ^ — => [I [I ^^ and <r-^ v\ ^^^ , similar to the 

nominal or adjective forms. t We do not yet know to what exact 
extent this kind of parallelism was carried, and how far dialectic 
differences had to do with it. It would be very unwise to dogmatize 
as yet upon the subject, and it should be borne in mind that even in 
Greek phenomena of the same kind are to be found. "We find 
kvkXcui and kvkXow, pir^dw and pt<y6uj, existing side by side without 
essential difference of meaning. There are even cases when all 
three forms exist, as ffhtp'dw, aKijvew, aKijvow, all three good Attic, and 
with no definite variety of meaning." \ 

In different royal rings of the Emperor Domitian, both A and A D are used 

to spell the syllable ti, whether the vowel i be expressed or omitted, and this 
would agree with the Coptic '| which has the same signification. I am not 
aware that any other certain transcription has been discovered, unless we refer to 
the Heliopolitan father-in-law of Joseph, y"lB''t31D, the first part of whose name is 
unquestionably meant for the usual Egyptian a '^ n • I have usually adhered to 
the old reading ta, under the impression that the Theban form T"^*?.. was an 
older form than ^, which looks like a ' weakening ' of it. 

The most important variants are those of the geographical names ]T tf y> ©, 

^ ^ _p ® , or ^ ° g. Papyri of the best period give the forms ^^=>(]l] ^ ©, 

^ ° [|(] ^ ®, and ^ c-=^ [jl] g. The obvious inference is that 

t See "Pronominal Forms in Egyptian," Transactions, 1888, p. 257. 
X Curtius, The Greek Verb, p. 246, English translation. 

Nov. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

By Professor W. Wright, D.C.L., LL.D. 

I have the pleasure of describing for our Proceedings two more 
oriental gravestones, which have been brought to this country by 
Major D. S. Skirving, C. and T, Staff, Egypt. The one (no. I) this 
officer has most generously presented to our great national collection 
(an example which, I trust, may be followed by many) ; the other 
(no. II) remains in his own possession. 


(British Museum, No. 1044.) 

About 22^ in. in height by 12^ in breadth. Elegant flourished 
Kufi inscription, also on the border. Occasionally ornaments 
between the lines. 

^ S^\ {joj \j\, ^^jJ! J 

J^ ^ ^-^ UJ-^^ 
(*^Ij ^'^ L.5^J L^*^^ Xi-cs^o 

&j\—^ «-J ,1* . .JSM^.^- 



^ a\1\ ^s \^\i ^.^sW J . 

jj.£ J..^ j^\ i^»Ss:y 
**-.U <yi L5^J L5^ '^^♦^csj^ 

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Alerdfiil. " Verily 
those 10 ho say ' God is our Lord,' and then walk uprightly, the angels 
shall descend iipoti them (saying), ' Fear ye not, and be ye not grieved, 
Init rejoice ye in the Paradise which ye were promised'" (Kor'an, 
star, xli. 30). O God, bless "^ Muhammad the prophet and his family ; 
and ha7'e mercy upon Muhammad, son of ITasan, so?i of Ahmad, son 
of Ya'-kub, soti of ^Isa, son of Tarf. He died on Tuesday, in the 
middle of the month of the latter UabP, in the year 459 ( = a.d. 1067). 

On the margin, beginning at the top, and going down the left 
side, and then up the right, we read : 

j^J^l I J^J^Sl yb "i] cJl ^1 [read k^!l,] LJl- U<[i 

" God hath bortie witness that there is no god but He, and the 
angels and those possessed of knowledge, maintainitig justice ; there is 
no god but He, the Mighty, the Wise [Kor'an, sur. iii. 16]. And he 
(the deceased) testifieth that there is Jio god but Allah alone. He hath 
no companion." 

* In the Arabic text incorrectly ^Ls , instead of ^l^ , but this is the 
invariable spelling on these gravestones. " 

Nov. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [iSiS. 


About 19^ in. in height by 9^ in breadth. More cursive writing 
than in no. I ; rather carelessly engraved. Ornamental border, 
above and on both sides. 

v" c-^7 

Jx^ (sic) U^l (sic) [^^ ^ o 
Jl^ (sic) ^\ (sic) \,^i t_<l 5 

J Xi.5y< Jlj (sic) Sa^ Jl^ 
\ (sic) y\ t_<A,^ ^\ 

y u^jU;«^1 (sic) ^^\j^ ^ (sic) ^L: ^^ 

J c'd! ' iUjs- , cU Lc ^JJu,«.:^>. 1 5 

l1-^! J*^ ^l-^-J^ c_>JJl CSX>j 

^_J«^ *^U1 K^j-^ LliO 5 

^ [correctly M]^,^ d.CU^^ J\ 


-Lu^aj.) 1 ,, fJ t^^i 


/;/ ///^ name of God, the Compassionate, the Mei-ciful. '■'■Blessed 
be He who, if He please, can bestow on thee better than that, 
gafdetis beneath which rivers rim, and can bestow on thee pavilions'''' 
(Kor'an, sur. xxv. ii). O God, bless Muhammad* and the family 
of Muhammad ; and have mercy upon Thy servant who hath need 
of Thy mercy, Abu U-Hasan, son of Ahmad, f son of al-Hasafi, 
son of al-Husain, son of Ahmad, son of ^Ali, son of al-Hasan, son 
of al-Fadl, X son of Ismd'^il, § son of Siilaiman, \\ son. of Dei fid, 
al-Baghdadi. He died % on Thtirsday, in*''' the middle of the 
month of Sha^ban, in the year 535 (= A.D. 1141). The mercy of 
God and His forgiveness be upon him. 

* The initial letter of the Prophet's name is actually omitted on the stone ! 
t We should probably omit J and read Abu 'l-Hasan Ahmad. 

X Doubtful, as the letter which I have taken for ^ is more like a ii or a x, 
but neither of these is admissible. 

§ The engraver has omitted the initial \ , and had no room for the final jj.j 

II The engraver has omitted the m in this name. 

T[ The engraver has omitted the letter i. in ^ »^^ • 

** The stone has merely a figure like the letter . , which I have ventured to 
take as representing j (see no. I). 


Nov. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [iS88. 

Queen's College, Oxford. 

October 2-]/ /i, i8S8. 

Dear Mr. Rylands, 

The interesting weight described by Mr. Budge in the last 
number of the Proceedings will, I hope, be illustrated by Dr. Oppert 
out of the abundant stores of his metrological knowledge. What 
concerns me now is the name given in the Persian text to the 
equivalent of the Assyrian " two-thirds of a maneh and one shekel." 
Karsha is evidently the Sanskrit karsha, which is ordinarily given 
as a weight containing 280 grains Troy; the corresponding Persian 
weight, however, must have been considerably heavier. 

The " Protomedic " or Amardian equivalent should be read 
kur-sa-mn, the first character being Jr<, kur, and not ^, din. It 
is clear that kiirsaiim has been borrowed from the Persian karsha, 
like so many other technical words. 


Prof. Sayce, I am informed, is probably right in reading ku}--sa-7im. 
It may be remarked, however, that Mr. Budge gives neither Jr< nor 
*<_ , as Mr. Sayce implies, but ^^ which is found on the original 
document. The transliteration "no (?)" is taken, as Mr. Budge 
himself states on p. 466, line i, from Norris' Memoir in the Joiirjial 
of the Roy. As. Soc. ; see vol. xv, pt. i, p. 48, and cf. (ibid.) pp. 35 
and 201. 

W. H. R. 



The "Woman's Language" of Ancient Chald^a. 

London, November i\st, 1888. 
Dear Mr. Rylands, 

I am very glad to see from The Academy of the 17th inst. 

that Professor Sayce agrees with me in respect of my reading 

>-^]j^ ^ instead of >-^]j?y '^•^j with which, as he says, Dr. 

Dehtzsch's theory falls to the ground. 

I should like, however, to state once more the case of the 
supposed tuoman^s language^ and hope to show that no want of 
information has led me to my conclusions. Professor Sayce writes : 
" now, as every Assyriologist knows, the two ideographs erne sal 
signify 'the tongue or language of a woman,' and nothing else." 
I seriously doubt the correctness of this assertion. 

If we take the two ideographs separately, it is sufficient to look 
at p. 47 of Dr. Briinnow's List in order to see that '-^]V7 ^""^s, 
besides the meaning of lisam/, "tongue, language," also that of//, 
" mouth," and further that of a verb saqic sa mt, " to irrigate (said) 
of the water," and that of tdritii^ "pregnant" {cf. Haupt, S.F.G., 
p. 16, n. 2; p. 54; U.E.D.D.S.S., p. 521, n. i; Teloni, in my 
Zeits., 1885, p. 107).* For the different meanings of -^ I need 
hardly refer to my esteemed critic's Elementary Grammar, 2nd ed., 
p. 43 ;t to K. 4386 {i.e., W.A.I. II, 48), col. II ; to Rm. 604 
{i.e., W.A.I. V, 29, No. 6), &c. That -j^, when used ideo- 
graphically, has not always the signification of "woman," and of 
other substantives, but stands sometimes to express a verb, we might 
have concluded already from the proper name y '->^ i^ ^ y^ J^ 
on K. 326 {i.e., W.A.I. Ill, 48, No. i), where ■^, according to 
the variants given in Delitzsch's Lesestikkt, 2nd ed., p. 90, 1. 165, is 
an abbreviation of -^ ^y*-. 

* A glance at K. 38, i.e., the original document of the text published W.A.I. 
II, 19, No. 2, shows that Dr. Briinnow is right in doubting the correctness of 
>-^Jt^ f:yi = ili-Jia-lu. The sign in question is much obliterated ; it might be 

seen as *~^Tv7' ^'^'- '^ ^^y '^'-* ^''^^ans clear. 

t I will not discuss here the meanings of V^- as given there. 


Nov. 6] PROCEKDINGS. [1888. 

I think this shows well enough that we are unable, unless sup- 
ported by paraller passages or by some syllabary, to say that >-^]^-y 
and •jV mean " tongue, language " and " woman " respectively, 
"and nothing else."* 

Now for the compound ideograph. Can it really be proved 
that »-^y>^ -^ signifies " the tongue or language of a woman " and 
nothing else ? 

As to this, I may first call attention to the fact, that gram- 
matically nothing would prevent one from translating " woman (?) of 
an erne"; for ^ K>-^' "shade," is scarcely "wood of the night," 
but rather "night of the wood," "^ff^ Ki^T"*^ '•'' certainly not 
" head of an illness," but " illness of the head," nniriis qaqqadi. 
There are, however, several instances in favour of the usual trans- 
lation of '-^][p7 -J^- which are only waiting for a final proof from 
an Assyrian syllabary or other authority. 

But, is it not, in the second place, quite well known to "every 
Assyriologist," that in many compound ideographs none of the 
factors has kept its original signification or sound ? If Professor 
Sayce thinks it obvious that >-^][py -^ means " the tongue or 
language of a woman" and nothing else, he could not possibly 
object, if it was asserted that i^ ][BJ means "wooden garment," 
^ J^l " everything which goes," and so on. But we all know, 
from the syllabaries or from parallel texts, that the significations of 
these compound ideographs are quite different. 

The celebrated "re-christening" of the Chaldaean, Babylonian, 
and Assyrian kings has shown sufficiently the danger of such assump- 

I therefore venture to say that I must still agree with the writer 
in The Expositor, whose article, by the way, can hardly make the 
impression of that of a beginner, but rather of somebody, who knows 
the Assyriological literature quite well, and maintain, that of the true 
reading and meaning of >-^][pf -^ " we are just as ignorant as we 
were twenty years ago." 

Yours, (Sec, 

C. BEZOLl). 

* The comparison of '-^I^^'" | ][E| , etc. , does not give us any elucidation of the 
matter at present. 

17 C 



Dear Mr. Rylands, 

In the Presidential Address read this year before the Philological 
Society, Professor Sayce says (p. 35) that when he finds the Egyptian 
personal pronouns amik^ entu-k, enhc-s^ mm, te?m, seiiii, corresponding 
exactly to the Old Semitic anoki ; a)ifa{,-ka), su', si\-{d)nf/, anUim, 
sunn, he cannot resist the conclusion that some relationship must 
exist between Egyptian and Old Semitic, and he adds, in a note : 
" Mr. le Page Renouf's arguments against this conclusion in the 
Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Arc/icEolog)\ March, 1888, rest 
upon what I must be allowed to call an obsolete theory of roots. 
Years ago, in my Principles of Comparative Philology, I fancied I 
had effectually disposed of the theory, and the revolution brought 
about in Indo-European Comparative Philology by the ' Neo-Gram- 
marians ' has since deprived it of the support it was once supposed 
to find in the Indo-European languages." 

If Professor Sayce had simply said that he entirely disagreed with 
me, or that he thought me absolutely wrong from beginning to end, 
I should not have been surprised or have cause to complain ; but the 
elaborate and circumstantial statement contained in his note is of a 
very surprising character indeed. 

I have not discussed the "conclusion " in question, and for what- 
ever " arguments " against it may be derived from my essay on 
" Pronominal Forms in Egyptian " Professor Sayce's imagination is 
alone responsible. 

I have indeed (p. 262) argued against the assertion that the 
" Egyptian pronouns clearly belong to the Semitic family," but my 
argument has no connection whatever with any doctrine of roots. It 
" rests " upon the enumeration of the Egyptian personal pronouns in 
series, exhibiting their relationship to each other. I should have 
thought that every one, on looking at the table of series, would have 
agreed with Benfey as regards cnfu, that if there had been any 
borrowing it had been on the part of Semitic from Egyptian, and not 
the reverse. And this is clearly what Gesenius thought when he 
withdrew his first hypothesis upon the subject. 

It is no doubt quite true that I have in other parts of my essay 
assumed the truth of various philological hypotheses which Professor 
Sayce has long denied. But if every theory which he has protested 

Nov. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

against were really exploded, the whole structure of the Science of 
Language would be a mere ruin. He has no right to fancy that a 
theory is effectually disposed of when it continues, after his criticism, 
to be held by authorities of the highest eminence. 

The theory which he treats so contemptuously is, I suppose, 
that of the Pronominal roots and their agglutination, p. 249. If 
Professor Sayce had done me the honour to read me carefully, he 
would have found out that I was tolerably familiar not only with 
Bopp and Schleicher and other older scholars, but with the more 
recent literature of the science, even with Ludwig, and also with the 
" Jung-grammatiker." 

But the form of the theory which I gave is that contained in 
M. Breal's introduction to the French translation of Bopp's Grammar. 
M. Breal is one of the most eminent teachers of the Science of 
Language. He is not hostile to the " Jung-grammatiker " or to 
Professor Sayce, as may be seen from the Introduction which he 
wrote to the French translation of the Principles of Comparative 
Philology. The following extract will show that he was not con- 
verted by Professor Sayce's arguments against the " exploded " 

" L'auteur appartient .... plutot a la philologie semitique qu'a 
la philologie aryenne. C'est ce qui explique certaine inexperience 
at certains exces de hardiesse dans le maniement de I'etymologie. . . . 
Nous avons peine egalement a comprendre pourquoi il se prononce 
contre le systeme agglutinatif. De ce fait que la plupart des desi- 
nences ne ce laissent point ramener a des pronoms restes usites en 
grec en latin ou en Sanscrit, il croit pouvoir conclure que les 
racines pronominales sont un mythe. II admet alors, pour rendre 
compte de la grammaire de ces langues, un inflectional instinct, sur 
lequel il ne s'explique pas autrement, et qui ne resemble a rien de 
ce que I'experience a jamais permis de constater au linguiste. C'est 
retourner a la theorie de Fre'deric Schlegel, qui fait sortir, comme 
on I'a dit, la desinence du theme ainsi que la resine de I'arbre. La 
grammaire comparee n'est entree dans la voie du progr^s qu'k partir 
du jour ou elle a ecarte cette theorie. En dehors du systeme agglu- 
tinatif, on ne voit que I'arbitraire et la confusion."* 

You will, perhaps, ask me who are the " Neo-Grammarians," 
what is the revolution they have brought about in Indo-European 

* Sayce, Priiicipes dc Philologie Co/npanr, A\'ant rrojins, p. x. 



Comparative Philology, and how far does that bear upon the point 
of this letter? It would take a long time to answer the first two 
questions ; suffice it to say that the so-called " Jung-grammatiker " 
are a coterie of very learned scholars whose merits as such are 
universally acknowledged, but whose partisans assert for them claims 
at which the most friendly French scholars smile and Germans are 
indignant. It is truly laughable to see Englishmen talking like 
partisans in a foreign quarrel, arising in great part out of spite, 
jealousy and ill-breeding. The Science of Language has made very 
great progress since the days of Schleicher and Curtius, but both 
these scholars have most essentially contributed to its direction even 
on points where their opinions are no longer followed. The " Neo- 
Grammarians " have well borne their part in this progress, but only 
in conjunction with their contemporaries, Fick, Joh. Schmidt, Ascoli, 
Amelung, Begeman, Humperdinck, Verner, CoUitz, Bezzenberger, 
Schuchardt and others who might be mentioned.* 

On the very point where Professor Sayce appeals to these " revo- 
lutionists " against me, they refuse to answer. Their attitude is not 
hostile, but simply agnostic, and that for reasons which are quite 

Strictly confining their enquiries, as they profess to do, to the 
Indo-European languages, they can only recognize as " reine hypo- 
thetische gebilde" the forms in which others see primitive pronouns. 
But Brugmann tells usf " dass diese sufifixalen Elemente Pronomina 
sein konnen, bestreitet principiell wol keiner von uns Jiingeren." 
If he could find in the Indo-European languages proof of the actual 
existence of words like those which I quoted as being actually current 
in Egyptian speech, his doubts as to the origin of the suffixes would 
utterly disappear. 

I moreover mentioned an important criterion for distinguishing 
between Pronominal and Predicative Roots which the limits of the 
Neo-grammarian enquiries necessarily conceal from them, but which 
they could not otherwise but recognise. It is this, that in Egyptian 
as in Semitic, whereas two or more pronominal roots may enter into 
the composition of a word, predicative roots cannot be compounded 

* See V. Ilenr)' in the Revue C)-iti(jtie, 18S5, p. 135 ; Collitz, Die iieiieste 
Sprachforuhitng in Bezzenberger's Bcitriige, 1886, and various articles of Bezzcn 
berger and I'ick in the Gottiugische gclehiie AnzeJge)-. 

t Zitin I. cut i gen Stand der Sfrachwissensetiaft, \>. 119, 


Nov. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

An appeal to the " Jung-grammatiker " on a matter like this is 
therefore simply idle talk, and can only deceive the ignorant. 

But a reference to a work which I quoted (p. 249, note), by 
M. Dutens, " Sur Vorigme des exposafits castiels ett Sa7iscrit,^' which 
obtained the Volney Prize in 1884, will show that, even as regards 
the Indo-European languages, a theory absolutely identical with 
mine may be held by a writer who is thoroughly imbued with the 
teaching of Brugmann, Osthoff, Paul, and Leskien. 

I have, I think, sufficiently replied to the note of Professor 
Sayce, which, though small in compass, was as full of matter as an 
overloaded gun. The usual result of " explosions " under these 
circumstances is a sharp recoil upon the person who discharges the 
weapon. But there is a TrpwTov -ylrcuco^ at the bottom of these ex 
cathedra utterances. Why should Professor Sayce, who is so high 
an authority in Assyrian, Accadian, Vannic, and Hittite, persist 
in speculating about languages which others know, and which he 
does not? It is not so long since he discovered an Egyptian 
king " whose name makes it pretty clear that he belonged to the 
Xlllth dynasty."* Let him, if he can, find any Egyptologist who will 
back this remarkable discovery. In this Presidential Address he 
quotes six Egyptian personal pronouns, three of which no one has 
ever seen in any text, and the three others are not simple forms, 
as they should be for comparison with another language, but com- 
pound. M. Breal respects Professor Sayce as a Semitic rather 
than as an Aryan scholar, but I know what Semitic scholars think 
of his discovery that Joseph was " a deity worshipped by the older 
inhabitants of Canaan," because among the names inscribed at 
Karnak there are found "Yaqab-el, 'Jacob the God,' and Iseph-el, 
' Joseph the God ; ' " and what Breal, or Fick, or Brugmann, or 
Victor Henry, would think of a professor of Indo-European Com- 
parative Philology who should interpret Theophilos, or Philotheos, 
as 'the god Philo,' or Dorothea as 'the goddess Dora,' or ' Doro.' 

I am, dear Mr. Rylands, 

Very faithfully yours, 


* Procecdint;.^, 1SS5, P- '^S- 

Nov. 6] 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, 
Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 4th De- 
cember, 1888, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be 
read : — 

Dr. a. Wiedemann : — " On the Legends concerning the Youth 
of Moses." 

P. LE Page Renouf, President: — "Two Vignettes of the Book 
of the Dead." 

Nov. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [i88S. 


Subscriptions to the Society become due on the ist of January 
each year. Those Members in arrear for the current year are 
requested to send the amount jQi is. at once to the Treasurer, 
B. T. BosANQUET, Esq., 54, St. James's Street, S.W. 

Papers proposed to be read at the Monthly Meetings must be 
sent to the Secretary on or before the loth of the preceding month. 

Members having New Members to propose are requested to send 
in the names of the Candidates on or before the loth of the month 
preceding the meeting at which the names are to be submitted to 
the Council. On application, the proper nomination forms may be 
obtained from the Secretary. 

Vol. IX, Part 2, of the "Transactions" of the Society is in 
the press. Only a few complete sets of the "Transactions" of 
the Society now remain ; they may be obtained by application to 
the Secretary, W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A., 11, Hart Street, 
Bloomsbury, W.C. 

The Library of the Society, at 11, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, 
W.C, is open to Members on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, 
between the hours of 11 and 4, for the general business of the 

As a new list of Members will shortly be printed. Members are 
requested to send any corrections or additions they may wish to 
have made in the list which was published in Vol. VHI, Part 3. 

Members are recommended to carefully preserve their copies of 
the " Proceedings," as they will not be reprinted at the end of the 
Volume of " Transactions," and if lost can only be supplied at u 
charge for each Part, or for the Volumes. 



BOTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850. 

Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1866-1S69. 3 vols., folio. 

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. 

I— III (Brugsch). 
Recueil de Monuments Eg)'ptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par H. 

Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by DUmichen 

of vols. 3 and 4.) 
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867. 

■ 2nd series, 1869. 

Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 

GoLE.xiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c. , 1880. 

De Roug6, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. 

Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy. 

ScHROEDER, Die Phonizische Sprache. 

HAtrPT, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze. 

Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 

BURKHARDT, Eastern Travels. 

Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. {Text only.) 

Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. 

Le Calendrierdes Jours Fasteset Nefastes de I'annee lEgyptienne. 8vo. 1877. 

E. Gavet, Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 

Nos. I, 2, 3, Memoires de la Mission Archeologique Francais au Caire. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

Lefebure, Les Hypogees Royaux de Thebes. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

GuiMET, Annales du Musee Gumiet. Memoires d'Egyptologie. 

Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris." 

Lepsius, Les Metaux dans les Inscriptions Egyptiennes, avec notes par W. Berend. 

D. G. Lyon, An Assyrian Manual. 

A. Amiaud and L. Mechinealt, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 
Erman, Aegypten u. Ag}'ptisches Leben im Altertum. 
2 parts, Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 
RoBlOU, Croyances de I'Egj-pte a I'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egyyjtc et sur le chronologic des Lagides. 

POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. 

IRecocbs of the past 





New Series. Edited by Professor Sayce, who will be assisted in the 
work by Mr. Le Page Renouf, Prof. Maspero, Mr. Budge, Mr. Pinches, 
Prof. Oppert, M. Amiaud, and other distinguished Egyptian and Assyrian 

The new series of volumes differs from its predecessor in several 
respects, more especially in the larger amount of historical, religious, and 
geographical information contained in the introductions and notes, as well 
as in references to points of contact between the monumental records and 
the Old Testament. Translations of Egyptian and Assyrian texts will be 
given in the same volume. 

Crown octavo ; Cloth. 4^-. 6c/. Volume I now ready. 

Samuel Bagster & Sons, Limited, 15, Paternoster Row, London. 


CTbe Bcon3e ©vnameiits of the 
IP^alace 0ates from Balawat. 

[Shalmaneskr II, B.C. 859-825.] 

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance wifh the terms of the original prospectus, the price for 
each part is now raised to ^i los. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
price) ^11^. 

Society of Biblical Archeology. 

COUNCIL, 1888. 

President : — 
P. LE Page Renouf. 

Vice-Presidents : — 

Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter. 

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c. 

The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c., Bishop of Durham. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Ban., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. 

Very Rev, Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury. 

Coiinril : 

W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P., &c. 
Rev. Charles James Ball. 
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. 
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. 
Arthur Gates. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. 
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 

Rev. Albert Lowy. 

Rev. James Marshall. 

F. D. Mocatta. 

Alexander Peckovek, F.S.A, 

J. Pollard, 

F, G. Hilton Price, F.S.A, 

E. TowRY Whyte, M.A, 

Rev. W. Wright, D.D. 

Honorary Treasurer — BERNARD T. Bosanquet. 

Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Co7'respondence — Prof. A. H, Sayce, M,A. 

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 


VO L. XI. Part 2. 







Second Meeting, ^^th December, 1888. 




P. i.E P. Renouf [Prcsidciil). — Two Vignettes from the Book of 

the Dead. (Plate) 26-2S 

Dr. A. Wiedemann. — On the Legends concerning tlie Voutli of 

Moses 29 43 

Dr. C. Bezolu. — Some Unpublislied Cuneiform Syllabaries. 

(S Plales) 44-54 




II, HAirr Street, Bloomshurv, W.C. 

188 8. 

[No. LXXIX.] 

II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 





) Me.mueks. 

To NoN- 



.-. d. 

I, Part I 



12 6 

I, , 

, 2 



12 6 

II, , 

, I 


10 6 

II, , 

, 2 


10 6 

ill, , 

, I 


10 6 

III, , 

, 2 


10 6 

IV, , 

, I 



12 6 

IV, , 

, 2 



12 6 

V, , 

, I 




V, , 

, 2 



12 6 

VI, , 

, I 



12 6 

VI, , 

, 2 



12 6 

VII, , 

, I 



10 6 

VII, , 

, 2 



12 6 

VII, , 

' 3 



12 6 

VIII, , 

, I 



12 6 

VIII, , 

, 2 


6 . 

12 6 

VIII, , 

, 5 



12 6 

IX, , 

7 I 



12 6 



I, Se 




2 6 




2 6 


1 880-8 1 



























r.u-i .. 2 ^ 





2 6 


1887-88 I 




6 ,, 

12 6 


18S8-89 ] 





2 6 

A few complete sets of the Transactions stil remain or sale, which may be 
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. M. Ryi.ands, F.S.A., 11, Harl 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 





It has been suggested to me that notwithstanding the 
clearness with which it is stated on the cover of the 
PROCEEDINGS, November, 1888, some error may arise 
in binding the Contents. 

I must therefore point out that the Title, Contents, 
Alphabetical Index, and pages 571-578, should be bound 
in Vol. X ; all the rest of the number, including the plate, 
forms the commencement of Vol. XI. 


N.B.— :The Plate illustrating the Paper by the President 
in this Number, December, 1888, will be issued in January. 

Cyrus dans les monuments assyriens, par A. Delattre, S. [. 

The Views of the Babylonians c 
Cyrus Adler. 

[No. LXXIX.J 2% 

The Views of the Babylonians concerning Life after Death by 
Cyrus Adler. ' 


II, Hart Street, Bloomsburv, W.C. 


,n ivt To NON- 

ro Memheks. Membeks. 

s. d. s. d. 

Vol. I, Part I lo 6 12 6 

A few complete sets of the Transactions stil remain or sale, which may be 
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. 11. Ryi.ands, F.S.A., II, Harl 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 







Second Meeting, \th December^ 1888. 
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President, 



The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author : — Les travaux hydrauliques en Babylonie, 
par A. Delattre, S.J. 8vo. 

Extrait de la Revue des Quest. Sclent. Oct., 18S8. 

L'Exactitude et la critique en histoire d'apres un assyriologue, 
Reponse a M. Sayce, par A. Delattre, S.J. 8vo. 
Extrait du Museon, 1888. 

Encore un mot sur la geographic assyrienne, par A. Delattre, S. J. 

Extrait de la Revue des Quest. Scient. Avril, 18S8. 
Cyrus dans les monuments assyriens, par A. Delattre, S. ]. 

The Views of the Babylonians concerning Life after Death, by 
Cyrus Adler. 

[No. LXXIX.J 23 D 


From F. LI. Griffith : — ^Bibliotheca Orientalis. 8 vols., 1876 to 

1882. 8vo. 
From F. G. Hilton Price, An Egyptian Reading Book, Compiled 

by E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. 8vo. 188S. 

The Secretary read the following letter, which he ex- 
plained had just been received by him, with a map, &c. 

Some explanatory remarks were made by Mr. Thomas 
Christy, and a vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Cope 
Whitehouse for the map and printed explanations. 

10, Cleveland Row, St. James's, S.W. 
Sir, December '~,th, 18S8. 

I have great pleasure in offering to the Society of Biblical 
Archaeology the latest map of the Raiyan depression — with an 
explanatory paper. Although this map is autographed by me. it is 
in all respects official. It is largely a reduced copy of the official 
map, prepared from independent surveys by engineers in the em- 
ployment of the Egyptian Government. It has also received in its 
present form the authoritative approval of Colonel Western, Director- 
General of Works, and Major Ross, Inspector-General of Irrigation. 
The accompanying paper, also, is largely abstracted from official 

I may venture, Sir, to present to you my congratulations on this 
final proof that you were justified in extending to me the prompt 
and effective aid which greatly encouraged me at the outset. It was 
a serious responsibility which you assumed, and there should be 
corresponding credit. I have also to thank the Council for the 
facilities which have been afforded me for publication — and to the 
President for the removal of the obstacle interposed by the erroneous 
interpretation of the Bulaq papyrus No. i. 

I am, Dear Sir, faithfully yours. 

Cope Whitehouse. 

The following were nominated for election at the next 
Meeting on January 8th, 1889 : — 

Rev. J. Burleigh, Colvill Galgorm, Mount Pleasant Road, Hastings. 
jSIiss Giovanna Gonino, 57, Charhvood Street, Pimlico. 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

Sir J. William Dawson, C.M.G., LL.D., F.R.S., McGill University, 

Montreal, Canada. 
Dr. A. G. Paterson, South Lodge, Ascot, Berks. 
Harry J. Lewis, 34, Leinster Gardens, Hyde Park, W. 
Miss Weatherall, 2, Park Place Gardens, Maida Hill. 

The following were submitted for election, having been 
nominated at the last Meeting on November 6th, 1888, and 
elected Members of the Society : — 

Edouard Drouin, 15, Rue INIoncey, Paris. 

Frank Haes, 28, Bassett Road, Netting Hill, W. 

Rev. Thomas Harrison, 38, Melrose Gardens, West Kensington 

Park, W. 
Rev. Ross C. Houghton, D.D., Portland, Oregon, JJ.S.A. 
Rev. J. A. Johnston, Kalamazoo, Michigan, U.S.A. 
Rev. William MacGregor, The Manor House, Bolehall, Tamworth. 
Dominique Mallet, 19, Rue Mazarine, Paris. 
Rev. Chauncey Murch, Luxor, Egypt. 
John Grubb Richardson, MoyoUon, Ireland. 
S. Schechter, 8, Gascony Avenue, N.W. 
Leonard Bradbury Winter, 28, Montpelier Road, Brighton. 

To be added to the List of Subscribers : — 

The Theological Seminary, Princeton, N.J., U.S.A. 

A Paper was read by P. LE PAGE Renouf {President) : — 
" Two Vignettes of the Book of the Dead." 

Remarks were added by Dr. Gaster, S.E.B., Bouverie-Pusey, 
Rev. C. J. Ball, Rev. A. Lowy, Rev. Dr. Walker. 

A Paper by Dr. A. Wiedemann, entitled, " On the 
Legends concerning the Youth of Moses," was read by the 

Remarks were added by Rev. J. Marshall, Rev. A. Lowy, Dr. 
Inglis, Dr. Gaster, and the President. 

Thanks were returned for these communications. 

D 2 


Two Vignettes from the Book of the Dead. 
By p. le Page Renouf. 

The newspapers have already given some account of a magni- 
ficent papyrus recently acquired by the British Museum, and as it 
will, I trust, very shortly be published in fac-simile, a detailed 
description will not be necessary at present. The person for whom 

it was written is called V\ LL M?>? A?ii, and his title was 

'lA I ^^^/vvA I I I "Scribe of the Sacred Revenue of all 

'^Q^ D I I ! I I I I 

the gods." This appears to be ident'cal with an office which in the 

Egyptian hierarchy, according to the Hood Papyrus, took pre- 
cedence of the y^, "prophets," and | [1 ^, "sacred 

fathers." The time at which he lived appears to me to be that of 
the XlXth dynasty, and one of the religious texts contained in the 
papyrus is found on a tablet dated the 45th year of Rameses II. 
The papyrus itself came from a Theban tomb. 

There are several texts here which are not usually found in 
copies of the Book of the Dead, and among them is the " Chapter 
of not dying a second time," which M. Naville has numbered 175. 
Our text, though complete in itself, is unfortunately much shorter 
than that published by M. Naville from a papyrus at Leyden. 

Of these additions to the Book of the Dead I shall only mention 
two, as being highly interesting. 

Chapter 18 has an introduction made by two priestly personages, 
vested with the panther's hide, the m ^ a\ a ;^ (^An-Mdf-ef), and 
the ^^ <n> {Semerif, "loving son") who bring the deceased and 
his offerings to the divine powers ( A ft 1 y> ^ I j fat'astt) of 
Helio[)olis, Tattu, Seshem, and other places. The Antnatef says, 
" I come to you, ye mighty powers, who are in heaven, on earth, 
and in the nether-world, I bring to you the Osiris Ani, who is 
without reproach in respect to all the gods, that he may be with you 
for ever ! " 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [188?. 

The Se/f/eriy S3.ys, "I come to you, ye divine powers, and I brinii; 
to you the Osiris Ani ; let him have bread, water, air, and an allot- 

mentf xJx. , se// ) in Sechet-hotepit, hke the followers of Horus." 

At the Psychostasia the great company of gods attached to Toth 
(that is the forty-two assessors) say, "That which proceeds from 
thy mouth is right and true. The Osiris Ani is without sin (-r 
reproach as regards us, let it not be permitted that the Devourcr 

rA ^\ '^ )a>\ ' ^^'"'■'""■'f) should seize upon him, but l.t 

(- ^ . 

there be given to him the cakes which are displayed in presence of 
Osiris, and permanent allotment | n N^ 7J77^ , seh men) in Sechet- 
hotepit, like the followers of Horus." 

The 'Devourer of the Dead' appears for the first time in tlu- 
Papyrus of Hunefer (B.M. 9901), who was in the service of Seti I. 
The earlier papyri are far less richly illustrated with vignettes than 
those of the nineteenth and later dynasties. But the vignettes of the 
Papyrus of Ani are not only extremely beautiful, but full of interest 
and importance for the information they conve}^ The two exampk-s 
upon the plate which accompanies this note will show what I mean. 
They are both taken from the Vignettes, of the seventeenth chapter. 

These Vignettes, which occur on so many funereal papyri, ha\e 
given rise to much conjectural speculation. 

The most instructive authority as yet as to the nature of tl e 
Gate in fig. i is the Dublin Papyrus (D. a of M. Naville), in whu h 
the folding doors are open and the sun is seen passing through. 
In the Papyrus of Hunefer (A. g.) the doors are also open and the 
god sits between them. On the Papyrus of Am the name of tie 

gate is written ^ ^ Jie-sfaii, a well known mythological 

» I -^ r^^-^ •' '^ 

name, literally signifying, "gate of the funereal passages," but witli 
an extension of meaning applied both to the earthly burial place an i 
to a region in the netherworld in which Osiris presides in company 
with Isis and Horus. 

The second example (fig. 2) is still more interesting. The two 
male lions, seated back to back, with the sun rising out of the " solar 
mount," and surmounted by the symbol oi the sky, are not to be 



confounded with the Lion-pair Shu and Tefnut. Hitherto our best 
guides as to the meaning of this vignette have been the Papyrus of 
Queen Net'emet (belonging to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales), and 
the Papyrus of Kenna (Leyden, a). In the latter each of the lions 
has the Sun-disk upon his head, and Isis and Nephthys kneel on the 

right and left. They remind one of the later sign [T ^^ , repre- 
senting the dawn of day. In the former king Herhor kneels before 

one of the lions, the legend being "^ Vfj / <z^:^ tua-f 

Ra em peri-f, "he worships Ra at his rising." But why should there 
be two lions, each representing the sun ? This is explained by the 
Papyrus of Ani. By the side of one lion is written 1 „ sef, 

"Yesterday," and by the side of the other >'c^\ ^^ tuau, 
"the Morrow." 


This is the pictorial illustration of the sacred gloss 

^^'^.cL^'^^^ ^1°^' "^''''^ '' Yesterday, 
Ra is the MorrowP Osiris is the sun which set yesterday and has 
risen again as Ra. 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1^88. 


Part I. 
By Dr. A. Wiedemann. 

Orientalists as well as historians and theologians have commenced 
again of late to explain Biblical passages with the help of Jewish 
traditions, and tried even to obtain new historical facts by it. It 
is indeed very surprising to see how sometimes names and facts, 
only recently made known to us by monuments, are already to be 
found in these writings ; but they contain as well heterogeneous and 
erroneous notices. In order to judge of the real value of this litera- 
ture I worked through the writings bearing on one period, the results 
of which may help in the verification of other periods. Parts of 
these studies, which may be of interest to the readers of the Prc- 
ceedings, I intend to give in the following pages. 

The lively interest which the Jews took in their great national 
heroes did not die out with the conclusion of the Old Testament 
canon. As direct information to complete the Holy Writings was 
wanting, the endeavour was made to draw always new conclusions 
from the words and modes of expression, and to obtain new facts by 
comparing different portions. Naturally results obtained by such 
means are of very little importance to history, all the more so as we 
are still at the present time able to follow their bold and far-fetched 
combinations : but the material is very interesting in assisting us to 
obtain a knowledge of the lines of thought among the learned of the 
Palestinian and Alexandrian Jews, We find besides stories directly 
in connection with the Old Testament, and even taken out of it, 
another series of independent reports trying in a fantastical and 
rhetorical way to fill up the chronological gaps in the Sacred 
History, and thus differing greatly from the calm and measured style 
of the first stories. It is the Hellenistic influence from Alexandria 
which we find here in the Jewish writings, and especially in the 
biographies of biblical persons. Most of all, the life of their founder 
and favourite hero Moses, principally of the young Moses, offered a 
wide field for extravagant combinations, the historical facts being 
but few and insufficient to fill u[) a period of about 40 years. 



Besides, his youth having been passed in Eg)'pt, there was a fair 
chance of interweaving it with Egyptian history, and by making use 
of the knowledge of Egyptian manners and customs, to enliven and 
enrich the story, giving it, at the same time, a more truly historical 
form than could be added to other traditions preserved in the heart 
of the small country of Palestine. Thus the number of legends and 
tales glorifying Moses grew from century to century; the orthodox Jews 
liked to show how Moses was their predestined chief sent by God, 
la-.v-giver and prophet from his earliest youth ; while the Hellenistic 
Jews laid the greatest stress on Moses' Egyptian education, culture 
and political influence at court. These two elements are mixed up 
and often worked together, as well in the Talmudic, Rabbinic and 
Mohamedan writings as in the Hellenistic historians and commen- 
tators from Artapanos down to Josephus and Philo. 

In this first part I shall consider some of these legends and 
exegetic notices — those relating to the first chapter of Exodus — with 
the help of the Biblical verses, not in order to show Moses' life in 
the light of the Jewish tradition, as Beer did (Leben Moses ; Leipzig, 
1863), or to give the translation of one Midrasch — the form of these 
treatises being known to the readers by the learned articles of 
Rev. Loewy, especially by his interesting translation of the Legend 
on the Death of Moses {Proc, IX, p. 40, sqq.), but to explain clearly 
by an example how the tradition developed. 

Verse 6. As Joseph was dead and all his brothers and all who lived 

at the time. 

The Jews lived, according to Exodus xii, 40, for 430 years in 
Egypt, as in Genesis xv, 13 (from here Act. Apost., vii, 6) God 
prophesied 400 years of oppression to them. In Genesis xv, 16, it 
is said that the sojourn lasted four generations, and in Exodus, vi, 
16 — 20, that the great grandfather of the man who emigrated had 
entered Egypt. Here the generation must have been estimated 
as 100 years. Josephus does the same when he states (Ant., II, 9, i, 
Bell. Jud., V, 9, 4 ; r/; Hitzig, Geschichte Israels, I, p. 62) the stay of 
the Jews to have been 400 years. 

The later commentators thought the number 400 too high, and 
already the LXX add to the number 430 years (Ex. xii, 40) " lasted the 
residence in Egypt and Kanaan." Similarly the Talmud means that 
the 430 years ought not to be counted from the Exodus, but from 
Isaac's birth. According to the Talmud the LXX (Wunsche, Jerus. 
Tal., p 166) had undertaken their change in the original text for 


Dec. 4] . PROCEEDINGS. [18S8. 

King Ptolemaeus. So we have here one of those passages where the 
translators intentionally made the text differ from the original in 
order not to offend the Egyptian sovereign, as they did for example 
in the list of unclean animals, where the hare (lagos) was omitted, 
because the royal ancestor bore the name of Lagos. 

The older Rabbins hesitate between 210 and 215 years [cf. 
Pirke Rabbi Elieser, c. 48). The Seder 01am Rabba (about 
170 A.D.) takes 210 years; Jochebet is said to have been 130 years 
old at Moses' birth, and to have been born herself directly after 
the arrival in Egypt. Also the fixing of the date of Pharaoh's 
dream about Moses in the year 130 after the Eisodus (Midrasch, fol- 
51), has been occasioned by similar calculations. Josephus (Ant, II, 
15, 2) puts the Exodus 215 years after Jacob's arrival in Egypt, 
though this date quite contradicts the rest of his chronological system. 
Undoubtedly he took the number from the rabbinic traditions, which 
often strongly influenced him, and not as Bloch (Quellen des 
Josephus, p. 57 ; Freudenthal Studien, p. 49) supposes from De 
metrius, who also (Euseb. Prcep. ev. IX, c. 29) names 215 years 
He counts thus : Jacob in Egypt till Kehat's birth, 17 years ; Kehat 
till Amram's birth, 40 years; Amram till Moses' birth, 78 years; 
Moses till the Exodus, 80 years.*) But Demetrius follows here 
only the older rabbinic ideas, and is not to be looked upon as 
authority. Josephus, in another place, estimates (c. Ap., I, t^t^) the 
generation to 2)Zh years, as the Greeks (p. ex. Herodotus II, 142) 
ordinarily do, adds 30 years, and gets thus 170 years for the so- 
journing in Egypt. 

Verse 7. The Jews increased and had many children, and increased 
and became many, so that the country was filled. 
The older Greek commentators of the Old Testament have 
simply taken over this part of the text, or amplified it a liitle, as 
Josephus (Ant. II, 9, i), who remarks that the Jews had increased 
greatly in number, in riches and power, on account of their activity 
and virtue. Philo (Vit. Mos., p. 603) thinks that on account of the 
great increase of the Jews, the Egyptian king had feared a war for 
the mastery between his people and the strangers later on when 

* Salomo, Apis, p. 35, counts : Levi was 46 years old at Kahatlvs birth, 
Kahath 63 years at Amram's liirth, Amram 70 years at Moses' birth. Newer 
views of the numbers 430 and 215, cf. Kuriz, Gesch. des alten Bundes, II, p. 
14, sqq. 



they had become more powerful and numerous {cf. Exodus i, 10). 
The Rabbins thought it necessary to detail the manner of the increase. 
The Schemot Rabba (transl. Wiinsche, p. 5 5-^.) relates that some 
Rabbins supposed that each Jewess gave birth to six children at once 
{cf. Jarchi, ad v., 7), others spoke of twelve and even of seventy. 
As a natural consequence the country was filled with them, as R. 
Nathan says, " like as with rushes." Aben-Ezra is less extravagant 
in his notices to this subject, he gives only two, three, or four children 
at one birth to the Jewish women. 

It is very strange that the number 7 is not found among all these 
opinions, while we find in the classic literature the declaration 
(Trogus in Plinius, Hist. Nat., 7, 3) that there had been in Egypt 
births of seven children at once. Also other ancient writers (Aristot. 
Hist. Anim., 7, 4, 5, Columella, de re rustica, 3, 8) speak of the 
great fertility of the inhabitants of the Nile valley, and attributed it to 
the Nile water (Strabo, 15, p. 695 ; yElian, Hist. Anim., 3, 33; Plin., 
Hist. Nat., 7, 3; Seneca, Qusest. Nat., 3, 25).* 

Verse 8. Then came a new king in Egypt, who knew nothing 
of Joseph. 

While the old exegitic writers quietly accepted this fact, and 
Josephus (Ant., H, 9, i ; cf. Philo) only remarks that Joseph's merits 
had been by degrees forgotten, the later authors thought it very 
improbable that any later sovereign should not have known such 
an important man as Joseph. So they declare that the king only 
feigned not to know Joseph (Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 6 sq., 
Jarchi ad v. 8. Schumann, Vita Mosis, p. 30, and Keil, Biicher 
Mosis, I, p. 313, followed them). Others supposed the king had 
not obeyed Joseph's prescriptions (Onkelos), and not lived according 
to them (Jonathan and Hierosolym. paraph.), or finally that the king 
did not like Joseph (Bar-hebraeus ad Exodus, I, 5, who calls the 
Pharaoh, Phalamthiosi). 

The expression tZ^IH 'n'PD "a new king," is connected with the 
above interpretation. Josephus, II, 9, i, had accepted, like Arta- 
panus (Euseb., Praep. ev. IX, 18) and Rab (Sota iia), the theory 
that the king belonged to a new dynasty. Josephus' opinion had 
also great importance in after times. Not only the Syrian Exodus- 

* Later notices about the fertility of the Eg}-ptians were collected by Rosen- 
miiller, Altes und neues Morgenland, I, p. 252. 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

Commentar of Jacob of Edessa {cf. Wiseman, Horse Syriacai, I, 
p. 266 sq.) has followed it, but also numerous later scholars (Cook, 
The Holy Bible, I, p. 250, Knobel, Exodus, p. 3 ; Kurtz, Gesch. 
d. alt. Bundes H, p. 24 sq. ; Schumacher, Handb. d. heil. Gesch., I, 
p. 140; Schumann, Vita Mosis, p. 28. These latter take the king 
for a Hyksos.). Ewald (Gesch. des Volkes Israel, IH, p. 17) has 
contradicted this hypothesis most decidedly, and Hengstenberg 
(Biicher Moses und Aegypten, p. 267) means that the king was 
called " new " because he did not know Joseph, and that this dis- 
regard of Joseph's merits marks the turning point between the old 
and the new empire. This last hypothesis is also not a new one, 
though the Targum (Jon. and Jer. ; Dillmann, Ex., p. 3 ; Keil, 
Bibl. Commentar liber d. Biicher Mosis, p. 312) thinks the ex- 
pression UJin had been chosen to design at the same time the 

T T 

reorganisation that began with the king. Just like the moderns, the 
Rabbins were uncertain whether the king was called " new " because 
he was really a new one — as Rab means — or on account of his new 
laws — as Samuel opinions ; the latter being founded on the fact 
that the Bible does not say "he died" and a new king reigned. 
(Sota, p. 225 sq.; Schemot Rabba, p. 6; Jarchi ad v., 8.) The 
Jewish tradition tried to detail the story and person ot this Pharaoh 
{cf. Sota, p. 230) ; one notice is of interest, where some think him a 
descendant of the Amalekitic race. In the Book of the Jubilees, 
cap. 47, is told how he had a conflict with Menkeron, ruler of 
Kanaan and Assur, and was beaten by him. The Arabic tradition 
gives Pharaoh the name of Valid (Herbelot, Bibl. Orient., JI, 
p. 744 f ), and says that his wife Assiah was Amram's niece, and 
explains thus Amram's important position at the Egyptian court. 

Verse 9. And he spoke to his people. 
The Bible relates the suppression of the Jews without informing 
us if the king acted thus of his own free will or by the counsel of 
his court. In consequence the opinions of commentators are at 
variance. Some (Sota, p. 226; Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 7) 
assume that Pharaoh was most to blame, and that therefore the 
divine punishment reached him the first. The Jelammedenu 
(fol. 23, col. 3, ; Sota, p. 230; Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 6) has 
quite a contrary opinion. Pharaoh first opposed himself to his 
people when they oppressed the Jews; but the Egyptians dethroned 
him, and he had to live three months as a private individual. After 



that time he regauied his throne, and was then ready to obey his 
people's wiU. Others take the middle course between these two 
series of legends ; they make Pharaoh a tyrant by advice of his 
counsellors, of whom several names are cited (Sota, p. 227 ; Midr. 
Jalkut ad 2 Mos. cap. i, § 162, and ad cap. 2, § 168), thus : — 

Balaam, who advised him, and was killed afterwards (cf. Numbers 
xxxi, 8). 

Job, who remained silent, and was stricken by plagues. About 
the time of Job's living the Rabbins disagree (Sota, p. 231 sq. ; 
Wiinsche, Jerus. Talmud, p. 224), but Rabbi Ismael concluded, by 
comparing Ex. ix, 20, with Job i, i, that Job was one of Pharaoh's 
servants, and ranked high in his family (Wiinsche, 1.1.). 

Jethro, who fled when the council took place, and was, therefore, 
not an accomplice; his children even were rewarded for it afterwards. 
According to the book de Vita Mosis, p. 12 sq., Balaam had advised 
that hard work should be given to the Jews, as they would not 
succeed in destroying the people on account of their cunning, known 
by biblical examples. Jethro opposed to this, and stated that God 
always punished those who oppres^ed the Jews. Pharaoh, indignant 
at these words, ordered Jethro immediately back to his province. 

The Koran mentions other councillors of the king : Hainan 

l^A.♦J^ (Sure 28, 5, 7, 38; 29, 38; 40, 25). This Haman was 
assuredly only named here because Mahomet had heard him called an 
enemy to the Jews. The later, and really biblical Haman, has another 

name with the later Arabs, who call him ^u/«^^ (c/- Geiger, Was hat 
Muhammed, etc., p. 156). 

Korali ^, ,li (Sure 29, 38 ; 40, 25). Already earlier than the 
Koran this name had been cited in Midrasch Rabba ad IV Mos., 
par. 14, " Korah was chief manager of Pharaoh's house." 

The most important of the counsellors was Balaam, of whose anti- 
Jewish feelings the book de Vita Mosis records several legends. 
When his plans against the Jews tailed (p. 17) he went with his two 
sons, Janes and Mamres (Jonathan ben Huziel on Exodus i, 15, has 
Zimberes) to Necas, King of the Idumeans. The sons are cited 
under the names of Jamnes and Mambres by Numenius (Euseb. 
Praep. ev. 9, 8) as magicians ; they were chosen by the Egyptians to 
oppose Musffius, chief of the Jews and very powerful through his 


Dfc. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

prayers to God. They were said to have indeed succeeded in 
averting the great plagues sent over Egypt. Jannes and Jambres, as 
they are also called, play a prominent part as magicians with the old 
Jewish and Christian authors, 2 Tim. iii, 8, Ev. Nicod, cap 5., Palla- 
dius, histor. Lausiac. ; Macarius Alexand., etc. ; cf. Fabricius, Cod. 
apocr. N.T. I, p. 813 j-^., II, p. 105 sq., where numerous passages are 
named, and Freudenthal, Hell. Studien, S. 173). Even their names 
found their way into the works of classical writers, so we find the 
magician Janes in Pliny (Hist. Nat., 30, i, 2, § 11), and Apuleius 
(Apol. 2). 

Verses 9-14. Well, the children Israel are many and more 
than we. We will suppress them, etc. 

The forced work, at which the Israelites laboured by command 
of the Egyptian tyrants, has been closely described and detailed by 
tradition. The Rabbins relate how at first the Egyptians made the 
Jews work with kind words and money. But when they showed 
themselves zealous, and produced numerous bricks in the feeling of 
their strength, the Egyptians doubled the number of the tiles due, 
and ordered guards to watch the working Jews (Sota, p. 230 sq.). 
Others (Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 9) contradict this so far as by 
saying that each Jew had to make daily as many bricks as he worked 
on the first day. It is principally Philo who speaks about the torture 
of the w^ork ; the king not only forced the native men to mould tiles, 
but also strangers and made the burdens too heavy to carry. If a 
Jew was hindered by weakness or illness from doing the average 
quantity, which was superintended by the most cruel men to be 
found, he was condemned to death, and those who died of heat or 
too hard work were thrown aside unburied. In connection with this 
report stands one of the most peculiar explanations which was ever 
produced on the rabbinic side : one master tells (in Schemot Rabba, 
Wiinsche, p. 8) that one fastened a brick to Pharaoh's neck ; now if 
an Israelite complained that he was too weak to do his work, he was 
answered, "Are you then weaker than Pharaoh?" Surely this is a 
characteristic example how far such learned deductions, unbridled by 
logical thoughts, may be carried. 

The work consisted, as stated in the Bible and by Philo (de Vita 
Mosis, p. 608), principally in moulding bricks (not kilning them, as 
Luther translated it). According to Philo they had not only to form 
the clay-tiles, but also to provide straw to hold them together, as the 



Bible states only much later (Exod. v). This addition wears quite 
an Egyptian stamp, and shows a close knowledge of the customs 
of that country. In a tomb at Thebes are represented the Egyptian 
workmen of Tutmes Ill's time occupied in moulding bricks and 
building with them. Though this representation has nothing to 
do with the Bible and the Jews, however it may have been so 
pretended (p. ex. by Hengstenberg, Die Biicher Mose's und ^gypten, 
p. 79 sq., and Kurtz, Gesch. des alten Bundes, II, p. 25 sq.), it 
gives a complete illustration of the subject, and corresponds in all its 
details with the biblical records. 

Besides the brick-making, a series of other occupations is cited 
and detailed, especially by Josephus (II, 9, i), who, by Bloch's indeed 
unproved hypothesis, took it from Artapanos (Euseb. Pra^p. ev. IX, 
27). Following his report the Jews had : — 

1. To divide the Nile into several rivulets, a task which also 
Philo, de Vita Mosis, p. 608 [cf. Philo, de Confusione Linguarum, 
p. 333, C. Frankf.), ascribed to them, 

2. To surround the towns with walls. Philo goes farther here 
(de Vita Mosis, p. 608), saying that they had to build temples, walls 
and cities ; and the Book of Jubilees (cap. 46) defines as their work 
"the rebuilding of every wall and every partition which was de- 
stroyed in the land of Egypt." 

3. To construct dykes against the inundation. 

4. To build the pyramids. Unhistorical as this assertion is 
from chronological reasons, the pyramids having been erected about 
2000 years before Moses, it has nevertheless often been cited 
even in modern times (p. ex. Kurtz, Gesch. des alten Bundes, II, 
p. 25) as a token of the hard pressure under which the Jews suffered 
in Egypt. In a similar way Aristotle (Pol. 8, 11, p. 224, 27 sq. 
Bekk.) quotes the pyramids as an example how tyrants used to 
oppress a people by average, and hinder them thus from opposing 
his own power. 

5. The Jews had to learn arts and to become accustomed to hard 
work. This servitude lasted for 400 years, during which time 
the Egyptians vied with each other in their efforts to destroy 
the Jews with hardships, and the Jews to show themselves equal 
to the task. 

Later authors speak of still other forced occupations ; thus 
(Patricid. p. 25, if. Hotiinger, Smegma oricntale, p. 396) of stone- 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

cutting, excavation of mountains, agriculture. Similar embellish 
ments are often found in such writings, and are nothing but pure 

As special work of the Jews the Canon designs the erection 
of two rn-3D?:2- Already the ancients had different opinions about 
the meaning of this word ; the LXX thought it a name for fortified 
places (vroXeci dxvpa^), and were followed by Jarchi, ad v. 11, and 
newer commentators (Knobel, Exodus, p. 5 ; Dillmann, Exodus, 
p. 6). The Targum and the Schemot Rabba (Wiinsche, p. 8) have 
other opinions ; they think the expression means store-house. Also 
Keil (Biicher Mosis, I, p. 314) keeps to this explanation when he 
says, "they were towns of store and magazine houses {c/. II Chron. 
xxxii, 28, "towns to preserve the harvest"), which contained the 
productions of the country partly for trade (Ewald, Gesch. Israels, 
II, p. 16), partly for forage for the army in times of war, and not 
fortresses." When the Vulgate seems to offer a third version in 
translating the word " tabernacla," it is probable that in the Hebrew 
original the word was read niw^X!??2 instead of iHli^DO- 

It is not possible to decide philologically which interpretation 
is the right one, as the word is seldom found, and the passage 
is a very short one.* The Rabbins tried to explain it with help of 
etymology (Gemara in Sota, p. 229 ; Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 8); 
they suppose the name originated in the fact that " they brought 
the builders into danger," or because "they made the builders poor," 
but from such speculations no real information is gained. 

The Hebrew text of the Bible names two of these towns, 
Ramses and Pithom ; other texts seem to have cited besides On, 
the Greek Heliopolis. This might be accepted because the LXX 
does it (Egli, Zeitschrift fiir wissensch. Theologie, 1870, p. 326, thinks 
this the original version, while Erankel, Ueber den Einfluss der 
palaest. Exegese u. s. f. S. loi f., sees here a double glossem. A 
reader made to 'Pa/teffcr/y the gloss ij i-a-n 'HX<o/'7ro\<s^; another one 
who knew that HeHopolis was called p^ in Hebrew, put this notice 
in the text, and then both glosses were combined by kcu) ; but as the 
Septuagint originally came from Egypt, and Heliopolis was looked 
upon there as one of the most important and most sacred towns, it 

* The excavations of Naville have shown tliat Pithom was a store-city, but 
this fact does not preclude the Biblical word from referring to the fortification 
of this town, proved by the same excavations. 



is nowise improbable that the authors of the translation themselves 
introduced this name in the text in onler to connect their ancestors 
with this centre of Egyptian culture and religion. 

The Book of Jubilees (cap. 46) followed the Septuagint Version, 
and names in its Latin text Phytom, Rammasse and Oon as towns 
erected by the Jews (that the book is here dependent of the LXX 
has already been pointed out by Roensch, Jub., p. 193); other texts 
of the scripture give only the two, Pito and Rames (var. Pitotho and 
Ramse), according to the Hebrew text of the present time. But a 
relation to Heliopolis was made out in still another way : Josephus 
(Ant. II, 7, 6) among others wished to identify Ramses with Helio- 
polis, an idea held also in the 9th century by Saadia (ad Exodus I, 
11) and by numerous later commentators (cf. the names quoted by 
Dillmann, Exodus p. 7, sq. 139 sgq.). This identilication is all the 
more curious because the LXX thought Ramses to be Heroonpolis, 
as their rendering of Genesis xlvi, 28 f., shows. The Jerusalem 
Targum and Jonathan think Pithom and Ramses are 'J"^D17^D1 0^^1:3, 
Tanis and Pelusium and the Gemara tells, that the Rabbins took 
both names for the designations of one and the same town (Wagenseil, 
Sota, p. 229; Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 8); they were only 
uncertain which of the names was the principal one and which the 

Finally there remains to be mentioned that Philo (de Posterit,, 
p. 235) tried to interpret the three names IleiBw, 'Pajueaafi and 'Qu 
allegorically, and gives them the meaning of Reason (i'ot"i), Sensuality 
(«('<T^/y(T(9), and Speech (X070S). lle^^a' means speech because it con- 
tains the power of persuasion (this explanation took its origin in the 
word's etymology from the Greek verb Trel^cii', and stands for 
" expressing mouth " (Hebrew etymology). 'Vaueaaij is sensuality, 
which gnaws reason like a worm ; (Frankel, Ueber palaest. und Alex. 
Schriftforschung, p, 38 conjectures that this exposition results from 
the derivation of the town-name from the Hebrew root 1i^?2"l). 
"Qt>, at last, means the height, the reason. 

While in general the tradition only speaks of affliction by means 
of work, the Schemot Rabba (Wiinsche, p. 9) reports an addition to 
Pharaoh's order, by which he tried to hinder the increase in the 
number of the Jews. He forbade the workmen to sleep in their 
houses where their wives lived ; but R. Akiba {cf. Wiinsche, 1.1., and 
the Gemara in Wagenseil, Sota, p. 237 ff.) relates how the Jews 
evaded the prohibition which menaced their tribe with complete 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

decline. The women took food to the men at their working places, 
and had there intercourse with them ; then they remained at home 
to await the resulting birth of children. Under an apple-tree these 
were born, and God's angels came down to wash the children. 
(Details of God's protection were combined by help of Ezekiel, xvi, 
5, 4, 9, ID, 7. Cf. Benedetti, La Vita di Mose, p. 160 sq.). As 
soon as the Egyptians discovered the children, they thought of killing 
them, but the earth swallowed them before they could realize this 
intention, and oxen came and ploughed over the place. 

We find nearly the same idea in the Vita Mosis. When Pharaoh 
had given the order to drown the children, many Jews lived apart 
from their wives, but others did not for fear of their race becoming 
exterminated through them. The mothers left their little children 
lying in the field, and God, who had declared to their fathers " I will 
increase your seed like the sand on the earth," sent angels to wash 
the children, and to put two stones near them out of which flowed 
milk and honey. At the same time hair grew upon the children to 
protect the whole body, and God ordered the earth to swallow them 
and to keep them up to the time of their puberty. Then she gave 
them back again, as is told in Psalm Ixxii : " Those flourished like 
the grass of the earth." * Each now went home, an event which 
occasioned the custom of the Tabernacle. Also of the children 
thrown into the river none died, but were saved by God himself. 

Verse 15. " And the king spoke to the Hebrew midvvives, of 
whom one was named Siphra, the other Pua, &;c." 

The Bible names two midwives who had the charge of killing the 
Hebrew children, Schiphra and Pua, who do not play any part in 
the latter history, so that it could not be proved if the divine promise 
to reward them had been fulfilled. To repair this omission the 
Rabbins supposed that Schiphra and Pua were only title-names or 
designations of their profession (so Abarbenel) under which other 
persons were to be understood. Thus they said that Schiphra was 
a by-name of Jochebet, Pua of Miriam (so pseudo-Jonathan, Jarchi, 
ad V. 15) ; while others believe that instead of Mirjam, Eliseba, wife 
of Aaron (2 Mos., vi, 20) was meant (Gemara in Sota, p. 243 ; 
Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 10 sq.) 

* Also Psalm cxxix, 3, has been brought in connection with the al)ove legend : 
" The ploughman ploughed over my back, &c.," for also this ploughing has done 
no harm to the children. 

39 E 


Another often debated question was whether these midwives 
were Egyptian or Jewish women. From an unprejudiced examina- 
tion of the passage {cf. Rosenmiiller, Schol. in Vet. Test., II, 2 p. 16) 
it would result in the latter ; but in early times another interpretation 
had already been adopted, as by Josephus, II, 9, 2, who reports that 
the king gave Egyptian midwives to the Jews, as he supposed he 
would be better obeyed by them than by the Jewish women. Also 
the Septuagint may refer to Egyptian women, when it renders the 
passage with Tat? jun/ai's tH-v 'EjiiHuwv. Luther adopted the same 
view (Auslegung des andern Buches Mosi, Werke 35 : Erlangen, 
1844, p. 14), and a series of later writers also, who tried even, 
though always without success, to explain the names with the help of 
the Egyptian language. So/, ex., Cox (The Holy Bible, I, p 253), 
who thinks J^Q meant " splenduit " or " parturio," and that Schiphra 
was the old-Egyptian chcper, and to be translated "prolific." Ledrain 
went even fartlier (Hist, du people d'Israel, p. 63) and gave purely 
Egyptain names to the midwives, and he calls them P-uah and Schep- 
Ra (la djgnite de Ra). We find a medial proposition with R. Isar 
Bar Juda Levita {cit. Schumann, de Vita Mosis, p. 100) who says in 
his book i>^n FT-i^C (the Egyptian name for Joseph) that he found 
out that the midwives were Egyptians by birth, but Jewesses by 

Anotlier difficulty in this passage w^as how, from the great number 
of Jews in Egypt, two women were able to assist at all the births ; so 
it was at an early time assumed (Aben Esra) that the two women 
undoubtedly directed at least 500 midwives, and had to pay, as 
is often the case, a tribute from the profit of their art. Although 
such an acceptance cannot be proved from the Bible, and though it 
is logically very improbable that the Jews had, at that remote time, 
a kind ot guild of midwives (Dillmann, Exod., p. 10), nevertheless 
Aben Esra's supposition found acceptance, and even with more 
modern writers. Schumann (de Vita Mosis, p. 3S sq.), who thinks the 
midwives of Egyptian race, means that as two women could not 
suffice, they must have been the heads of a guild, and Weissenborn 
(Reiher, falsiloquentia obstetricum Hebraearum. Jena, 1 703, p. 5 sq. ; 
Kurtz, Gesch. des alten Bundes, II, p. 27) declares them to have 
been directors, or at least the most important of the Jewish mid- 
wives, and takes at the same time great trouble — just like Hierony- 
mus, Amhrosius, Luther and Melanchthon did — to defend the deceit 
of the midwives to the king, which the Bible gives without any 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

addition from the moral point of view. This thought would never 
have come to the old Jewish commentators, to whom the moral right 
of an action which God himself rewarded was quite self-evident and 
needed no further confirmation.* 

Verse 22. All sons who are born throw into the water, and all 
daughters let live. 

The Hebrew text and the Rabbins only mentioned the killing of 
male children {p. ex., Jarchi ad v. 16; Pirke R. Elieser, part. 48; 
Midrasch Jalkut ad II Mos. i, § 164; Elmacinus, p. 46; similarly 
Koran, Sur. 28, 5) ; others seemed to suppose that all children of 
both sexes were drowned. Thus the History of the Apostles, 7, 19, 
speaks of the killing of the /3/je'0//, the new-born children in general, 
and also Patricid., p. 25, reports that countless children were killed 
and drowned in the sea.t The Rabbins sought for motives for the 
sparing of the female children, though it was rather natural, as the 
order was the result following upon their opinion — although it differs 
from the original text — of the fear that a deliverer of the Jewish 
nation might grow up. Thus the Schemot Rabba (p. 16, Wiinsche) 
means that the astrologers had said that they would kill the boys and 
afterwards marry the girls, for the Egyptians were very voluptuous. 

The Bible says nothing about the duration of the order of 
destruction ; Luther's notice (Auslegung des andern Buches Mosi 
in Werke 35 : Erlangen, 1844, p. 20) that the edict was in force 
for twenty years, is merely an hypothesis. The book of Jubilees 
(cap. 47) pretends that the boys had been drowned during seven 
months up to the day or month when Moses was born. At first 
sight Cedrenus seems to have had another version when he remarks 
that the little Genesis says that the sucklings were killed during 
ten months. But Cedrenus obtained this higher number by adding 
'the three months that Moses was hid by his parents to the seven 
months of the Book of Jubilees. Philo reports (de Vita Mosis, p. 604) 
that the king ordered the boys to be killed, but keeps silence about 
the oppression of the Jews. 

* To the passage : "And He made houses to them," cf. Krafft, de pietate 
obstretricum, qua deus domos dicitur aedificasse Israelitis : Jena, 1744. 

t Analagous measures are related/, ex. Lysimachus (Joseph, c. Ap., I, 34), after 
whom Bocchoris threw the lepers packed up in lead into the sea. Isocrates (in 
illaud. Busirin, p. 442) reports Busiris to have killed all the strangers wlio came to 
his country. 

41 E 2 


The Rabbins give many details relating to the persecution of the 
Jewish children. Thus the Gemara (Sota, p. 256) tells how Pharaoh 
gave out three decrees : i, when a son was born he was to be 
killed ; 2, he was to be drowned ; and the third was even directed 
against his own subjects, the Egyptians. This last thought has 
arisen, as Jarchi (ad 22) proves, by the facts that the Bible does not 
say "when he is born by the Hebrews," but in quite a general way, 
"when he is born." The Rabbins give the following detailed account 
{cf. Jarchi, who cites the Midrasch Jelammedenu, but used, as 
Wagenseil, Sota, p. 257, first pointed out the Midrasch Rabba. Cf. 
Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 16; Jalkut I, § 164, gives a little 
diversion; Synhedrin, loi*^; Sota, 12a): "On the day Moses was 
born, the astrologers told Pharaoh that they had seen in the stars 
that the deliverer of the Jews had been born that day, but they could 
not see whether his parents were Egyptian or Jewish. Therefore 
Pharaoh killed not only all the Jewish boys born that day, but also 
all the Egyptian, and when next day the fatal constellation had not 
yet disappeared, the king did not withdraw his order until, with the 
exposing of Moses, the bad sign vanished. The Egyptians are said 
not to have obeyed the decree, as they thought it impossible that 
from their race a saviour and protector of the Jews could arise." 
The idea of an Egyptian persecution is relatively a late one ; the 
ancient tradition, as Josephus (Ant., II, 9. 2) gives it, does not yet 
mention it. It is very interesting to see on comparison how the 
Rabbins knew to embellish with new points the originally simple 
stories, for instance from the celestial constellations. Following 
Josephus, an Egyptian priest prophesied to the king that about 
this time a boy would be born among the Jews who, when grown 
up, would destroy the Egyptian power, raise the Israelites to a 
mighty power, shine among men on account of his virtues, and leave 
behind him a famous memory. The king was in great fear, he 
followed the prophet's counsel, and ordered all the Israelite boys to 
be drowned in the river. The midwives had to look after the 
punctual execution of the decree. Josephus says nothing of their 

There exists still another, a third well-known tradition about 
this Jewish persecution; (Jalkut, Exodus, § 164; Libellus de Vita 
Mosis, Sepher Hajaschar, p. i2Sa: Schalsch. Hak. p. iib; R. Eliezar, 
cap. 48; Jonathan ben Huziel ad Exod. i, 15; Midrasch, fol. 51). 
Pharaoh dreamed one night, 130 years after the arrival of the Jews 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

in Egypt, and 60 years after Joseph's death, that an old man stoop 
near him with scales in his hand.* On one side of the scale he 
placed all the inhabitants of Egypt, men, women, and children ; 
on the other side only a lamb (n/IO ', this is translating after Sepher 
Hajaschar, which refers to the expression, I Sam. vii. 9, HTTl HTIO 
^^^^> with " iamb " and not with " child," like others do). In com- 
parison with this lamb the multitude of Egyptians seemed lighter 
than a feather, and the lamb had the greater weight. Confused 
and in fear, Pharaoh assembled the interpreters of signs and dreams, 
and asked them for the meaning of his dream. They stood at 
first trembling and terrified ; then they said that on this day the 
future deliverer of the Jews was born, he who would bring heavy 
misfortune to the Empire. Upon this interpretation the before- 
mentioned determination to kill the children was decreed. 

As an essential factor, a dream appears here as it often does 
in the later rabbinical traditions. These portions of the traditions 
were accepted from preference by the later Mahometan com- 
mentators, and extended. This has been the case in a very cha- 
racteristic manner with the Mahometan legends relating to the 
murder of the children who were collected by Weil, Bibl. Legenden, 
p. 126-9. Here we find even three different dreams, which curiously 
enough do not agree with the dreams reported by the Rabbins. 

* The idea of the Deity with a scale, also Daniel v. 27 ; Proverbia Salom. 
xvi, II. 



By C. Bezold. 

In proceeding to lay before our Society some of the Syllabaries 
which I announced in the last volume of the Proceedings, p. 418 ff.,* 
I begin by publishing four " Vocabularies," which appear to be of a 
special interest. They were found by Mr. H. Rassam at Abu-Habba 
and belong to the Collection "83, 1-18," t numbered there as 1330, 
^'hZ^'> ^ZZ"^^ ^^d 1335 respectively; .rt'i? plates I-VIII. In future, I 
shall quote them as Be. i, Be. 2, Be. 3, and Be. 4. Their respective 
measures are S^^'va. by 3I in., 3|- in. by 3^ in., 4 in. by 3 in., 5| in. 
by 3-|- in. The texts are written on clay, which was baked afterwards, 
and are given in a very neat and minute hand, which, in spite of the 
clear characters and their mostly beautiful preservation, sometimes 
causes considerable difficulties to the reader, due to the smallness of 
writing. So far as the December sunlight in London allowed, I have 
taken great care in reproducing the exact forms of the chiefly neo- 
Babylonian characters, but may mention here, that in some instances 
the forms of ^J and f^j (^t)) ^.nd even those of "yEI and *?*! are 
hardly to be distinguished from each other. I have avoided restoring 
any characters, even when easily and surely verified by parallel 
passages, for the purpose of giving the text as closely as possible in 
agreement with the original. Characters in outline, or a solid character 
followed by a query, show that there are, on the original, either traces 
of what the outlines restore, or, that, in my opinion, there is no other 
epigraphic possibility of restoring the sign in question than the one 
involved in the restoration. 

Most puzzling are the colophons of these tablets, which form, we 
may say, a sad illustration of our (at least the present writer's) limited 
knowledge of the Assyrian language, when written in ideographs. 
I will try to translate what I can of them, after having consulted two 
more tablets of the collection ^''?>z, 1-18," viz., 83, 1-18, 1336, 

* Including the published, there may be found, according to a rough estimate, 
more than 6,000 such texts or fragments in the British Museum, 
t Cf. my Die Tliontafelsannnliingen, etc., p. 8 (752), No. 71. 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

published W.A I. V, pll. 36 f.* and 83, 1-18, 1341, an unpublished 
omen-text (6|in. by 3?7in. ; 60 + 57! well preserved lines, with 
very clear and neat Babylonian characters), which begins : — 

^ "ETt ^^T m ^r <;:^r^T ^m ^^r ? "k?- «t « ^r 
^UB ^ir? -in '^i I rt ^iHi >^ 4tM<r ^t^i 4^i ? 4 

^4 ^M ^ St ^r tr -" ^ 4 ^- The colophon including 
the "catch-line," of this text reads : f ^ ^]] ^^^}^ till I ^T 

^ii'^Vr ->f >^ '^jn ::: "^^I 5^<I- '^P ^ "eI ^:hI *I "eI I 
'^J^I «<}^]^ ^ -El J4^? y- "EI I :f^I ^ <t^?/ ^I^I ^^ J^I 
r^y .^^ <tt?/ .^ '^j;^! -. :^^^ -tii*IS ^SJ 4^1 ^I -^ II 
T -"^^^ m « IIU ? I -"^m ^11 n I -II ;^? :^ ^ J:^::^lvl 

-^]^^ s:^ V, .4 -r^r %tm I j^i ^i A4 ^ 4 -"^M ^ 
- tn 4 >7^ -I >^ <i ^ I <Hn5^^ — . 

To these texts I may finally add here a h3'mn of the new Berlin 
collection, which on the 22nd of October, 1887, Dr. Erman kindly 
gave me permission to examine. Unfortunately, my notes were taken 
then in a hurry, and I must therefore apologize for not being able 
to guarantee every sign in the copy. The text is written on a tablet 
in which the end of obverse and the beginning of reverse are wanting, 
with 31 + 29 well preserved lines, counted by the scribe in putting 
the " marginal figure " ^. It is in clear Babylonian characters. 
The obverse begins : — 

TA'y -tU J^I I >4 II -I -^ 'EI§ I IH ^fiM >4 -I -4^ 

%h ^? :hi j^i I ->f triEi Id! -n %:^ ^ -m ^i r ^^ i -iix^ 

^^- »YY^^ J::^^ V" ""III- Catch-line and colophon read : Jjy 

:^y^I >4 4>-7l Vi .4 :^I i^I I 4 V n -+ ^ "^jn :^ 4-II 

* C/. Liter., pp. 207 f., § 109, No. 24 (read " rJ/Z/^//," instead of" bniiiulich''); 
Lehmann, Zeits., 1886, pp. 222 ff. 

t That is, without the colophon of 3 lines, 1 14 lines : Y ^^Y ^55 W ; cf. col. 

J That, in such texts, y is equal to >-< ( tl)> and to ^^ «^ "^y, " when, 
if," I hope to be able to prove on some other occasion. 

§ This line evidently contains the translation of the second ; cf. the remarks 
of Delitzsch, W.B., p. 238 f., n. 5. When Dr. Delitzsch there complains of 
people wasting their precious time by describing the long and short of every hole 
and crack in a tablet, and of the exact positions of the characters above and 



<yr ^ S:][ 4 T- r^^T t^ ^ViVi JL^ I "^^ -Jl! -^ ^ii -]R%B 

Taking up now one section of our colophons after the other, we 
find first, that Be. 3, Col. IV, 29, is to be restored after W.A.I. V, 37, 
5 2« to : y ^f < > y"^ ^ H V^ 'S^' a"d that Be. 2, Col. IV, 
i 9, and Be. 4, Col. IV, 31, are to be restored, vice versa, to : J ^^ ^^t 
(var. : ^f <) .tf .- ^^y -^^f .^. From Be. 4, Col. IV, 32, it7s 
evident (c/. the "catch-line" of the syllabary S% Col. VI, 25) that 
before >.y^--~~^ and ji^y, •i^ has to be supplied. Considering, more- 
over, the passages given by Brunnow, List, Nos. 5248 and 2704, § 
we come to the conclusion that the scribe wanted to express by his 
words the idea of a thing "arranged according to the shape of 
y du-u (•^) ^■ y''--^ -^ ba-nu-u" or "of J ga-ad{u •»^) >i=y i^ ki-tu-u" i.e., 
a "Vocabulary of the class S^" 

For the interpretation of the words following after the name 
of the " series," the omen-text and the Berlin hymn show, that 
*^ **^,'\ >-< is to be separated from ^ *{-(^. I believe the 
former signs are exactly the contrary of ^^< >^ '-^y C^ J^ 
ana pat gimrisu, and therefore signify: la gamni, "not complete." 
As a mere suggestion I may add that ^ is here perhaps connected 
with ^ ^ "obliterated." II 

beside each other {see,f. i., Haupt, A.S.A'.T., p. 189, 11. 4, 25 ; p. 190, 11. 4, 7, 
13, etc. ; Zeiis., 1885, p. 277, 11. 3 ff. ; but cf. a\so the Expositor, 1888, No. XLV, 
p. 237, 1. 8), I can now but fully approve of his wrath. Even the detailed 
account of the mixture of colours may be conveniently avoided in our publications. 
I should like to state here, also, that at present, my collations of Sm. 669, the 
duplicate of K. 9717, and of Rm. 618, would be somewhat different from those 
given in Lit. , pp. 320, 340. Dies diem docet ! 

* My copy has only one .<y^y. 

t Or 1;^? C/. the colophon of 81, 7-1, 4 (W.A.I. V, 46. No. l). 

J Or "7*? % Cf. Jensen, Zeits., 1886, p. 183. 

II The colophon of K. 3931 (S. A. Smith's Texts, p. [12]) proves nothing, 
because ^ ^ is written there, on the original, in smaller characters, and there- 
fore shows only that the scribe could not read the sign preceding ^J^^y >-< , on 
his archetype. 


Dkc. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

After the above restorations, I venture to give an attempt at a 
transliteration and translation of the seven colophons in question : 

1. Be. I :] Si-ir \ *^]t]t] \ za-ma-rum. Duppu XXXIX. zikiri^)^ 
id y! i^ na-a-qu. hi. mis ; la gainru. Gab-ri Sippara khna labiri- 
su satir-ma bari. Qata Nabfi-ku-sur-su apil-su sa Bil-irba apil 
Hu-za-bi. Pa-lih* Nabu iiia siiir-tu la urabbl u ma mi-ris-tu la 
i-qal-li. ("Beginning of the next tablet) : \ si-ir \ "J^y^l^y | za-ma-rum. 
39th tablet of the series (?)t (beginning with :) f /^ fy -^ na-a-qu. (Their 
archetype is partly) obliterated (?) ; not complete. Copy of (an 
archetype from) Sippar, written and revised (?) % according to its 
archetype. (Done) by Nabukusursu (?), the son of Bilirba, son of 
Huzabi (?). Fearing (?) Nebo, he has not added (?) in the writing (?) 
nor taken away (?) in the (?)." 

2. Be. 2 : ^ Di-ri \ '^^{si-ia-a. ku) | a-at-rum. Arba-u parl^)- 
su sa y ga-ad ^] ^ ki-tu-\iii . Dupptc\ XVIII. ] id ]] ^ }ia-a-qa. 
HI . MIS ; la gamru . Gab-ri Sippara ki-ma Idbiri-su. Nabu-hi-sur-su 
apil-su sa Bil-irbd apil Hu-za-bi {amilu) ^^y^y Nabii ana si-tas-si- 
su is-tur-ma ib-ri. Pa-lih Nabu ina sitir-tu Id iirabbi. Arhu 
makru sa adari sattu X. kr-tak-sat-su sar mdtdti. (" Beginning of 
the next tablet): y di-ri \ "^yy]^ {a (added) to si) \ d-at-rum. Four 
columns (?)§ of (a text of the shape): y ga-ad v=y i^ ki-tu-u {i.e., of 
a Vocabulary of the class S^'.) i8th tablet of (the series beginning 
with): y id y][ ^ ?ia-a-qa. (Their archetype is partly) obliterated (?); 
not complete. Copy of (an archetype from) Sippar. (Written, etc.) 
according to its archetype. Nabiakusursu (?), the son of Bilirba, 

son of Huzabi (?), the (official) of (the god) Nebo, 

has written and revised (?) (it) to be read. Fearing (?) Nebo, he 

* Seems to be more probable than [lat-tie "the pencil" (of Nebo) ; sec the 
5th colophon. 

t y^y f^^^T is certainly not the lieginning or any other part of the title of a 
series (my Za^s. 1885, p. 105), but means " story," or " series." It is in the colo- 
phons sometimes put ie/ore the real title of a series, sometimes left out. Speaking, 

therefore, of the " . . . . th tablet of the series ][^ ^S^ /' upsets the 

clever arrangement of the Kouyunjik Collection made by the Assyrian librarians 

X Or " collated " ? ; or " explained " ?? (/>art with a, against Be. 4, IV, 36, and 
Delitzsch, Gramm., p. 27*, etc. ?) : cf. Wh.\iYY,BZA C/SSy8, where Winckler, 
Zeits., 1887, p. 161, "could have been quoted." 

§ Or "parts" (?); cf. Winckler, Zeits., 1SS7, p. 161, 1. 39. 



has not added (?) in the writing (?). Intercalary month {i.e., Ve-adar) 
(of the) loth year (of) Artaxerxes, the king of the countries." 

3. Be. 3 : [fa^^z^^^l'^ll ^I^K'^^l^l ^f) | ra-viii-i'i. \Arba-u par (?)- 
su sa y i/u-u »y"^~^ -^ ha\-nu-ii. Duppu XIV. y id j]^ -^ na-a-qa. 
HI. Ml'; \ld gamru. Gab-ri} . . . . ] Nabul bUu rabfi-*^^ "^ItX,? 
\Nabu-ku-sur-su apil-su sa Bil-i?-ba apil'\ Hu-za-bi {amUii) ^^y^f 

JS/abii sihru (?) [ satir-ma ?] bari (?}. (" Beginning of the next 

tablet): y [...(.... hi) | ra-mu-u. [Four columns (?) of 

(a text of the shape) : y du-u ^^^~~~^ ^ ba^tui-i'i {i.e., of a Vocabulary 
of the class S^). 14th tablet of (the series beginning with) : y id 
yjf 4- na-a-qa. (Their archetype is partly) obliterated (?) ; [not 

complete. Copy of ? . . .] [Nabukusursu (?) the son of 

Bilirba, son of] Huzabi (?) the humble (?) * .... (official) of (the 
god) Nebo [Written and ?] revised (?)." 

4. Be. 4 : y Ni-im | ^ ^ | sa-Ii({}) sa kir-ni. Ai'ba-ii par {T)-su 
y ga-du-u .^y •i^ ki-tu-u. Zikir (?) y id ^y^f ^ ?ia-a-qu. Hi . mis ; la gamru. 
Gab-ri Sippara khna labiri-su. Lussa-a-nih'-viarduk apil Iddina- 
sukali^) Nabii-ztr-ib-ni apil Iddina-bab-sukal (J) u-sis-tir-ma ba-a-ri. 
(" Beginning of the next tablet :) y ni-im | ^ .^ | sa-lu (?) sa kir-ru. 
Four columns (?) of (a text of the shape :) y ga-du-u i^t ki-tu-u {i.e., 
of a Vocabulary of the class S^). Series (?) y id ■^ ]y ^ na-a-qu. 
(Their archetype is partly) obliterated (?) ; not complete. Copy of 
(an archetype from) Sippar. (Written, etc.) according to its arche- 
type. Lussaniirmarduk (?), son of Iddinasukal (?), has made Nabu- 
ziribni, son of Iddinababsukal (?) write (it), and has revised (?) (it)." 

5. W.A.I. V, 37 : y Gi-in | ^X^ {ku-u-rum) \ sa ugnii il-lufn. 
Arba-ii par{7)-su sa y du-ji ^^^-^ -^ ba-nu-u. Duppu XII. y id y][ -^ 
na-a-qa. hi . mis ; la gamru. Gab-ri Sippara khna Idbiri-m. 
Nabu-ku-sw-su apil-su sa BU-h--ba apil Hu-za-bi {amihi) ^^y^y 
Nabti sjhru (?) a-na si-tas^ -si-su is-tu-ur-ma ibri ipus.\ Fa-lih Bil u 
Nabu ilia sitir-tu Id urabln-su f u ina m'l-ris-tum la i-qal^ -li. Arhu 
adaru arkzi-u sattu X. Ar-tak-sat-su sar mdtdti. ("Beginning of 

* As long as it cannot be proved that ^^ C^y^y)? sihru (?) indicates here 
a special (inferior) class of the ^^ ^^yy-y ("-y-^^), I should like to com- 
pare with it JDp, Is. xxxvi, 9, and in modern Hebrew. 

+ Pinches has taken two signs for one. 

X Cf. WiNCKLER, Zeits., 1887, p. 168, 1. 39. 

§ Original : ^][. 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

the next tablet :) f ,(^i-in \ ^ (ku-u-rum) \ sa iipiu il-Ium. Four 
columns (?) of (a text of the shape :) f du-u >^^^-^ ■<^ ba-nu-u (i.e., of 
a Vocabulary of the class S''). 12th tablet of (the series beginning 
with :) y id ]\ ^ na-a-qa. (Their archetype is partly) obliterated (?) ; 
not complete. Copy of (an archetype from) Sippar. (Written, etc^ 
according to its archetype. Nabukusursu (?) the son of Bilirba, son 
of Huzabi (?), the humble (?).... (official) of (the god) Nebo, has 
written and revised (?) (and) done (it) to be read. Fearing (?) Bel 
and Nebo, he has not added to it (?) in the writing (?), nor taken 
away (?) in the ... . (?). Ve-adar (of the) loth year (of) Artaxerxes, 
the king of the countries." 

6. Omen - text : Inn - ma zinnistu iri marisat (^) ma - (?). 
ZX+ L + IVmu-sari-su (?). Dup-pi mahni-u inu-ma (?) murusi^) iri 
ma (?). Duppu XXXVI. i-nu-ma ana bit {amili') tnarsi J^y^f f^ * 
ilik-ku maskadu. La gamru. Gab-ri Sippara kima labiri-su. JSabu- 
ku-sur-su apil-su sa Bll-irba apil Hu-za-bi {aj?iilu) ^^yvT ^^^^i^ 
sihru (?) a-na sitassi-su istur-ma ibri. Pa-lih Nabic ina sitir-tu Id 
urabbt. Sattu XI. Ar-tak-^^. (" Beginning of the next tablet:) 

" When a woman suffers from a sickness of pregnancy (?) " 

114 lines. First tablet of (the section beginning with:) " When a 

sickness of pregnancy (?) " 36th tablet of (the series beginning 

with :) " When to the house of a sick man a . . . ? comes, (?) the 

suppuration (?) " Not complete. Copy of (an archetype from) 

Sippar. (Written, etc.) according to its archetype. Nabukusursu (?), 

the son of BiHrba, son of Huzabi (?) the humble (?) (official) 

of (the god) Nebo, has written and revised (?) (it) to be read. 
Fearing (?) Nebo, he has not added (?) in the writing (?). nth year 
of Artax." 

7. Berlin tablet : Qarradu ana \ abni ^4f "^y ^I^ izziz-ma.\ 
XLIV (?) mu-sari-su (?). Duppu XII. ^^f i^ Y ':^'::^ 
^ ^YYTY JT- j*- -^^ gamru. Gab-ri Sippara ki-ma la-bi-ri-si't. 
Bil-ikisa apil Nabu-si-i-jiii ana ... (?) istur-ma ina BU-kini bit 
bi-lu-ti-su uki-in. ("Beginning of the next tablet:) "The hero 

dwells (?) on the stone (?)." 44 (?) lines. 12th tablet of (the 

series beginning with:) ^ ^ ^, etc.X Not complete. Copy of (an 

* Cf. Brunnow, List, No. 641. 
+ Cf. the beginning of the obverse. 

X This series is well known ; cf. the colophons of K. 2S62 (W.A.I. H', 13, 
No. i), K. 4S14, K. 4827, etc. 



archetype from) Sippar. (Written, etc.) according to its archetype. 
Bihkisa(?), son of NabiUimi, has written (it) .... and has placed 
it in Bitkini, the house of his lordship." 

Returning to our syllabaries, I should like to add here a few 
notes which, however, by no means pretend to be exhaustive in any 
direction. It is obvious that some lines in these new texts enable 
us, to restore certain lines in similar inscriptions already published, 
with more or less certainty, and vice versa, a work which can easily 
be done now by the aid of Dr. Brunnow's admirable Classified List. 

Be. I, Col. I, 5, restores S'' 366. L. 29 : the left column of 
K. 4406 (W.A.I. II, 31, No. 2), 1. 12, is according to the traces on 
the original, very likely to be restored to ^^^ ^^^•* C°^- ^-'■' ^^ ^•' 
restores K. 4146 (3*= i, b), 1. 27 ff. f Col. Ill, 15, where the scribe 
could not verify his archetype, is to be restored after K. 9835 
(W.A.I. II, 39, No. 2), Col. II, 15.$ Col. IV, 7-10, restore part of 
79, 7-8, 253 (W.A.I. V, 40, No. i), and justify Dr. Zimmern's and 
Brunnow's readings, with one exception.^ L. 20 perhaps restores 

s" 315-11 

Be. 2, Col. I, 12 f., proves Dr. Jensen's view, Zeits., 1886, p. 184, 
and n. 2. IF In Col. Ill, I think we have to supply "^J as the sign 
explained, considering the passages given by Brunnow, Nos. 3380, 
3383 f-> 3389, 3393 f-> 3401, 3407, 3410, 34i5> after which also the 
lines 1-3 of that column can be restored. Col. IV, 1. 14, can probably 
be restored to *^ -lu-u.** 

* Cf. for that Col., Brunnow, Nos. 2778, 2782, 2785, 2S04, 3215, 3223, 
4041, S975, 9068, 9071, 9090, 9092. By adding these figures, I hope to show, 
how I believe, the Babylonian sigus in the middle column are to be transliterated. 

t Cf. for that Col. (and Col. Ill, 1. i), Brunnow, Nos. 1214, 1216, 1220, 
1878, 1880-3, 3207, 3212, 3216, 3220, 3326, and St" I, Col. I, 12-14; K. 4494 
(W.A.I. II, 30, No. I), Col. Ill, 15 ; 8% 19'; W.A.I. V, 22, 14s 

X Cf for that Col., BrOnnow, Nos. 3017, 3021, 3038, 3051, 3062, 4474, 
4477, 4480, 4482, 4484, 4486, 4488 f., 6949, 6954. 

11 Cf. for that Col., Brunnow, Nos. 3061, 3063, 4299, 5781, 5785 f., 5793 f» 
7687, 7689 f., 7692, 7694, 7698 f., 7701, 7704 f, 7707 f-, 7710, 7739 f-, 7742, 

^ Cf for that Col., Brunnow, Nos. 1226, 1228, 1230, 1232, 1234-6, 1238, 
1665, 1668 ; and, for Col. II, Nos. 984-6, 3861, 9184. 

** Cf. for that Col., BrOnnow, Nos. 3473 (?), 3726, 3728, 3739, 3745. 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888. 

Be. 3, Col. I, is so much mutilated, that it cannot be completed 
with certainty. Lines 5-8, 16, and 21, however, when compared 
with S« I, a, 11. I and 4 ; K. 4383 (W.A.I. II, 30, No. 4), obv., 1. 7 f. ; * 
rev., 1. 18, and with the other passages given by Brunnow, Nos. 1740, 
1746, 1764, 1783 f., 1788, make it probable that >f- has to be 
supplied as the sign explained. Col. II, 1. 5, shows that also at the 
beginning of this, and at the end of the foregoing column, the 
character >->|- has to be supplied. The .^^f after ha-am-tu, which 
is given in line 3, and, therefore, is not confined to tablets of the 
nabnitu-?,Qx\t% (Delitzsch, W. B., p. 243, n. 2) is very remarkable; 
perhaps, the gloss refers to some graphic or dialectic (?) peculiarity 
of a special country; cf. my notes on K. 2100, in our Proceedings, 
1887, Vol. IX, p. 377. For 1. 6, see Halevv, Zeits, 1887, p. 400 ; 1888, 
p. 194; and Delitzsch, Ass. Gramm., Germ. Ed., p. 67 f LI. 17, 23 : 
>-^J^ >^^T'-y "J^yy ^yyy-*^; which is found in connection with different 
signs (^li^yy, '^«-, ^), is probably not to be taken as an explanation 
of the meaning, or as the name, of the sign in the middle column, 
what Dr. Brunnow seems to believe (Nos. 4848, 7519, 8694), but 
rather as an ideographic expression of a lexicographical terminus 
technictii, the exact signification of which we are not yet able to tell. 
ScHRADER, Zeits., 1885, p. 373, appears to see in it a mark of the 
end of a section, which would excellently fit in our tablet, W.A.I. V, 
36, and to some extent also, ibid., pi. 38, but gives no satisfactory 
explanation of S'' 227.! L. 29 "^^y stands, perhaps, for tu.X 
On the upper part of Col. Ill, very likely >-y^ is to be supplied as 
the sign explained, though this cannot be proved suiificiently ; cf. lines 
5 and 8 with the references given by Brunnow, Nos. 2051, 2053. 
One of the names of the sign >-y^ is, according to 1. 30, 7miz, with 
which inusin{mi) evidently is to be connected. I would insert, there- 
fore, >-yj[ ;;/?/5:, mus (and also >-VTKTstI ■^^^j ■^''^' ^^^ below, p. 53) in 
my list, in Zeits., 1885, p. 69 f. § 

Be. 4, Col. I shows, that I was right {Zeits., 1885, p. 69) to 

* The T^y oi fa-la-kii is certain on the orii^inal. 

t *-^t^ *"^tl ™Sht lie separated from **^^ ^TTT^' ^"^^ ''^^" taken in the 
sense of dababii, or some similar. 

X Cf. for that Col., Brunnow, Nos. 425, 428, 430 f., 441, 3849, 3855 f. 

§ Cf. for Col. Ill, Brunnow, Nos. 2276 f., 2279; for Col. IV, Nos. 3479, 
3485, 8862, and see for the ideographs, explained there or to be supplied, 
especially Jensen, Zeits., 1886, p. 57 f. 



connect the signs i^]]], ^t-]]]], ^^i^h ^JU; also f:^! apparently 
belongs to them.* 

It is to be hoped that these documents, when thoroughly under- 
stood, will increase our knowledge of the Babylono-Assyrian ideo- 
graphic writing considerably. When we notice that Be. i gives us 
in 143 lines 209 explanations for 28 ideographs; Be. 2 in 91 lines 
95 explanations for 8 ideographs; Be. 3 in 142 lines 152 explana- 
tions for at least 11 ideographs; and Be. 4 in 164 lines 166 
explanations for 6 ideographs, although two of these tablets are not 
complete, — we learn that one such document contained, on the average, 
in at least 135 lines at least 156 explanations for about 13 ideographs. 
Our knowledge, as gained by the Babylono-Assyrian literature pub- 
lished at present, is confirmed by the new syllabaries in 66, 31, 22, 
and 28 instances respectively, and consequently amounts, taking the 
utmost, to only 33 per cent, of what the above texts give. This 
justifies, I believe, to some extent, my lamentation at the beginning 
of this paper. Considering, moreover, that the " T id ^ ^ naqti" 
series contained at least 40 tablets {cf. Be. i. Col. IV, 27), we may 
guess that in this one series, in at least 5,400 lines, at least 6,250 
explanations of about 520 ideographs were given, which probably 
contained the whole treasure of ideographic signs at the time of 
Artaxerxes. Such a cotnpendiiim might have been the result of careful 
collections which were brought together and gradually improved by 
zealous scholars of different schools and times, and intended to be a 
trustworthy book of reference, in which any ideographic value ever 
used in any sacred, magic, or scientific text could be found — the last 
abstract of the oldest philological researches on earth. 

I trust it will escape no reader of these syllabaries that they are 
arranged in a certain order, on which I finally may be allowed to 
add a few notes. 

I had first the idea of the existence of this order when comparing 
jrj^, 1^y, ^^\\\ in Be. i, Col. IV, with S'' 310, 311, 313, and 
that reminded me of K. 8276, published on PL III in my former 
article on the syllabaries, and of the footnote there, on p. 422. The 
traces left on this fragment appear to confirm that comparison. 

* Cf. for that Col., Brunnow, Nos. 364, 370, 372, 3878, 3898, 3900, 3906, 
3913> 39I5> 3927, 3930, 3932, 3935» 59^7, 597i, 5979 ; for Col. II, Nos. 368 f., 
373> 583, 390; for Col. Ill, Nos. 375, 381, 391 ; and for Col. IV, Nos. 379 f., 
38S, 404- 


Dec. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1888, 

The first lines are to be completed, therefore, to y ^[^^ly * | 
-Vl^y^r . . .] and y l<^ [^^y* | -Vr?<fff^r ---l ^n^ further, 

hne 4 to y .. [-.try | -Viw^I ••..]; line 5 to y y^^ ^y [jr^ {?)t| 

-Vn<y^y ....]; line 6 to y <y^yy; | [j^:^ . . . .] ; and Imes 7 f. 

to y j.^ I [^-1^ ]• 

Comparing now our texts with the published syllabaries supposed 
to belong to the class S^ and observing the order indicated by the 
above colophon numbers, we obtain the following list : 

Series id y| na^u, No. 12 : — ;/<?/ /<? be found m S^. 

„ ,, „ „ 13 (beginning) : — not to be found in S'' . 

„ „ ,, J, 14 : [>y-]: not to be found in S''. 

[""Tl^]' "^^l^ 5 K**"!-^! • '^^^ ^'^ be found in 
S'' (Gap !). 

„ „ „ ,,15 (beginning; : (• • -IT IHJ) ? 

„ ,, ,, „ 18 : >T<^ ^i^) ■ not to be found in S''. 

-^y^S*" 2, 10; t^^ = Sb 2, 13. 

[>^yy]=:S>'i77;Mm = S^i78. 
), » n » 19 (beginning): "^^yyy^ = S^ 178. 

» » „ n 39: <^ = s^ 157; <g:; = s^ 158. 

^Q[= 8^293; -:^y=s»'294. 
.^^ = S^ 367; .^^ = S^ 370; 

YTT^y^s^ I, II, 12; ^yTrgy = s^ i,ii, 

found in S'' (but j-,?^ K. 8276). 

j^-j^ = s^3io; ^y=si>3ii; ^yyr = 
s^ 313- 

» » >, » 40 (beginning) : ^j^ = S^ 349. 

„ „ „ „ X : j.:yyyy = s^ 1 15 ; ^jn = s^ 1 20 ; ^yyy 

';^yy = sb 117; -yyy y = s^ ,^g. 

jcyyy = s^ 118. 

* C/. Brunnow, 3060, and Be. i, Col. Ill, 36, 2^. 

t On Be. I, ^y^ is quite certain ; but on K. S276 the traces do not seem to 
be part of Ji:^. Besides J^yy^ (or ^y^ ?), only ^yy^ilj (or "^y^ ?) can 
possibly be read. 



In this list, I have only omitted some Babylonian signs, which I 
cannot verify at present with certainty, and, besides them, t^ Be i, 
I, I = S'"^ 365 ; w^ Be. 4, I, 29 ff. ^ S^ 304 ; and <^y Be. 4, IV, 
30 = S^ 82. I do not think, however, that these three signs, nor 
^•"^ and <^^ in Be. i, I, 2 iff. can prove against the assumed 
order, which shows, I believe, sufficiently: i. that the Syllabaries 
Be. I, Be. 2, Be. 3, Be. 4, W.A.I. V, 36f., S'', S'' i, S'' 2, and K. 8276 
are arranged after the same system, i.e., according to some supposed 
or real development of the cuneiform characters,* which in several 
cases cannot yet be brought into agreement with what we know of 
that of the archaic forms ; 2. that S'^ as preserved now, does not 
form the beginning of a series of explanatory lists, of which, rather, 
at least the first fifth is wanting ; 3. that S'* i does not form part of 
a duplicate of any part of S'', though all the texts mentioned may 
go back, in the last instance, to a common source. 

It must remain a hypothesis at present, that Be. 4, in the colophon 
of which the scribe has left out, for some unknown reason, the number 
of the series, formed the i6th tablet of the " ] id 1^ i^ na^u-" series. 
The ideographs corresponding to such of S^ place it between S^ 4 
and S^^ 177, that is, between "No. 14" and "No. 18." "No. 15" 
is excluded because of Be. 3, IV, 28, compared with Be. 4, I, i,and 
likewise " No. 17 " because of Be. 2, 1, i, compared with Be. 4, IV, 30. 
That hypothesis being correct, we would have preserved of one and 
the same series the beginnings of the successive numbers: 12, 13, 
[14,] 15, 16, 17, 18, 19. 

Cf. Peiser, Zciis., 1886, p. 95 ff. ; 1887, p. 316 ff. 



r ^i 









•^y <>y-yyi 
y? ^h 

I Vr 

.4 y? 

^^y ^ 


(4 :^ <« ;) 
^^ < 

Column I. 

83, 1-18, 133 





ly'Viii ^y-vjiii 
Ey^izi ^y-vzj^i 
ly-vziz ^y-viii 
Ey-vm. ly-viii 


^ -"iLy ^- 

>7^<^ -%] ::^ <- -yyi -yi^ ^yy 
Hy 4^y -^ ^ 

i<y ^y^y ::;!] 

j^Hy 5^ :;:! 

Hy^y ^4 >^ <- ^T^ %\ %\ 
-j^y 1^- -^ "7^ ^;t^ '^y > 
i^< -^Ly j^y ^^ 2< -iLy tM 

nttT \>— < >-«J 

¥ ''^y ^ V[ ^ -M 

?^y x^\x-\ ^y Hh 
.^ ^ [gy ^- ^ 
>^^ Idy ^y <- -7^ :^ 



>y'^ V- < 




Ey "^y 

^- :gy 


yiy ^^y v^ < 
%\x^^-<^ ^yy <5^y<^ i±y < 

:Hyy m: -w ^ >:t "W 
^^ .^>^ iMy ^^ ^ 


-yi^ -yyi ^- ^^ ;:^y^y > 

^ -yi 

^y^y -yyi ^- <- ^y <^^ ^>^^ 
-^i .^^ .7^ ^ ^yy ^ ^- < 
^ ^y '^y ^^y^ ^^ 
^ -yi tM tM 
5^- ^y 

B\ iA^ '^y < 



4^y iy4 


g< ^yy 

<y ^ ^irz. ? ^>f 

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Atch., Decetnber, 1888. 


Column II. 

r tr-^ 

-I IH 








rr ¥ T?]S ^- ^ j:i^r 
i^< - ^ V, 1 -vk j^r 
>^ ^^^ .- -Er r]^ j^j 

j^ ^V\^ j^^ -^ ->f 0^ (4 :^) 




"Hr r? ^^ 

^- -^Vr 

^j^i H ^r 

<r- <j:t ^? .^ -^-yjj >-^r y; ^i 

¥ ^ r:^ -rri :?fr ^^r 
¥ r?]3 >f ^4 '^^ ^] 
^^ ^-^ < -- ^4 j^^r ^r "^r 

^r -^- < ^ --Eiir ^ ^r 


<r- -ri-^ ^ ¥ -H- 

:ir4fi:^r^r'^^¥-r^?r-<M ^^^ 


¥ ^<^ ^<^ -rz 

¥ ViB ^<^ ir -^r 
ir ^ B ^ V >^ H^-< ^^ 4f- 
ir «^ B ^ -ri «^ ^- 

"Ey ^? ^^ .- ^yy ,^^ ^b 
¥ ^^r ^M ^ ^rr -v^ ¥ ^r 

^ ^y .- ::^y^y ^y ^y 


s^r ^ ^ J^^r^^::^i:^k^li^M:^ 





r - H 

r "^1 

Column IV. 

83, 1-18, 1 




+r 4-rr ^^ ^ 4^t -ti < 

^]; h t;<] ^ 4:^ ^ir ^y 

^ ^T IT < ^ <f- <^ J^i 
'^y -y^ ^v, .4 ^^ ^^ H '7^ ^ 
-lu Q< iM .^ ^y^y ->f V 

^ :Byy y^y < 
.- :f ][ 4^y ^ 

A ly 

i^y^y ^yy < 

^y y- 

^? 4f^y - 

^y Hy ^- 

^^ ^ ^- 

<?--yyi ^- 

::^y^y y? ^ ^ >-^y >^?^ >^ 

3y ¥ 4- ^ 3< H a 

y? ^- -^- ^ ^ ^^ 

¥ ^y •;sy i^^y 'sy ^ 

-yyi ^- 

¥ ^ 



-^^y «^ ^-< "Hy yiy e4? 
y "Ey^y Vy <^ .4 y? t^:^i A >^^« "t^ ->H.y ^ 
^^^ -yyi ti5 5^m 4^y ;^y -^ i j:i:^y ^y -y4y 
^yn y -y^^ yiy <:: i y]^ ^ ¥ y ^^yyi lyy y? y -yi ?]f t^ 
^ 4 -yj^^ - #^y 4 "T^ '^y < - y- ^f^y^y 4 7^ ^ :?f? ^^^y^ 

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.., December, 1888. 




r -m 



^ n :§! ^ <?-^^^^ 

r y? 



n t^^^$<^^^s 

r V 



<?- Idl -^- 

r ^r 



"EK u< j^r ¥ ri 

r j^T 


^] < ¥ ->f 
.4 J^T < ¥ 4^1 4 

^^ri i±i < ¥ ^ ^T(?) V- 

i?= ^T<r ^ — 

r j^i ^r 



:^^^^^ -Ti¥a< (4 i^«<i) 

r -^:i! 



-IT^ ¥ Jr<^< ¥ ^ 
¥ ^^T -Tl 
:^? ^t]^ ^ ^i ^]l t;<] 

r :^^ 



4^ ^M 

T J[^ 



¥ ->f ^^^"^ J^ .^ ^i "^r 

r -n 



-+ ^]] ^ 

I j^ 




if ->f 3 

TT ^ 



r v, ^t - 



r ^ 



-11^ ^ >^ 

f IT 


II ^^ "EI I? j^^ 

I in 



^4 >^w: -R 

r in ^-11 -^- 


^11 "^14 M 

r KK ^ 

fT -Tl 


->f IH -II -VII 

r IT <?- 



->f ^I <I- ^]^i\] -VII 

T ^ 



'lil ^-11 iM ^^ ^4 I? -II 
^ ¥ -II 

r •:fT 



•lillJ-R tM <^ ^4 n -II 

^ ¥ -R ^ m^ :ht iei 


83, 1-18, ] 

Column I. 

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., December , 1888. 


r <T> 



I < 

Column 1L 

T^T >^^!^!(-IIH<) 





rr 4 :^^T ^ i^r 





^ ^i; 












-^ — 






83, 1-18, 13c 

Column IV. 

-eA'.'ie/v.-SA.'es- - - . .... A , ... , .! 





1 ^ 

mi (TT) 

1]^ ¥ I ¥ ^r ¥ 

IS! ^Y 

¥(?)^i<HIl -Til 







4. h:^^ -7^ ^XT ^ ^ii -]]i -m ^© 4^1 4^r ^y -^ i 
r ^1^4= y^r <: I yu ¥ r ^rrn :iyy yn >^u]f :^ ^ :::2rvr ->^y^^ 
r <r- IH ":f y I :<yy r^y "ny hi -yyi s^ 4 %^y:^:^ - ^^^n 4 v^ ^y 


":^yy? ^ >^ < ^ r 



Proc. Soc. Bibl. A)r/i., Dectinlier, li 




'"';■'"'■'"" " ";'^Sv;" 

1 ^ 

, .^., ,--. ,.- ,-, -. 

.^.^.. - ■:§ 



5^ -^- 


'^r ^^^ 


-in IT 

r^r '^ifi? 

^ < 


m — 


"^r - 


^ -y; 


*^ < 


,tv^ < 



y- — 


^u ^y 




© "^ 


-g- < 


^] ^ 


}^ — 


1^ -It 








^ TT V u ^Mi ^A r+i T ^wi i }{ rr Tat m >^ ^ 
^ il ^ ^ Xi ^ Xi ^ ^ Ti Xi * w J[^ it i-^ ^ T 










T^ AAI l! 


iii Hi n R T iii ii X X ^ lii 11 X n ih T n ^^ 











4 4 


M :m 







y<j^- i^^-^vJ "<ii^- 

-<--,< ''-* -^^'l^ 







TT, kkkl kkkl kkkl Ull Trr AAAi St J^i iliT t= AUl AA AA 


Sf §^^#£i!i2^i 





J'iU v;t >4- A A I mi *-n J^ 1 ^^ ^^ Sn. aa a aa aaai ^^ a s^ n^ uai iA, 


I ^^ 



■*^ ^ ^ AA, .^ -<^ j^ *r ^ ^^'^ >^ A ^^ ^^ 






>^ N^ 









t ^ 











^ ^r:^ 



' mill II 



^Pl WW ,^ A 

AA Th^ 






A^ ff ^ ;2^ YY - 
:^ * ^' ^ ;^ 




yy AA 



"V A*in A^ 






-I A A Tr Tr y ^ii^ '^<,i^- '>%i^- »^ C:^ »— -dv »— 1 YY 

-rf > — > — > — ^•■f' >v>.l; >vTsl< y,f,l; V — A A ^^ w ^ A >— A A w^ 1 I 











;M>>>ft->;M;,_ »^ VC- y^ >^ - - 

^^ (vS «^ TiTi .^ ^ UU >" * ^ 


AU ' 











Hi iV^ 
1^ 8 



^A^^siiA ii ^I^^'itKR^A ^^A^t^^^jA^IUjiA Irpiiii 



lA lA lA iA 









_i A*'* >^ U >»-^^.<7>.. 

vC ^ 

A € 

A A XT C^ yy Till fl^^^'^^!^?^^!';^^^ 




^ni'^'Ui^i^TXiklMlMli^l^iw im^ 

Vv_ l^'W.-KxV'^V'i^xV ' -' - > - - ''C '1 > - 'li- - 'iV W' S^'li/ V'K?' S^Tt'' W' «< 










^ It 

SI "^^ ^_ I^ ^-^ Hr 

|i rtl rC rtl 


^ ** ** ,,,.A A. T Tl Ti li 



^^^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 

lii ^ ^ _ "■ -ii^?« 

" I 






>^MMM!^>— .-M-vr 




A JlWA>.1 

, ^ _ ^ ^t 



c + 

Ail K 

>^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 




Ia m 

N^- A 


i^ii i^A 1^ 

M m iH iA 





^ ¥ 




vC K 






|>^; S-^; *^ 

■>%i ^/lif; Tr 

^ AAA 4- 

>r- -^ A 










IS ^ 
£ 1> I^ 


A* ttt 


Dec. 4] I'KOCEEDINGS. [188S. 

The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held at 
9, Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 8th 
January, 1889, at 8 p.m., when the Council and Officers of 
the Society will be elected, and the usual business of the 
Anniversary Meeting transacted. 

-^S''tSij €^^ 


Proceedings, Noz'C7nber 6th, 1888. 

Page 4, nominations, for Macgregor, read MacGregor. 

,, ,, for Schlechter, read Schechter ; and add, 

John Grubb Richardson, MoyoUon, Ireland 
Page 20, note, for Anzeiger, read Anzeigen. 

,, ,, for Lentigen, read Heutigen. 




Subscriptions to the Society become due on the ist of January 
each year. Those Members in arrear for the current year are 
requested to send the amount ^i is. at once to the Treasurer, 
B. T. BosANQUET, Esq., 54, St. James's Street, S.W. 

Papers proposed to be read at the Monthly Meetings must be 
sent to the Secretary on or before the loth of the preceding month. 

Members having New Members to propose are requested to send 
in the names of the Candidates on or before the loth of the month 
preceding the meeting at which the names are to be submitted to 
the Council. On application, the proper nomination forms may be 
obtained from the Secretary. 

Vol. IX, Part 2, of the "Transactions" of the Society is in 
the press. Only a few complete sets of the "Transactions" of 
the Society now remain ; they may be obtained by application to 
the Secretary, W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A., 11, Hart Street, 
Bloomsbury, W.C. 

The Library of the Society, at 11, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, 
W.C, is open to Members on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, 
between the hours of 1 1 and 4, for the general business of the 

As a new list of Members will shortly be printed. Members are 
requested to send any corrections or additions they may wish to 
have made in the list which was published in Vol. VHI, Part 3. 

Members are recommended to carefully preserve their copies of 
the " Proceedings," as they will not be reprinted at the end of the 
Volume of " Transactions," and if lost can only be supplied at a 
charge for each Part, or for the Volumes. 


Proc. Soc. Bib I. Arch., December, \\ 

Fig. 1. 


Fig. 2. 

I-- .,...,.. I..I, 

Two Vignettes from the Book of the Dead. 

IRecorbs of tbe past 





New Series. Edited by Professor Sayce, who will be assisted in the 
work by Mr. Le Page Renouf, Prof. Maspero, Mr. Budge, Mr. Pinches, 
Prof. Oppert, M. Amiaud, and other distinguished Egyptian and Assyrian 

The new series of volumes differs from its predecessor in several 
respects, more especially in the larger amount of historical, religious, and 
geographical information contained in the introductions and notes, as well 
as in references to points of contact between the monumental records and 
the Old Testament. Translations of Egyptian and Assyrian texts will be 
given in the same volume. 

Crown octavo ; Cloth. 4s. 6d. Volume I now ready. 

Samuel Bagster & Sons, Limited, 15, Paternoster Row, London. 


^be :fl5t:on5e ©rnaments of tbe 
lP>alace (Bates from JBalawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.] 

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for 
each part is now raised to ;!^i io.y. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
price) ;^i i^. 

Society of Biblical ARCHiEOLOGY. 

COUNCIL, 1888. 

President : — • 
P. LE Page Rendu f, 

Vice-Presidents : — 

Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter. 

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., U.C.L., &c. 

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c. 

The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., ic, Bishop of Durham. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c. 

I-lEV. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. 

Very Rev, Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbuiy, 

Conneil : — 

W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P., &c. j Rev. Albert Lowy. 

Rev. Charles James Ball. I Rev. James i\L\rshall. 

Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. I F. D. Mocatta. 

E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. Alexander Peckover, F.S.A. 

Arthur Gates. ! J. Pollard. 

Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D, j F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A. 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. | E. Towry Whyte, M.A. 

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. I Rev. W. Wright, D.D. 

Honorary 7)v(7j«nv'— Bernard T. Eosanquet. 

Secretary— V\ . Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Prof. A. PL Sayce, ^LA. 

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 


VO L. XI. Fart 3. 








Third Meeting, ZtJi January, 1889. 




Secretary's Report for year 1888 59-66 

Statement of Accounts for year ending December 31st, 1888 67 

Council and Officers for 1889 68 

Dr. a. Wiedemann. — Some Monuments of Mont at Thebes 69-75 

P. i.E Page Renouf. — Errata: Inscription of Kum-el-Ahmar ... 76 

Prof. Piehl. — Errata : Textes Egyptiens Inedits 77 

Rev. H. G. To.mkins. — Note on the Name Nepiriuriu in the 

Karnak Lists of Northern Syria 78-79 

Prof. A. H. Sayce. — Pronominal Forms in Egyptian 80-82 

P. LE Page Renouf. — Remarks S2-S3 

Dr. Karl Bezold. — Two Inscriptions of Nabonidus. (5 plates) 84-103 




II, Hart S'J'reet, Bloomsburv, W.C. 

188 9. 

[No. LXXX.] 


II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 


To Me.mbers. 


I, Part 1 



















I, Session i 











78-79 ... 20 















1879-80 ... 2 

1880-81 ... 4 

1881-82 ... 4 

1882-83 ••• 4 

1883-84 ... 5 

1884-85 ... 5 

1S85-86 ... 5 

1886-87 ••• 2 

1887-8S ... 20,,,, 

1887-88 Part 8, 10 6 ,, ,, 

1S8S-89, in course of publication. 

o per Part 

To N 


























































A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain fur sale, which may be 
obtained (m application to the Secretary, W, II. Rylands, F.S.A., 11, Hart 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 







Third Afeeting, Zth January, 1889. 


P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President. 



The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From J. Pollard : — Les Saints Evangiles, Traduction Nouvelle par 

Henri Lasserre, Paris. 8vo. 1887. 
From the Author : — Koptische fragmente zur Patriarchenge- 
schichte Alexandriens, von Dr. O. v. Lemm. 4to. 1888. 
Memoires de I'Acad. Imp. des Scien. de St. Petersburg. 
VII. Serie, Tome XXXVI, No. 11. 
From the Author : — Ergebnisse einer erneuten Collation der 
Izdubar-Legenden, von Paul Haupt. Leipzig. 8vo. 18S8. 
Beitragen zum Assyriologie, &c. Heft. I. 
From W. H. Rylands (Secretary) : — Verhandlungen des VII. 
Internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses gehalten im Wien im 
Jahre 1886. 

Two Parts : Aegyptische-Afrikanische Section, and Semi- 
tische Section. 8vo. Vienna, 1888. 
From the Author : — The Holy Places of Jerusalem. By T. Hayter 
Lewis, F.S.A. London. 8vo. 1888. 
[No. Lxxx.] 57 F 


From the Author : — Textes Agricoles du Papyrus Sallier I", par 
Paul Guieysse. 

Extrait du Vol. VI, fasc. i, Revue Egypt. 
From the Author : — Reprimande a un fonctionnaire egyptien. 

Extrait. Melanges Renier. 8vo. Paris. 1886. 
From the Author : — Inscriptions Historiques du Grand Temples 

d'lpsamboul suivies d'une note sur le signe |z ou [Z, par 
Paul Guieysse. 

Extrait. Recueil des Travaux, Vols. VIII et IX. 
From the Author : — Bericht iiber die Thontafeln von Tell-el- 
Amarna im Koniglichen Museum zu Berlin und im Museum 
von Bulaq. Von Dr. Hugo Winckler. 

Extract. Acad, der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. 1888. LI. 
From the Author : — Die Forshungen iiber den Orient. Von Dr. A. 
Wiedemann. 8vo. 1888. 

Extract. Philologus, N.F., Bd. i, 2. 
From Jos. Offord, Junr. : — Geschichte des Deutschen Archaolo- 
gischen Instituts, 1829 — 1879. 4to. Berlin. 1879. 

The following were nominated for election at the next 
Meeting on 5th February, 1889: — 

Alfred Boissier, Hotel Ilentschal, i, Rosstrasse, Leipzig. 

Prof. Ira M. Price, Morgan Park, Chicago, U.S.A. 

Rev. Henry Preserved Smith, DD., Lane Theological Seminary, 

Cincinnati, Ohio, U.S.A. 
Wilberforce Fames, Lenox Library, 890, Fifth Avenue, New York, 

Rev. George Mure Smith, 6, Clarendon Place, Stirling. 

The following were elected members of the Society, having 
been nominated at the last Meeting on December 4th, 1888 :— 

Rev. J. Burleigh Colvill, Galgorm, Mount Pleasant Road, Hastings, 
Sir J. William Dawson, C.M.G., LL.D., F.R.S., McGill University, 

Montreal, Canada. 
Miss Giovanna Gonino, 57, Charlwood Street, Pimlico. 
B. P. Lascelles, Harrow. 

Harry J. Lewis, 34, Leinster Gardens, Hyde Park, W. 
Dr. A. G. Paterson, South Lodge, Ascot, Berks. 
Miss Weatherall, 2, Park Place Gardens, Maida Hill. 

To be added to the List of Subscribers : — 
The Hon. Society of Gray's Inn. 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


The number of members on the Roll was announced in the Report 
for 1887, read at the Anniversary Meeting held on January loth, 1888, 
as being 692. This included 35 Honorary Members, and I am happy to 
be able to state that no serious alteration has been made in the numbers 
then given. 

Another subject for congratulation is that to which I referred in the 
same Report. The system commenced in 1887, of issuing, when possible, 
all papers read at the Monthly Meetings, in full, has been still continued, 
and as a natural result the annual volume of Proceedings has increased 
considerably in size. It is the hope of the Council to be able to con- 
tinue this system, which appears to have met the wishes of a large 
number of the members, particularly those who from their distant 
residence are unable to be present at the meetings. To enable this to be 
done, as also to further increase the quantity of material published, I 
must ask for the cordial assistance of the present members, and urge 
upon them the advantage, not only it would be to themselves personally, 
but in the interest of the studies to which the Society is devoted, to increase 
the number on the Roll of Members. Much has already been accomplished 
in this direction, but it is in the power of each individual member to do 
more. I can only hope that should I again at the end of this year, and 
on the commencement of our twentieth session, again submit a Report, I 
shall be able to report such a material increase, that not only will it be in 
the power of the Council to extend our Publications, but also to add very 
much, by the purchase of books, to the usefulness of the Libraiy. 

The new system of printing the papers read at the Meetings, while in- 
creasing the size of the Proceedings, has of necessity reduced, or in fact 
almost taken entirely away, the material which would otherwise ha\e 
appeared in the Transactions. It is perhaps almost needless to add that 
it has at the same time disposed of the funds available for the latter 
publication. For these reasons, the second part of Volume IX of the 
Transactions has not been issued. I may however state, that although 
the delay in the completion of this volume has been an action of necessity, 
I must at the same time assure the members that this delay will be no 
further extended than is absolutely recjuisite. 

On the completion of the ninth volume, it is my intention, should the 
time at my disposal allow, to compile a complete Index to the whole series. 

The Proceedings having now so much increased in bulk that they 
fairly take the place of the Transactions, for the reasons above stated, 

59 V 2 

Jax. S] society of biblical ARCH.LOLOGY. [18S9. 

it will not be in the power of the Society to carry on both publications, 
and it is my intention to ask the permission of the Council to end the 
TrafisaciioHS with the Tenth or Index Volume. Such a change, I venture 
to think, would have many advantages, even supposing it should not be a 
matter of necessity. While preventing both disappointment and confu- 
sion, although really little more than a change of name, it would at once 
enable the Council to apply the whole energy and funds to the Proceedings. 
Already this portion of our publications, through the kind assistance 
of many friends, has become an important monthly Journal of Biblical 
Archaeology, and I can only express the hope that this assistance, of 
authors and members alike, will continue, the former by their communi- 
cations, and the latter by securing the help and support of their friends. 

The various papers read before the Society during the past session, as 
above stated, have appeared in the Proceedings, as far as possible, in the 
number issued after the meeting at which they were read. It will 
perhaps be more convenient to detail the entire contents of the Volume, 
thus embracing the whole of the matter printed during the eighteenth 
Session, 1887-1888. The papers printed in the November and December 
numbers of the Proceediftgs will thus appear in the next report. They 
may be conveniently classed together in subjects, as in former Reports, 
stating the date of their publication. 

It will be noted that many valuable communications have been printed, 
some of them of considerable length. Where it seemed necessary or 
advisable illustrations and complete texts of inscriptions have been given, 
thus enabling students to verify the translations, and often placing at 
their disposal much of interest which had not before been published, 
or had been carelessly transcribed. This being the tenth volume of the 
series, and the matter printed throughout being of considerable variety, 
and the number of the communications very numerous, I compiled an 
alphabetical index, which was issued in the Proceedings for November 
last year. An effort has been made, and by the kind cooperation of 
several authors, the Council have been enabled to print from time to 
time portions of a series of connected texts running through the monthly 
parts, thus gathering together in a collected and easily available form, 
much that might otherwise have been scattered. 

To the President, the Society has been indebted for a number of 
papers, and I think is particularly to be congratulated on the fact that 
out of the nine numbers of the Proceedings forming Vol. X, six contain 
contributions from his pen. To commence in the order in which they 
appeared : The Inscription of Kum-el-ahmar, copied by Professor Sayce, 
of which a plate is given (November, 1887). Note on the supposed 
name of Judah in the List of Shishak (December, 1887), and a further 
note on the Inscription of Kum-el-ahmar in the same number. In 
March, 1888, the President read a paper of peculiar interest and con- 
siderable length, entitled, Pronominal Forms in Egyptian ; Remarks on 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

the Kenebtu and the Semitic South, was added as a note to a letter from 
the Rev. H. G. Tomkins in May. The last communication being a 
Note on the Value of the Sign ^, which appeared in June, 1888. 

From Brugsch-Pasha (June) the Society has received a valuable 
though short communication, on a subject of interest, — the word Seb or 
Keb, upon which subject remarks were printed in previous volumes of 
the Proceedings. 

Three letters from Professor Karl Piehl (January, 1888) : Inscription 
grecque trouv^e en Egypte ; Sur I'age de la Grotte dite Speos Artdmidos 
(May), and that in the June Proceedings, entitled Textes Egyptiens 
Inedits, have been fully appreciated. 

From E. A. Wallis Budge the Society has received several lengthy 
and very valuable communications, which have excited considerable 
interest. The principal one, bearing on Egyptian Antiquities, was that 
read before the Meeting on November i, 1887, in which was given the full 
account of the Tombs excavated at Aswan by Major-General Sir F. 
Grenfell, during the years 1885 and 1886. This was illustrated with six 
plates, including plans of all the tombs, as well as drawings of some of 
the sculptures, which were of extraordinary beauty. The Society had the 
advantage of first announcing these discoveries in a letter from the same 
writer printed in the Proceedings of February, 1887 (Vol. IX, pp. 78-82). 

Major Bagnold, R.E., in a paper of considerable length, and of much 
interest, gives a careful account of the manner in which he raised the 
two colossal statues of Rameses II at Memphis. To the kindness of 
Major Bagnold the Society is indebted not only for the use of several 
blocks which add to the value of his Paper, but for a careful drawing, 
with measurements, &c, which he specially prepared. It will be re- 
membered that the more perfect of the statues is in the possession of 
the British nation, having been presented by Muhammad 'Ali, and it is 
some satisfaction to know that proper appreciation of the monument has 
been revived, and now at last it is placed in a position which will allow 
it to be seen and preserve it from damage. 

A letter from Dr. Pleyte giving a description, with a translation, of 
one of the Papyri in the British Museum, was printed in the Procecdim^s 
of November, 1887. It contains an account of an oracle of Anion, and 
was followed by a letter upon Nubian Oracles contained in Papyri in 
the Louvre and elsewhere from the pen of Professor Revillout. It is a 
subject about which information would be welcome, and one which, I 
believe, has received but little attention up to the present time by 
Egyptologists ; it is therefore to be hoped that further communications 
on the same subject will be forthcoming. 

Dr. Max Miiller, in the four articles with which he has favoured the 
Society, has opened up again points of great interest, upon which he 
has thrown some new light The first (December, 1887) was the im- 



portant question as to the value of the interpretation of the name in the 
List of Shishak which has been translated and made to correspond with 
the name of Judah. The note by the President on the same subject 
is referred to elsewhere. The next (January, 1888), a series of notes on 
the " Peoples of the Sea " of Merenptah, was followed in March by a 
supplementary note on the same subject, both of these considering the 
question from an entirely new point of view. In a letter printed in 
F'ebruary, J. Offord, jun., added some remarks. The fourth and last 
communication from Dr. Max Miiller deals with a subject which is always 
of interest, and one upon which every new fact is of great value ; he en- 
titles it "A Contribution to Exodus Geography." 

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A., to whom the Society has been indebted 
for several papers in former years, contributes (December, 1887) a 
description of an inscribed fragment of wood from Thebes. 

Professor Lieblein describes and comments upon several Egyptian 
Stelae in the Boulaq Museum. In a paper entitled Basque Marriage 
Contracts, Miss Simcox has reviewed an interesting subject, and at the 
same time collected in a convenient form a large number of otherwise 
scattered notices on the subject (June, 1888). A plate, drawn by myself, 
furnishes the copy of a more perfect specimen of a peculiar form of carved 
ivory than had previously appeared. 

Although the number of papers dealing with Coptic Literature read 
before the Society has been comparatively small, those printed are of 
peculiar value. In the first, read November 6, 1887, and printed February, 
1888, Professor Amelineau opened up a new field of labour in placing 
before the Society a Coptic story entitled The History of the two 
daughters of the Emperor Zeno, the whole text of which, as well as a 
translation, he was kind enough to place in the hands of the Members. 
His next communication, describing No. i of the Coptic Manuscripts in 
the Library of Lord Zouche, is not done justice to in so simple a title. It 
is greatly to be vv^ished that an opportunity would occur, and some means 
be found by which Professor Amelineau's offer to supply the text and 
translation of this MS., so interesting to Biblical students, could be 
accepted, and the work published. 

In June, the same author gave both text and translation of Les Actes 
Coptes du martyre de St. Polycarpe, which now appears for the first 
time in print, having been discovered by Professor Amdlineau. 

Of Babylonian and Assyrian Records the Society has been favoured 
during the past year with several papers of particular value. Few Rulers 
of either of these ancient Kingdoms naturally excites more general 
interest than Nebuchadnezzar ; from time to time the Society has 
received notes of new tablets and other discoveries bearing on his reign, 
but it must be a subject for congratulation that the Council has been 
able to print in the volume of Proceedings the greater portion of the 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

known Inscriptions of this King, carefully translated and edited by the 
Rev. C. J. Ball. Commencing in December, 1887, with the India House 
inscription, in itself no small labour to collate and copy, the Phillips 
Cyhnder followed in February, 1888. The Cylinder of Mr. Rich, a 
Cylinder from Babylon, and the Cylinder from Senkereh were issued in 
March, the series being almost completed in May, by the publication of an 
Inscription in the British Museum marked 68-7-9-1, and the text of an 
unpublished Cylinder. I am happy to say that at the present time some 
further contributions of the same series are in type, and will, as early as 
convenient, be issued in the Proceedings. 

Besides those communications from E.A. Wallis Budge mentioned 
under the head Egypt, the Society is indebted for several dealing with 
Babylonian and Assyrian texts. Taking them in the order in which they 
were issued, in December, 1887, was printed the text of the Fourth 
Tablet of the Creation Series, in six plates. In January, 1888, three 
plates, containing the inscription upon a cylinder of Neriglissar, in the 
possession of Miss Ripley, as well as three plates of the Sale of a Garden 
in the i8th year of Samas-sum-ukin, also in Miss Ripley's Collection. 
In June, a description of an interesting Babylonian weight of peculiar 
form, bearing a trilingual inscription, acquired by the British Museum. 

Great interest was excited last year by the news of the discovery in 
Egypt at Tell-el-Amarna of a number of Cuneiform Tablets. The 
British Museum having been fortunate enough to secure a number of the 
finest specimens, in the June Proceedings this Society was enabled to 
publish, through the care and trouble of Mr. Budge, a lengthy paper on 
the subject. It includes a series of plates giving specimens of various 
tablets of importance, as well as a catalogue of the whole series brought 
to this country. Many of them contain facts of considerable value, and 
I am happy to be able to mention that in all probability before long the 
whole will be made available to students. 

The Society was, I think, fortunate to be able to issue in the same 
part of the Proceedings a paper by Prof. Sayce, dealing with other tablets 
discovered at the same site, but which passed into other hands. 

It may be well to state here, as some doubt has been raised as to the 
genuineness of the tablets found at Tell-el-Amarna, that we have it on 
the excellent authority of our President, that so far as concerns those 
specimens secured by the British Museum there can be no doubt what- 
ever, they are all undoubtedly genuine. Forged cuneiform inscriptions 
{i.e., casts) having been sold in Egypt at other times, it is almost needless 
to mention that until the whole of the tablets have been examined by 
experts, it is quite impossible to say whether all those which have not 
come to England are genuine. 

S. Alden Smith continues his series of papers on Assyrian Letters, 
commenced in the Proceedings for June, 1887. In Vol. X, the three com- 



munications — November, 1887, January and April, 1888 — will be found 
a large number of translations of these documents. The text in every 
instance is given, and those published during last Session occupy thirty 

In the March number Dr. Bezold gives an interesting text and note 
referring to the Star Kak-si-di (three plates), and in an interesting paper, 
read before the Society at the June meeting, entitled " Remarks on some 
unpublished Cuneiform Syllabaries, with respect to Prayers and Incanta- 
tions, written in interlinear form," Dr. Bezold commenced a series of 
communications upon a subject of great interest, which, I am glad to 
be able to state, he has kindly consented to continue in future numbers 
of the Proceedings. The second part has now already appeared in 
December, 1888. 

Professor E. and Dr. V. Revillout open up some new questions in a 
lengthy paper upon a new contract tablet, dated in the reign of Hammou- 
rabi, and the data given in contracts of that period. It will be remembered 
that a paper by the same authors was read before the Society on January 
loth, 1888, in which they claim to have discovered the Messianic idea 
in a document written in cuneiform. Their communication on this 
subject has now been withdrawn, but the Society is indebted to B. T. 
Evetts for having in the June Proceedings printed the text in question in 
two plates with some references and notes ; thus making a point of great 
importance, if correct, available to students. 

The last note in this division is the text and translation by Theo. G. 
Pinches of a tablet supplying some new matter, kindly placed at my 
disposal by Mrs. Clayton Daubeney. 

The papers of more general interest may from their smallness in 
number be conveniently classed together. In the January Proceedings 
a letter by the Rev. W. Houghton appeared, identifying the Pistic Nard 
of the Greek Testament. The Rev. Jaines Marshall, in March, in an 
interesting communication, discussed the Account of St. Paul at Athens, 
illustrated by Monuments and Literature. In May, the Rev. A. Lowy 
read the second of a series of papers entitled Old Jewish Legends on 
Biblical Topics ; in the present instance giving a collected account of 
the Legendary description of Hell. Two papers by Robert Brown, junr., 
F.S.A., the first, Ugro-Altaic Numerals, one to five, and the second, in 
two parts (April and May), entitled. The Etruscan Inscription of Lemnos, 
will be read with interest. 

The so-called Hittite Nation has not during the past year furnished 
any new material of importance, but the work of decipherment of the in- 
scriptions we already possess still excites some interest. Prof. Golenischeff 
in a letter printed in May discusses the " Bilingual Seal of the King 
Tarkutimme," and attempts by a new arrangement of the hieroglyphs 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

thereon to overcome the difficulty which is presented by their original 
arrangement on the " boss." 

This Society was the first to publish useful drawings of the inscrip- 
tions, to have the proper type prepared, and, since the "Hittites" 
were recently led to the front, has published every monument (in most 
instances for the first time) as it has become available. Having done so 
much to place students in possession of materials to work upon, it as 
well as myself, whose sketches have, I believe, been those upon which 
most, if not all, of those who have interested themselves in the subject 
have based their theories, I have ventured to extend this portion of my 
report. I would say that although to the so-called Hittites a great empire 
has been portioned out — arts, sciences and almost a history given — I 
believe I am correct in saying that it is the opinion of all those com- 
petent to judge on the subject, and without any prejudice in favour of a pet 
theory, that we really know as little of the nation as we do of the meaning 
of the inscriptions. The splendid nation of Hittites, so far as we know, 
has no foundation in fact, but has depended on the fertility of the imagi- 
nation or the fluency of the pen of the inventors. 

The two papers by the Rev. C. J. Ball, entitled, Iranian Names 
among the Hetta-yatte, and New Readings of the Hieroglyphs from 
Northern Syria, well merit the careful attention of scholars. A distinction 
should, I think, be made between Mr. Ball's discussion of the symbols 
and his arrangement of their values in proper names, which are founded 
on a scientific system, and those other theories of decipherment which 
proceed on no visible grounds but the fancy or caprice of the authors. 
Whether finally accepted as a solid basis upon v/hich the decipherment of 
these inscriptions may be effected or not, Mr. Ball's papers are evidently 
the result of most careful research and examination, and being the work of 
one so well acquainted with the allied tongues, it is very much to be hoped 
that his theory may be carefully and conscientiously examined. 

The Library still continues to increase, and I am happy to say that 
this desirable improvement has added also to the number of readers, thus 
extending its value and usefulness. Much has already been done by 
many kind friends to aid by valuable donations this important part of 
the Society's endeavours. To some authors we have been indebted for 
each portion of their writings as issued, and it is to be hoped that such 
admirable examples will in the future find many imitators. The Society 
exchange publications with a large number of kindred Societies. A 
number of books has been purchased, as funds would allow, by the 
Council, but I cannot too often repeat that the calls on those funds are 
greater than they can satisfactorily answer, many works required by 
students are still wanting, and the series on many subjects still imperfect, 
The books may be borrowed by the members, and it is therefore to be 
hoped that more assistance will be given, thus placing such works as may 



be required within the reach of those who otherwise may have few oppor- 
tunities of using them. A list of works more especially required for the 
Library has many times been issued in the Proceedings, to which several 
responses have been made, and I will ask those who have spare copies of 
any of those given in the list or others, will present them to the Library, 
where I can assure them they will be fully appreciated. 

In the last statement of accounts I had the pleasure of recording that 
Mr. Walter Morrison, M.P., Vice-President, had generously given a 
donation to the Society of fifty pounds. I have now again the gratification 
of announcing a similar gift to our funds from Mr. Alexander Peckover, 
P'.S.A., a member of the Council. Our best thanks are due for such 
substantial and generous assistance, and I feel sure that this meeting will 
pass such a vote as will enable me to permanently record it on the 

The Audited Balance Sheet annexed shows that the Funds available 
for the year 1888 have been ^{^652 9^. 8^^/., and the expenditure in the like 
period ^590 4^'. ^d. The Balance carried forward to the current year, 
1889, is i;62 5^. 4^/. 

W. Harry Rylands, 

A special vote of thanks was awarded to Mr. Peckover 
for his generous donation to the Society, which the Secretary- 
was requested to express to Mr. Peckover, and record on the 
Minutes of the Meeting. 

The Report of the Secretary was accepted. 

The Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year 
ending 31st December, 1888, was received and adopted. 

A vote of thanks to the President and Secretary was 
proposed in flattering terms by Canon Beechey, seconded by 
the Rev. A. Lowy, and carried, to which the President and 
Secretary repHed. 


Jan. 8] 







I— I 

I— I 











0""ODMfO — C»t^«CT\"^ 
























H ^ 

V ^ 

i^ : oj i; o 

^ taO 

O <u rt O 1, 

Q:H P 

S3 c cia 

f^ ^^ Ph g--, 2 

•S ^ .2 

*-> i-, 7] 

.5 ^1 

c s ii •« 
o-^ rt « g .i2 

r-J ;^ ^ f"^ ■-" J-" 

3 "C rt 

00 J 

00 1) 

- Q 

Tj- U-l T^ O 

: >s 


Tf O 

" W 


00 s 
<» 3 

^ -*-< 

S I S S2 
« 2 oj ^ 

i-i 1> 

^ ^ 


C -^ 


r > 



>, jj 

p ?^ ^ 

r) )-, %^ 

_ _rt ^ ti, 

« CO 







U (d 





< D 



E :: 









^ w 







to 2 






00 " 
00 2 





M i2 


5 w 


C C c3 C r- 
3^3 aj 


H « 

Jan. 8] 



The following Officers and Council for the current year 
were elected : — 

COUNCIL, 1889. 


Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter. 
Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor. 
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. La yard, G.C.B., &c. 
The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c., Bishop of Durham. 
Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c. 
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D. 
Rev, George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. 
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury. 


Rev. Charles James Ball. 
Rev. Canon Beechey. 
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A, 
Arthur Gates. 
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 
Rev. R. Gwynne. 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy. 

Prof. A. Macalister, M.D. 

Rev. James Marshall. 

F. D. Mocatta. 

Alexander Peckover, F.S.A. 

J. Pollard. 

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A. 

E. Towry Whyte, M.A. 

Rev. W. Wright, D.D. 

Honorary Treasurer. 
Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence. 
Professor A. H. Sayce, M.A. 

Honorary Librarian, 

William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Some Monuments of the Prophets of Mont at Thebes. 
By Dr. A. Wiedemann. 

About 1850 M. Maunier opened at Der el bahari the family- 
tomb of the prophets of Mont. Unhappily more than sixty sar- 
cophagi and the other objects discovered were not studied as a 
series when still together, but were partly burned by their first 
possessor,* and the rest dispersed to such an extent that almost no 
large collection exists at the present time without some antiquities 
from this tomb. A collection of their inscriptions would be very 
useful for the history of the Egyptian hierarchy from the XXI Ind 
dynasty downwards, as this family occupied not only the priesthood 
of Mont, but was also connected by relationship or marriage with the 
holders of diifferent high posts in the Egyptian government. A 
genealogy of those members of the family whose coffins are at Bulaq 
was prepared some years ago by Brugsch, but has not yet appeared. 
A series of records of the same family is given by the following 
monuments preserved in other collections : — 

I. A beautifully painted stela of wood, 54cm. high, 35cm. large, 
in the collection of Baron Saurma, once at Cairo. Underneath the 
winged sun-disk, whose uraeus bears the crown of Upper and Lower 
Egypt, two adoraters are seen. The defunct is on one side adoring 

<:n> "^C 1 1 ' '^^ ^^^ other, where he bears the leopard skin, 

I , . m , the two being represented in the usual way. The 

inscription, which is in ten lines, is divided by a vertical line ; it 
begins in the middle of the left side, goes on to the end, and con- 
tinues in the middle of the right side. The text begins : 

* Brugsch, Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. RIorgl. Ges., XIV, p. 8. One of the coffins 
belonging to the divine father Heter was published by Brugsch, /.c, p. 15 si/^., 
and Rec. I, pi. 34 si/. 



Then follow extracts from the 15th chapter of the Todtenbuch, in 
which the name of the defunct appears with the title tAT* or 

^^ 3 or 1 () 'I or 10 S I ^ . Once also his mother 

CJ^ 1 rn J ^^ J is named. 

The following are the variants between this text and that of 
Lepsius, passing over those which are purely orthographicals. It 

Q ^=13^, etc., behind (1. 2, Leps.) 9 ■- — J :^ p^-^ ^^*^' 

yzyc c^ — ** — ^^ ^^ 

The barks are called >^n^, (sic) .--<3V, and 

Behind the end of 1. 2 Leps. follows the seldom found interpunctua- 
tion-sign y filling the whole line, then |^ , N. (1 | , 

etc., T^'v^^ii'v^v etc., (1. 4) tum "^-^ ffi . A new division 

begins with |1) N. [I | ,^ ', after which follows Leps. 1. 2ga, 

where ^ is wanting. The following lines (15 — 20 of the stela) 

containing Leps. 1. 30a (for '^v is found -ir), 3^(t, S2a I [|[1 

A "^ ® ^ I and for ^f\ JL \ 33a ( ? zl >/ ® at the end), 29^ 

( '^^^ ^\ )' 3°^ I «>!v ^^^ ) ^^^ arranged in such a way that 
each time the word h '+' begins a new line. At the end of 1. 24 of 
the stela the word A ^ ^ is found, and begins a sentence, the con- 
tinuation of which occupies the last signs of each of the following 
lines, signs being placed without relation to the context, but forming 
the phrase ^..3^ (15) 1^ | (16) ^ (17) "^(iS) ^ 

(19) D^ (20) ^. 

The sarcophagus of Nes-pa-sefi is at Bulaq ; his titles from it have 
been published by de Rouge, Et. eg. IX, 49 and M. Piehl, 
Zeitschr., 1885, p. 86 has pointed out in its texts a curious variant of 
the beginning of Tb., chap. 30, which reads, V ^^^'^'^ ki^ 
f?'^^';^ N^Jr- But if the author thinks that Tum is here 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

metathesis for niut, I cannot follow him. The ordinary text gives 
here ^'^n, % (^, % , ^(1, etc., sometimes with 

the determinative I or -Jr ; and in about one hundred texts which 

I compared (many variants are given by Birch, Zeitschr. 1870, p. 33 
sq.), T was not able to find the reading niut^X. this place. I think the 
writer of the cofifin-text has taken the word xeper, " transformation," 
deceived by a determinative, for the name of a god, and meant to be 
very clever in conceiving it as the mystic writing (I ^ for Turn 
(p. ex. Leps. D., Ill, 229^, 231^, 232a), whose common name he 
inserted in his text. 

The son of Nespasefi ^ c\\\ Xrf' Bes-mut, inherited his titles. 
ill -Jt^ ^ 
Pieces of his sarcophagus were in the French-house at Luqsor 

(partly published by Brugsch, Rec, II, pi. 70), two others serve as a 
door of the hotel at Luqsor. The latter, now almost entirely 
destroyed, bore nicely written texts of the Todtenbuch. On the first 
it was still possible in 1881 to distinguish long pieces of chapter 31 ; 
on the second chapters 2)Z to 38, following one another in the order 
of the Turin text. The French-house contained also the upper part 
of the coffins of User-Mont, son of this Besmut, with similar titles to 
those borne by his father, and a corner of the coffin of his grand- 
mother Iri-ru. The genealogy given by these texts is : — 

Un-nefer=T= A-nif (?) Pen-hes-neh 

i . "1 " 

Ba-sa-en-mut -r- Hen-ben-en-s-Amen Auf-aa 


Nes-pa-sefi -p Tri-ru 

Bes-(en)-mut =^ Ha-ben-en-s-Amen 


These names seem to belong to the XXVIth dynasty, the variant 
for Amon being no proof of a later origin, as it is found also 
on the stela given in Mariette, Mon. div., pi. 47^, belonging to the 
same family and that period. 

Instead of the principal title of Nes-pa-sefi prophet of Mont, 
there appears several times on this and other monuments of the 

same find, '| AK , of which "1 '| will be only a slip of the pencil. 



As this form appears almost nowhere* besides the title prophet of 
Mont, it appears to be nearly synonymous with it. Thus the 
Museum at Vienna possesses a square piece of wood, which shows 
an ox running and bearing a corpse lying on his back, and beneath it 

the inscription (i) jq) J_ ^'^1^^^^^'^^^ 
n I— —J ^^^ vraj 4^ ^ while an Uschebti-box of the same Museum 

describes the man as ] /\]-\. On the stela of another Neser-Amen 
at Bulaq the two titles vary for Nes-Chensu, father to the owner of 
the stela. As to reading the god-name ^s,, the respected President 
of this Society pointed out (Frot:., Yl, p. 187 s^g'.) uteb, ut'eb. The 
group is found in titles in the combinations n m (Lieblein, 

No. .os8)|^^l^f^. etc. (... .33o)=]|^-f JJ"° I 

(/.c. 1 231) and very often alone, particularly on stelce of Ekhmin, 
which is only natural. We know by the nomos-list of Edfu (rf. Rev. 

Arch., N.S., XII, 334, XV, 338) that^\/'^^, resp. n was the 
title of the priest of ^^ in the Vth as well as in the IXth nomos 
of Upper Egypt ; our texts render it probable that we should con- 
sider it also the technical denomination of the Mont-prophets at 

The title y is given in the nomos-list of Edfu in the combina- 

tion o o >. \A as the technical name for the high-priest at 

Heliopolis, but already in the XVIIIth dynasty (stela 135 at London, 

cf. Budge, Trans., VIII, p. 326) the plural "^=5 ^ was used for 

priests at Heliopolis, so that the name was probably a designation 
for priests of Ra in general. The title has passed also into the cult 


of Aten in the form '^=t'J]j!' 'W [1 ^^^^^ (L.D., III, 97/;, e). At 

* The only monument where I found the two titles side by side is the very 
much damai^ed lid of the wood-coffin of Anx-f-Chunsu at Luqsor, where we read 

j y w^ fj ci '\f^ X |U?^ I <ri '^N^ ® ^^^ T ^ ' ^^^''' ^^"'^ ^ ^™ inclined 

to think that the writer, who had in mind the town Coptos, has misunderstood 
here the text he had to copy. A se-^ut ut'a appears also, Lieblein, Nos. 1281, 
1342. , 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Thebes an ^^^,,,9^^^ ^ ^=f © '^ ^°""^ ^^""^^^y 
during the XlXth dynasty (L.D., III, 237^, 1. 7), to which answers 
at the same time the ^^^^ ^ ^ y\ (L.D., III, 214^, c). 

The dignity of Priest of the Sun was represented also otherwise in 
the family under notice, so we find (Mar., Mon. div., pi. 47^) a 

form points out the existence of a temple dedicated to Ra at Thebes 
during the XXVIth dynasty. 

The sense of ^| aX which the coffin of Bes-mut gives as 

01 D^ (Mar., /.c, the is wanting) is not clear on account 
of the many senses of sen and the absence of a determinative ; the 
most probable translation would be "director of the granaries." 

The coffin of Nespasefi has the curious variant f ^^^) "V^j which 

form appears also on the sarcophagi of Chaa-Hor and Ta-xrut-en-ast 
at Bulaq(Et. eg., IX, 48, 51 ; Lieblein, Nos. 1102, 1097) belonging to 

the same family. The title \^^ ) is not rare, it is nearly always 

connected with the double title -jh ^ n t (Lieblein, Nos. 1052, 106 1, 
1070, 1080, 1247; Rec, III, 123, 192; stela Berlin, 7323, etc.), of 
which the first part, "the belonging to the cella," is often joined to 
"of Schu and Tefnut," while Bergmann (Rec, IX, 59) has found 
once the addition " at Abydos " to the latter. The function of a 

® 1 D 2?), which several members of his family held, was not 

entrusted to Nespasefi. 

The title of "priest of his month" is supplied by the stela W. 12 
at Leyden, belonging to the same family in the completer form 

1 1 "IT ^®^ ^^ f '^ "^ " as given to a Next-tef-Mut, who 

is found under his second title as priest of Amon on the Uschebti- 
box of Neser-Amon at Vienna. Of the other titles only the one 

2 ^^ has to be mentioned, which returns on the coffin of Bes-mut 
in the same form or as ^vV ^^, ^ j( ^^ (the libation-vase 2848 
at Bulaq in Rec, VII, 120, has also the latter one); the coffin of 

73 G 


Nespasefi has the variant ^^ | 1 i^ ij [ U f "^ showing that 

^ Tiiiniir a ^ ^ M- "1 o iJ il cil © 

this title, borne also by the already quoted Chaa-Hor, was only an 

abbreviation of the technical name of the high-priest at Thebes, 

quoted by the list of Edfu ; and not, as might easily be supposed 

without this variant, a designation of the prophet of Un, a figure 

treated by Le Page Kenouf (jProc, VIII, 113 s^^.). Only one new 

Z is joined by the coffin to those of the 

title -^ 

\ r w 

— S/ /SAAA/NA r~\ 


^ === 

= s 0%^ ^ 

2. The foot-end of a sarcophagus in mummy-card covered with 
stucco in the collection Saurma. The inscription runs : — 




:r^> (sic) r] v_^ 


o ^ 

Above 1. 2 the last words ^^^^ 1 1 T ft ^ ^ °f the middle line of 
the coffin preceding this inscription are preserved. 

3. Coffin of wood, covered with stucco, containing the mummy, 
in the Provincial Museum at Trier. Its uninteresting pictures are 
described in a very insufficient way in the Jahresber. der Ges. filr 
nidzl. Forschung zu Trier, i86j, p. 88, sq. It belonged to the 

If the indication that the coffin was discovered at Saqqarah by 
Count Monteau in i860 enclosed in a stone sarcophagus is correct, 
this daughter of a Theban prophet would have died and been buried 
at Memphis. 

4. Stela of wood of mediocre work bought in January, 1881, by 
the lamented Professor Green at Thebes. At the top the winged 

disk with the uraeus. Underneath the defunct fi"^ r 

J^l ^^ 1 adoring before an altar the green-faced Osiris, Isis 


Jan. 8] 



extending her wings, between which is written I ^^^ v_^, and three 
envelopped divinities, one with a human head, and the two others 
with monkey and jackal heads, above whom the sign ^ is three times 
inscribed. Below the inscription in five horizontal lines : 

D ^JM^ 





^■Siini unnli^^MlTl D L .* 



The use of the title ^ ^ appears to date the stela in the XXVIth 


G 2 

Jan. S] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889. 

Inscription of Kum-el-Ahmar. 

Dear Mr. Rylands, 

Professor Lushington has called my attention to the fact that 
in the plate {Proceedings, Vol. X, p. 73-4) giving the Kum-el-ahmar 
inscription, there is nothing in the Egyptian text corresponding to 
my translation, " I have done what men esteem and the gods desire, 
may thry grant that my house be established for ei'er, and that my ?iame 
may flourish in the mouth of nien," and he rightly conjectures that 
the double ending f~~^ "^ ^ I ' ^^^ ^" ^^'^ printing led to the 
omission of an entire hne. This is really the case, which neither I 
nor any one else had yet noticed. 

The text should run as follows from the middle of line 7 : 


jj^ g^^^ 

||ni I < f— ■-^-» r -1 A^AAAA < C — ■:> ■ n D Prl <CZ> ^ ^ :i Q 91 

On looking over the text, I think I can improve the translation of 
one or two passages. I have no doubt that in lines 5 and 7 we 
should read <cz:> -j|- ci ^ ^^ am-tii, a compound preposition (like 

*^^-— -^ er md, or <cz=> \ '^'^^^^ er hend) signifying, ' in medio,' ' amidst,' 
'among.' Thoth is said (line 5) to have been "gentle of heart 
among the |^ ^ uru, 'great ones,'" and (line 7) "upright of heart 

amid ^ p \ sepsu, ' nobles.' " 

Thoth says (line 10), " Men worked for me with pleasure," adding 

nine 11) '^ic'-^ [ Y^ ^^y LJ v^ «^ her kenciu her katu, 

" no one shrinking from (or being idle at) the labour." 

Y being, as M. de Rouge expresses it, " le type du copte ^Xl, 
aliquis;'" — f^— v ^ its opposite signifies 'no one,' JULJULon^AI. 

^~^ () %v "^^ ketidu, I take as the ancient form of (S^WIJX, 

2^rt<?wT, 'sloth, laziness, sluggishness, inattention,' one of the capital 
sins accordmg to the Egyptian moral code. ^;^ ^^ I] _p ^^^^ ^ 
an kenau-a, ' I am not a sluggard,' says the deceased in the ' Negative 

Confession,' or according to another readmg, A-A LJ ^^^^ [ 

an ar-a ketiat, ' I am not guilty of remissness.' 

I am, Yours faithfully, 

P. LE Page Renouf. 

Jan. S] proceedings. [1889. 


Textes ^gyptiens Inedits. 

N'ayant pas lu, moi-meme, les epreuves de mon article, insere 
dans le Proceedings (Vol. X, pages 530-539), je prendrai la liberie de 
corriger quelques fautes d'impression qui s'y sont glissees. 

Page 530, ligne 6, lisez au lieu de p, et ibidem, ligne 9, changcz 
les deux n en deux |. • 

Page 531, ligne 7 : la vache doit manquer des jambes de derriere ; 
ligne 9, changez -r- en Q; et ligne 10, D en '^ {no). 

Page 532, ligne 11, changez s=5 en / • et ligne 16, <><=■ en 

^— =■. (Comparez le titre ^^t|(]'^ d'Osiris, Brugsch, Diet- 

Page 533, ligne 13, lisez /L_D ^ {lier) et ^^ ^^ , etc. ; 

r. o ' <©> 

ligne 14, lisez r~n— "— ^5 etc.; ligne 21, lisez j; ligne 22, lisez 

Page 534, ligne 2, inserez entre ^^ et (I 

Page 535, ligne 4, lisez 1 sam-f ta ; ligne 8, {N'es-ta) lai-n-\\ex 

lai-ti-her (^^ a la place de ^) et ^^ au lieu de ^^. 

Page 537, ligne i, 1/ doit etre corrige en \ savi-f-ta. 

Volia les quelques inexactitudes que j'ai relevees dans mon 
article, et qui m'ont paru meriter d'etre signalees. 

Karl Piehl. 

■ Upsal, DJcembre, 1888. 



\\ n n \K W 

Note on the Name <r=> [^ H JT tk, Nepiriuriu, 

IN THE Karnak List of Northern Syria. 

Park Lodge, Weston-super-Mare, 
December 26th, 1888, 

My dear Mr. Rylands, 

The extraordinary local name «cz=>[l[J ^ V, No. 284 

in the Karnak List of Northern Syria, has hitherto eluded expla- 
nation. Erugsch has proposed Nipur {Egypt under the Pharaohs, 

II, 284), and has been followed by Lenormant {Les Orig. de Vhistoire, 

III, 330), who places the mountain Nibur (or Nipur) a little way to 
the east of the Upper Tigris, not far from Amida [Diarbekr] {ibid., 
208). Sayce, however, identifies Nipur with the Taurus, {T.S.B.A., 
III, 292). This leaves half of the word out of account, and does 
not, I think, agree with the allocation. 

The other day, in reading what has been published on the cunei- 
form tablets of Tel el-Amarna, an explanation of this strange name 
occurred to my mind. It was suggested by the cuneiform translite- 
ration of the throne-names of the two Amenhoteps. Here we find 
e ^ ^ j read as Naphururiya, and O kz:^ || as Nimmuriya. Then,_^, 
I thought, O Jj^ might easily have been written by a Mesopo- 
tamian scribe Napiriu-riya, or {allowing for the familiar terminal u) 
Napiriu-riu. Here, then, we have the name of the princess Neferu- 
ra, the favourite daughter of Thothmes III, whose triumphal list 
this is, attached probably to some fortified military station, just as 
his own name was given to a strong Egyptian post not far from 
Simyra. The name of the royal lady had been associated with that 
of her father at an earlier date (Wiedemann, Aeg. Gesch., 335). If 
it be objected that the name would have been inscribed in the list 
in its usual Egyptian form, my answer is that the list, or this part 
containing Euphratean towns and fortresses, may have been written 
in cuneiform by Mesopotamian scribes, and transliterated in a 
servile manner by the stonecutter or his instructor at Karnak. 
Compare No. 122 in the same list, t| ^ ^_ — ^ c^ p [^^i^, which I 
have always taken as the exact equivalent of the Amatu of Assyrian 
annals, although Professor Maspero objected that HT^H is spelt in 
Egyptian ^|^^^. 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Names of this class (surnames of conquest) are very fleeting, 
and it is no wonder if Nepiriuriu is dead and gone. It may have 
been attached to some strong post of ancient date on the Euphrates. 

By the way, I have proposed the identification of Alasiya in the 

Tel el-Amarna tablets with the important region (I ^ <cz> {^ r^^"vi , 

(1 ^ [qI^-^v] (Brugsch, G.I., II, 40; Karnak List, 236). I 

suggested this to Professor Sayce, who replied (November 15, 1888) 
that it musf be Alasiya. Professor Maspero writes to me (December 
23) that this identification is proposed in the forthcoming part of 
the J?ec. de Travaux. 

Yours very truly, 

Henry George Tomkins. 

P.S. — January 17, 1889. Since this letter was sent to you, we 
have learned from Professor Sayce's letter in the Academy that the 
Egyptian docketing of tablets from Alasiya shows its identity with 

(I ^ <r^> 1^ Ci^^ (as proposed to him by me) conclusively. I 

have not yet seen the Rec. de Travaux containing the identifica- 
tion.— H. G. T. 



Pronominal Forms in Egyitian. 

-^ TiT^ T-. Cairo, December 2gfh, 1888. 

.. Dear Mr. Rylands, 

I am sorry if I have hyrt the feeUngs of our President. But I 
can assure him that nothing was further from my intention than to 
dispute any statement made by him in regard to the facts of the Old 
Egyptian language. The Comparative Philologist is grateful to 
authorities like himself or Prof Maspero for the facts with which they 
furnish him, and cannot have too many of them. But when Mr. 
Renouf leaves his own province and wanders into ours, I feel called 
upon to utter a protest against the re-introduction of theories which 
we have abandoned, though I will not apply to him the language 
which he uses of myself, and ask why he should divert his attention 
to a subject " which others know and he does not." He is mistaken 
in thinking that the rejection of the old " agglutination-theory," which 
Bopp derived from the Hindu grammarians, is confined to any parti- 
cular school of Comparative Philologists. I know of only one recent 
writer — an Italian — who still avows himself a disciple of Bopp. 
When I return to England I shall be happy to furnish Mr. Renouf 
with a list of references which will convince him of this fact. Mean- 
while I would ask him to study the introduction to the last work on 
Comparative Grammar by the leading comparative philologist of 
France, M. Victor Henry. 

If Mr. Renouf will read my note again, he will see that I have 
not said that the Neo-grammarians had rejected the old Boppian 
theory. That would have been incorrect. In fact, the chief charge 
brought against them by Fick is that they still cling to " the empty 
chatter" about roots and suffixes, though the charge applies with 
justice rather to Brugmann than to the other members of the new 
school. The true representative of the " agnostic " school is Johannes 
Schmidt. What I have said is that the revolution brought about by 
the new school has given the couJ> de grace to the agglutinative theory. 
It has shown that the analyses and combinations of the theory 
were alike impossible and contrary to phonetic facts. We can no 
longer analyse -mai into -ma -mi now that we know that m cannot 
be lost between two vowels, and that ma with alpha can have nothing 
to do with the personal pronoun vie. 

It is now some years since Delbriick — still at the time an 
adherent of the agglutinative theory — found himself compelled to 
admit that the only argument in its favour was the similarity of the 
personal terminations of the verb to the personal pronouns. Since 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

then it has been sho.wn that this similarity does not really exist, 
while the terminations can be accounted for in quite a different way. 

A discussion about questions of Comparative Philology is not 
very germane to the objects of this Society, and I will therefore con- 
fine myself to trying to make clear by one or two examples what a 
"suffix" actually is. The two suffixes ise and fnent play an im- 
portant part in living English grammar. But though we can form 
transitive verbs and abstract substantives by attaching these suffixes 
to words or parts of words, they never had any actual existence of 
their own ; they are simply combinations of old words which have 
acquired a particular grammatical signification, the grammatical 
signification being abstracted from the body of the word to which 
they are attached. So, again, in Greek, a form like the Homeric 
o«5oJ;<7^a presupposes a " suffi.x " aQa, denoting the second person 
singular. But the suffix originally had no special reference to a 
second person. It is derived from olaQa, where the a really re]^re- 
sents the final dental of the so-called "root".z'/^, to which the well- 
known nominal "suffix" da has been attached. Neither 9a nor cOa 
ever had , anything to do with the second personal pronoun. In 
these cases there has been adaptation, and not agglutination. 

I repeat that my criticism has no reference to the facts which 
Mr. Renouf produces from the Egyptian language, but to the appli- 
cation to the facts of an obsolete theory borrowed from the earlier 
writers upon Comparative Philology. It will be time enough to 
analyse the Egyptian pronouns when the Egyptologists can tell us 
what exactly were the vowel-sounds they possessed in the age of the 
Old Empire. 

One word as regards what Mr. Renouf says about my explana- 
tion of the local names Yaqab-el and Iseph-el. It is an explanation 
which I sl^are with Ed. Meyer, Renan, Noldeke, Baethgen, Neu- 
bauer, and other Semitic scholars. Such compounds have nothing 
in common with the Greek compounds Theophilos or Dorothea, 
and to compare them together presupposes another glottological 
theory which is now obsolete. 

Let me now turn to Dn Bezold's letter, as I hope to convince 
him that I had good reason in saying that the ideographs '-^^[Qf ^ 
can signify "the tongue" or "language of a woman," and nothing 
else. The term " ideograph " is the Assyriological x, and is little 
more than an expression of ignorance. It covers not only ideo- 
graphs, but Accadian and Assyrian words or parts of words as well 



as unusual modes of writing words. Thus the "compound ideo- 
graph " ^ J^y, instanced by Dr. Bezold, is really the Accadian 
word m'gin, of unknown derivation, and the Assyriologists would not 
be justified in finding in it the "ideograph" of "going." 

As Dr. Bezold says, '-^][^ is made equivalent to saqti sa me and 
taritii as well as to lisami " tongue." But the first meaning — which 
is not an ideographic one, being derived from the fact that the 
" dialectal " form of the Sumerian gwo " irrigation," was 7<:'^Vor we^ — is 
excluded by the nature of the case from the interpretation of the 
compound >-^]V) -J^, while the rendering taritu is due to the con- 
fusion in pronunciation of the two words cme " tongue " and erne 
{oi/io) " mother." The latter signification would make no sense in 
the passages in which the compound >-^y^ -j^ is used. For the 
explanation of this compound we must have recourse to a parallel 
compound 5:^ "J>=, " girl " or " daughter," and this obliges us to 
render >-^]Vy -^ by " female tongue " or " language." 

I quite agree with Dr. Bezold in thinking that >-^][3f 1^ would 
throw no light on >-^]^^ ■^. The latter appears to me to be an 
invention of the grammarians, and I much doubt whether it had any 
fixed pronunciation assigned to it either in Accadian or in Assyrian. 

A. H. Sayce. 

Remarks by Mr. Renouf. 

Professor Sayce evades the main point ; which is my denial of 
his assertion to the Philological Society, that my arguments against a 
certain conclusion of his rested on an obsolete theory of roots. I 
had used no arguments whatever against the conclusion in question. 
An argument of mine against another assertion has no connection 
whatever with any doctrine of roots. He now lectures me about a 
science which I begun to study before he was born, and the study 
of which I have never interrupted. I should have liked to see my 
old friend Lottner's face had he lived to read about my " leaving 
my own province, and wandering into " that of Professor Sayce ; in 
which the names of Max Miiller and Bre'al count for nought. 

It would be idle to follow the Professor in his lecture, for his 
remarks are really directed not against what I have said, but apparently 
against what he supposes (and wrongly supposes) me to think. Mr. 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Rylands knows that I do not need his introduction to M. Victor 
Henry's admirable Comparative Grammar, which I have had by me 
ever since its publication, and the contents of which I know quite well. 

I cannot however allow the " explanation " of the names ' Yaqab-el 
and Isephel ' to pass unnoticed. Our Proceedings would justly fall 
beneath public contempt if scholarship like this were supposed to 
be tolerated here. I do 7iot believe that it is shared by Professor 
Sayce with " Ed. Meyer, Renan, Noldeke, Baethgen, Neubauer, and 
other Semitic scholars." If the .most learned and venerable Rabbi 
told me that he entertained it, I would know he was getting into 
his dotage, or that he had taken to charlatanism. 

The Semitic scholars just named have full right to accept 

M. Groff's identification of the name [|(| I^ [| *^^y^ Ispar with 
Joseph-el. I do not agree with it, for I take |ilij for tp with a Sheva, 
and look on the word as derived either from the root 7Dt2? or from 
"^Dtr. But M. Groff's identification is a perfectly justifiable hypo- 
thesis. What I object to, as a grossly ignorant assertion, is that 
Joseph-el signifies " Joseph the god," and none of the scholars in 
question has publicly committed himself to such ignorant folly. 

I here quote the opinions of three of these scholars. 

" Je crois que les noms de ^p^i, pTO'' repre'sentent de vielles 
formes ecourtees SS"3,pV' T'^^'pre*'. ayant le sens de Qui sequitur 
vestigia Dei, Cui subridet Deus, qu'ont pu porter d'anciennes con- 
federations aristocratiques de puritains religieux. Les textes egyp- 
tiens parlent d'une ville ou tribu de Jacob-el qu'ils placent vers la 

Judee La meme chose se remarque dans le nom des villes. 

Ainsi n^^l de'signe une ville dont la construction est attribuee a un 
ordre de Dieu aussi clairement que 7^^21"', " Dieu Ta fait batir." 

M. Renan,* the writer of this passage, never dreams of such 
an explanation as Jacob the god, and till Professor Sayce produces 
better proof than his own assertion, I shall not believe that M. Renan 
has forgotten his Hebrew. 

Ed. Meyer t interprets /rt-r^;^-^/ by " El ist listig " or " El belohnt." 
And if Isp-el is to be read Vi% Joseph-el, the name will signify, " El fiigt 
hinzu, vermehrt." He " does not know how to translate it otherwise." 

Baethgen, in his Beitriige, agrees with Meyer dLhoxii Jacob-el. 

* Revue des Etudes Juives, V. 162. He says, p. 163, that neither Israelites 
nor pagan Semites called men by the names of gods. 

f Zeitschr. /. d. alttestanieiitliilie IVisscnschaft, VI, pp. 4, 5. 



■By C. Bezold. 

The inscriptions of Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, have 
been treated by different scholars during the last few years. Besides 
the splendid collection of the contract and other tablets dated 
from his reign, which the Rev. J. N. Strassmaier has so ably 
edited, and the decipherment of which Dr. Oppert has begun, the 
so-called historical inscriptions of the king, concerning his family, 
his temples, and royal buildings, have also been translated several 
times. In completing the remarks on them given in my Lit,, pp. 
137 ff., I may call attention to the following papers : — 

KK. Nos. 1689-92, i.e., "Nab. Cyl.," have been reprinted, with 
a transliteration, an Italian translation, and explanatory notes by 
Teloni, Chrestom., pp. 64 ff., 106 ff. Of K. 1688, i.e., "Nab. br. 
Cyl.," no full translation has been attempted since the one given 
by Oppert (and reprinted by Menant). The last part of the 
translation of 82, 7-14, 1025, i.e., " Nab. Rm. A," by Latrille, 
appeared in Zeits., 1886, p. 25 ff., and some notes to Latrille's 
translation were added by Oppert, ib., p. 236 f. A transliteration of 
the whole inscription was given also by Lyon, Manual, pp. 35 ff. 
Of " Nab. Rm. B," there is at present only one copy, 81, 4-21, 3, in 
the British Museum, since the other has been sent to Constantinople.* 
Col. I of this text was first translated, and partly also transliterated, 
by Latrille, Zeits., 1886, p. 28 ff. The second column has been 
collated again with the original in the British Museum by Pinches, 
and then transliterated, translated, and explained by Teloni, Z^eits., 
1888, p. 159 ff., 292 ff. Of Sp. II, 964, i.e., "Nab. arm.," no 
translation has appeared since Pinches', and of. 81, 7-1, 28, i.e., 
" Nab. Rm. C," which is written in archaic characters, there is none 
at all. Finally, some legends on bricks are published which belong 
to our king ; of these, I was able to verify the following : W.A.I. I, 
68, No. i\ = Ni/>iroitd Gallery, Nos. 120, 505, 506, 507 (?),f 509, 515, 

* Cf. Pinches, Zeifs., 1888, p. 169, n. 3. 

t The writing is con^sidL■rabiy defaced ; the ends of the lines arc mutilated, 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

516,* 518 ; W.A.I. I, 68, No. ^=-Nimroud Gallery, Nos. 512, 513, 
514;! W.A.L I, 68, No. 6 = Ni/nroud Gallery, Nos. 510, 517; J 
and W.A.L I, 68, No. i=-Nimroud Gallery, Nos. 508, 511, 5i9.§ 

On the contents of all these texts and the history of king 
Nabonidus in general, see Tiele, Geschichte, Vol. II, pp. 458 ff. 

When verifying, October last, several of the documents which 
are now exhibited in the Assyrian Room of the British Museum, I 
came across some unpublished inscriptions of this king, of which a 
brief enumeration may be of interest to our collaborateiirs. 

To W.A.I. V, 64, a very fine duplicate of which I have seen, 
1887, in the Berlin Museum, || there are several parallel texts in the 
London Museum : i. A.H. 82, 7-14, 1029, a partly mutilated barrel 
cylinder, 9I in. by 4I in., with parts of the first two, and the whole of 
the third column, in 38, 62, 56 lines respectively. The beginning of 
Col. II corresponds to Nab. Rm. A, Col. II, 8, and that of Col. Ill 
to Nab. Rm. A, Col. II, 64. 2. A.H. 82, 7-14, 1036, part of a barrel 
cyl., 6f in, by 5I in., with portions of the second and third coll., with 
37, 61 lines, or parts of lines, respectively. Col. II, 1. i = Nab. Rm. 
A, Col. II, I, and Col. Ill, 1. i = Nab. Rm. A, Col. II, 65. 3. A.H. 
82, 7-14, 1026, part of a barrel cyl.,. 6 in. by 5^ in., remains of three 
columns, with 27, 29, 6 parts of lines respectively, corresponding to 
Nab. Rm. A, Col. 1, 11. 27-52 ; II, 11. 29-55 ; HI, 11. 33-38. 4. A.H. 
82, 7-14, 1034, fragment of a barrel cyl., 4^ in. by 3^ in., remains of 
two columns, with 21, 19 lines respectively, corresponding to Nab. Rm. 
A, Col. I, 11. 1-20 ; II, 11. 2-18. 5. No. 12046, fragment of a barrel 
cyl., 4 in. by 35 in., remains of 17 lines, corresponding to Nab. Rm. 
A, Col. Ill, 11. 22-39. 6. A.H. 82, 7-14, 1033, fragment of a barrel 
cyl., ■^\ in. by 3 in., remains of 12 lines, corresponding to Nab. Rm. 
A, Col. I, 11. 12-22. 7. A.H. 82, 7-14, 1035, fragment of a barrel 
cyl., 3 in. by 2| in., remains of 10 lines, corresponding to Nab. Rm. 
A, Col. I, 11. 1-3, 52 — Col. II, 4. 8. A.H. 82, 7-14,1007, fragment 
of a barrel cyl, i| in. by i^ in., remains of 7 lines=:Nab. Rm. A, 
Col. II, 11. 20-26. 9. A.H. 82, 7-14, 1009, fragment of a barrel 
cyl., i^ in. by \\ in., remains of 7 lines = Nab. Rm. A, Col. II, 
11. 18-23. 

* Partly defaced ; broken into three pieces. 

t Mutilated at the end. 

X Fragment, only the beginnings of the first three lines being left. 

§ Mutilated at the beginning. 

II Cf. WiNCKLER, Zeits., 1887, p. 311, n. i. 



Two other fragments of cones in the Museum, viz., Nos. 12035 
and A.H. 82, 7-14, 997, which are written in archaic characters, 
cannot be verified with certainty ; they may both belong, however, to 
the records of Nabonidus. The former, i| in. by i| in., with 
remains of 7 Unes, appears to be of no special interest. The second, 
the script of which is rather indistinct but similar to that of the first, — 
5 in. by 2| in., contains two columns with 17 and 21 remains of lines. 
In Col. I the temple |*?c=[ 5:]f ^TT is mentioned and brought into 
connection with " Samas, the great lord, the mighty judge " (^ ^y 
^VXL %h 4-1 Y^ '^^.)' ^^^ his beloved wife Ai (^ f]^ ]] ^ 
^^^ ^^ m v-4 iU ^^ff^ C^I -^f-D- And Col. II 
contains the following record : — 

Line 3 

„ 4 

» 5 
„ 6 

„ 7: T? ^wf^ m} ^^^^^i^^-nm 

i.e., i-nu i-na ki-sir-ti(l) sii a-tum mu-sa-ri-i Sa-am-su-i-lu-ni sarri 
inah-ri a-bi-ya la-bi-ri a-mu-ur-ma, " then (?) on that .... I saw 
the writing of the name of Samsuiluni, a former king, my fore- 
father {lit: "my old father"), and " 

When we compare, with that remark, 1. 20 of Column II of the 
second of the two cylinders, published in the following pages, it is 
not at all unlikely that it was Nabonidus who caused the above 
inscription to be executed, although this cannot be assumed with 
certainty from the fragmentary text itself. 

I finally found two unpublished, almost entirely preserved, barrel 
cylinders in the Assyrian Room, of which it appears to be worth 
while to give the full text, with a transliteration and attempt at a 
translation. The first of them, numbered as 81, 7-1, 9, measures 
5in. in length, while its diameter increases from 2fin. to.2|in. 
The second, 85, 4-30, 2, has a length of 8|in., its diameter in- 
creasing from 3|in. to 4|in. 

Both documents are covered with neo-Babylonian characters, 
and the single lines are separated from each other by division-rules 

* Nothinj:; appears to be wanting at the end of these lines. 

Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889 

almost throughout. The writing on the first cyHnder is, in several 
lines, very much crowded, and the terra-cotta is often so uneven, 
and its characters are so much obliterated, that they are hardly to be 
verified, although traces of them are left. It is, therefore, only 
after having had the kind assistance of the Rev. J. N. Strassmaier, 
that I venture to publish my copy of the inscription. I am glad to 
thank here the well-known cuneiform scholar for going with me 
twice carefully over the text, once collating it with my copy, 
and once with the printed proof. In thinking, that, from the 
original document, not much more can be made out than given 
below, we are both of the same opinion. What has now to come, is 
a restoration of the doubtful passages from parallel texts or dupli- 
cates — a work which is entirely different from, and, therefore, must 
not be confounded with, copying a text for the first time from the 

For the second cylinder, which is much easier to read, of which, 
however, some pieces are broken out, I am alone responsible. 
Although I am quite aware that I have left many lines unexplained, 
and besides, I fear, have misunderstood or misread several words, or 
overlooked parallels for the restorations, I thought it convenient to 
make both texts publici juris, claiming for it some such favour as 
WiNCKLER did, when publishing his admirable paper on einige fieu- 
veroffentlicht texte Hammurabis, Nabopolassars und Nebukadnezars. 

I need hardly add a word on the importance of these texts, 
the first of which confirms our views on the earliest builder of 
S^y ■^y ^^y, and gives some new information as to the connection 
of the deities ->^ ^y, ->f y^f yj, and ->f- -^^ :::^-y ^Z^^\ * with 
that renowned temple. The second supplies us, for the first time, 
with a monumental note on the chronology of the founder of the 
Old Babylonian empire, Khammurabi. Having fixed lately, by 
the aid of the celebrated Tell-el-Amarna find, as well as by the 
Synchronistic History, the time of (" the ") Burnaburyas, as the first 
half of the XVth century B.C., there can, after the present inscription, 
be little doubt for us that the reign of Khammurabi covered the first 
half of the XXIInd century B.C., and therefore began shortly after the 

* To the principal passages relating to these deities, as given by Latrille, 
Zeits., 1885, p. 357, and note 2, I may add here W.A.I. V, 61, Col. VI, 11. 46/, 
and for the recent literature on ^^y -^y ^^ly, refer to my note, ibid., 1S88, 
p. 417. 



Elamitic invasion {Lit., § 11, r, 3). Considering, now, the 567 
( + ^, the latter expressing the duration of the reigns of four rulers) 
years, ascribed by the "list of kings" 80, 11-12, 3, and by the first 
column of the "Babylonian Canon" {Lit., § \\,n,p) to the kings 
following directly after Khammurabi, we come to the conclusion that 

the gap between [j] •^ of Bab. Can., Col. I, 21, and 

Karaindas must be very small, if it exists at all. A further result of 
the new date is, that apparently also the " 700 years" in W.A.I. I, 
69, Col. II, 4, are the same date as ours, and therefore refer to the 
distance between Khammurabi and Burnaburyas, and not to that 
between Khammurabi and Urbau, as Tiele, though very ingeniously, 
suggested in his Geschichte, I, p. 103. 

The inscriptions referred to in this introductory note comprise 
all the documents of king Nabonidus in the British Museum of 
which I know at present. 

No. I. 81, 7 — I, 9. 


Column I. 

1. Ilii Na-bi-um-na- -id sar Bdbili 

2. rVum ki-nim li-bit qdtd ilu I-a 

3. idlu (?) su-pu-u bi-nu-tii ilu nim . min (?) . na 

4. sarrii la sa-ati na nii-gir ilu Bil u ilu Afa?-duk 

5. nia-al-ka it-pi-su ni-bit ilu Sin u ilu Sam as 

6. rubu mu-un-tal-ka pa-li-ih Hi n ilu istari 

7. ilu nirgal mu-ti-ib libbi il{an)i rabiitt 

8. za~ni-in /-saggil u Bit-khii 

9. mu-i/d-dis ma-ha-zti niu-sak-lil is-ri-i-ti 

10. isakku si-i-ri mu-dah-hi-id sit-tiik-ku 

11. sa a-na pa-la-ah Hani pi-it-qu-du 

12. la ig-gii-i't niii-si u tir-ra 

13. apil ilu Nabit-baldt-su-iq-bi riibii imi-ga a-na-ku 

14. a-na ilu Samas Inlu ra-lm-u bi-li-ya 

15. uilu Ai{?) kal-la-tinn bi il-tian rabi-tum 

16. bi'il-yaQ) us-ti-mi-iq-ma 

1 7. Bit-Samas bit-su-un ina ki-rib Sippara sam 

18. i-li ti-mi-in Na-rani-HuSin sarru iil-la 

19. i-is-si-is ii-si-pi-is-ma 

20. a-na ta-na-da-a-ti as-tak-ka-ati 

Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889 

21. a-na si-pu-su (?) isu gissimar dan-nu-tu u-sar-si-id 

22. isu irini pa-ag-lu-tu tar-bit mati Ha-ma-ni 

23. u tndti Kal-dd a-na su-lii-li-su 

24. ic isu dalat bdbani-sii ti-sat-mi-ih 

25. 7i-nu-tu-m ina kaspi u hurasi u-za--in-ma 

26. a-na tab-ra-a-tu la-la-a tis-mal-la 

27. si-tir sumi-ya itti si-tir su-mu sa Na-ra7n-iluSin 

28. same mah-ru as-tak-kan ki-ir-bi-iis (?) -su 

29. bitu sa ilii Samas u ilu Ai bilu-u-a ina im-na u su-mi-lu (?) ki-ina 


30. us-nam-mir-ma I-sdr-ra bit ilu Bu-ni-ni sa ki-rib Si-par 

31. ana ilu Bu-ni-ni (?) blli-yd is-sis i-pi'i-u-su Q) ti-bi-ib-ti-su 

32. 2i-qa-ad-dis-ina iis-si-ma ana i-sdr ilu-u-ti-su ki-ma fim-mi 

33. zi-mu-su ti-sa-an-na-bi-it 

34. bit libnati sa ma-hir-tii Bit-Savias sa babi mahru (?) 

35. ri-si-pis-nia Hi sa pani li-dan-nin si-tir sit-mi-yd 
2,6. u sa-lam sami-ti-ti-yd ma-har ilu Samas u ilu Ai 
37, bilu-ii-a 

Column II. 

1. H-ki-in a-na du-ur nm-vii 

2. ilu Samas bilu si-i-ri ra--im na-pis-tii 

3. a-na Bit-Samas biti-ka na-am-ra 

4. ina a-si-i-ka u i-ri-bi-ka 

5. ip-si-tu-ti-a damqa-a-tu si-tir hi-mi-ya 

6. u sa-lam sarru-ii-ti-ya ha-di-is 

7. na-pa-lis-ma damqa-tu-ii-a ana du-ur da-ir 

8. lib-sd--ma a-na mah-ri-ka 

9. a-ra-ku iim-mi sarru-ii-ti-ya lis-sa-kin ina pi-i-ka 

10. ina nu-ii-ri-ka na-am-ri lu-la-ab-bi-ir 

11. tal {J)-lak-ka a-na id-ra-a-ka 

12. li-ku-un pal-lu-u-a ilu Ai 

13. kal-la-tum rabi-tum na-ram-7nat ilu Sa?ns-si 

14. ina Bit- Mti-ka nam-ri ha-dis ina a-sa-bi-ka 

15. ma-har ilu Samas 7iu-ur sami su-pi-ya (?) damqiiti 

16. sti-ri-ka Hm-mi ba-la-ti-ya 

17. suk-kal-lum mit-lu-ku ilu am . na ilu Bu-ni-7ii 

18. sa mi-lik-su dam-qa ma-har ilu Samas u ilu Ai a-tu{?) 

1 9. a-zu-ka (?) sii-lu-lu (?) il-si-ka (?) 

20. ma-har ihi Samas bil gim-ri sal-tis Q) ina u-zu-zi-ka{J) 

^Q H 


21 -^' (?) damqu-ti-a lii-sa ku (?) 

22. ina lib (?) -bi-su siri sal-mi-is it-tal-lak 

23. isu kiissil sarru-2i-ti-yd lu-lab-bir a-di si-bi lit-tu-tu 
24 -par{})-ku-u Bit-Samas ma-har ilu Samas 

25. u ilu Ai li-datfi-qa ip-si-tu-i'i-a 

26. a-iia-kic lu-u sarru da-ru-ii za-ni-in 

27 (?) biQ)-lat-s7i (?) -7tu sa ka-lis kip-rat (?) ma-har ilu 


28. u ilu Zar-pa-7ii-tum ilu Nabu u ilu Nirgal ildnu-u-a u ilu 


29. a-sih ma-hir-ti'i id . Ki . id sa sar sanu sa-qii-u 

30. bil bllani zag . mug ri-is sat-ti i-sin-nu id . Ki . id 

31. ana Jii-ki-i ma-as-ha-tu u pa-qa-du bid . da . di higalli 

32. u ud-ni-in-7ia bil bilani 

33. hi-sa-at-ra-ak tal-lak-tiim 

34. a-na da-ir-a-tu li-ir-za(^)-ma pal-lu-u-a 

35. li- . . . . -ur (?) a-na sarrii-ii-ti-ya. 

Column I. 

T. Nabonidus, king of Babylon, 

2. the faithful shepherd, the creature of the hands of Aos (?), 

3. the mighty, the brilliant (?), the offspring of Nimminna (?), 

4. the king without rival, the favourite of Bel and Merodach, 

5. the wise prince, who acknowledges (?) Sin and Samas, 

6. the august, the illustrious (?), who fears god and goddess ; 

7. the indefatigable governor (?), who delights the hearts of the 

great gods, 

8. who embellishes Isaggil and Bitkin, 

9. renovates fortresses, completes temples, 

10. the strong sovereign, who accumulates offerings, 

11. who is called upon to worship the gods, 

1 2. who does not cease night and day, 

13. the son of Nabubalatsuiqbi, the august, the exalted — am I. 

14. Unto Samas, the great lord, my lord, 

15. and Ai (?), the bride, the great mistress, 

16. my lords, I addressed a prayer, and 

17. Bitsamas, their temple, within Sippara, 

18. upon the foundation of Naramsin, the olden king, 

19. I built anew, and 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

20. raised (it) to sublimity. 

21. At its feet (?) I laid mighty g/sst'mar {?)-hea.m% (and) 

22. big cedar-beams, the product of (the lands of) Khaman 

23. and Kalda for its roofing, 

24. and the doors of its gates I fitted. 

25. Its furniture I embellished with silver and gold, and 

26. riches I heaped up marvellously. 

27. The writing of my name together with the writing of the name 

of Naramsin, 

28. a former king, I placed within it. 

29. The temple of Samas and Ai, my lords, on the right and the left 

hand side (?), like day-light 

30. I caused to shine. Isarra (?), the temple of Bunini (?), within 


31. unto Bunini, my lord, I built anew its brightness ; 

32. I sanctified (?) and consecrated (?) (it) as the sanctuary of his 

deity ; like day-light 

33. I made its splendour shine. 

34. A house of brick, which is in front of Bitsamas, for the first time 

35. I built ; the writing of my name I strengthened, more than before ; 

36. and the image of my majesty, before Samas and Ai, 

37. my lords, 

Column II. 

1. I placed. For the duration of the days : 

2. Oh Samas, mighty lord, lover of the soul, 

3. when thou, from Bitsamas, thy resplendent house, 

4. comest forth, and enterest into it, — 

5. my auspicious works, the writing of my name, 

6. and the image of my majesty do thou joyfully 

7. behold, and auspicious for ever and ever, 

8. let them be before thee ; 

9. may the length of the days of my majesty be found in (the words 

of) thy mouth ; 

10. in thy resplendent light, may it grow old — 

11. thou walkest(?) 

12. may my dominion be solid ! — Oh Ai, 

13. great bride, beloved of Samas, 

14. in Bit . . . ., thy resplendent house, when thou joyfully dwellest 

(in it) 

91 H 2 


15. before Samas, the light of heaven, (there are?) my auspicious 

supplications (?) : 

16. do thou make the days of my life long ! — 

17. Oh messenger, counsellor, (?), Bunini, 

18. whose counsel is auspicious before Samas and Ai, the , 

19. whose , 

20. when thou standest (?) victoriously (?) before Samas, the lord of 

the universe, 

21. mayest thou my auspicious , 

22. safely walking in its mighty , 

23. may the throne of my majesty grow old, with abundance of 

posterity ! 

24. May the of Bitsamas, before Samas 

25. and Ai make my works auspicious ! 

26. Verily, I am the enduring king, the embellisher, 

27. who receives (?) the tribute of the totality of the regions (?) before 


28. and Zarpanitum, Nebo and Nergal, my gods, and all the gods, 

29. who dwelleth before idkid, which (belongs to) the king of the 

high heavens, 

30. the lord of the lords, who celebrates the festival of the New 

Year, who . . . . s idkid. 

31. To offer libations (?) and to administrate biddadi (?), in 


32. and to worship the lord of the lords, 

33. may he direct (my) path ; 

34. for ever and ever may he my dominion ; 

35. may he for my majesty ! 

No. II. 85, 4—30, 2. 

Translitera Hon. 

Column I. 

1. Ilu Na-hi-uni-na- -id sar Bdhili asm 

2. ri-i-a-um ?ti-bi-it ilu Marduk 

3. za-ni-in I-saggil u Bit-kini 

4. mu-da-ah-hi-id sa-at-tu-uk-ku 

5. mu-ud-di-is ma-ha-zi Hani rabiitt 

6. i-da-an za-ni-na-a-ti 

7. mu-dah-hi-id gi-mi-ir isarati 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

8. za-ni-in is-ri-i-tim mii-sar-ri-hi i-gi-si-i 

9. na-as-pa-ar {?) la-a ni-hi 

10. ka-si-dii sd-di-i i-lii-tim 

11. ri-i-a-am 7nu-iis-ta-lu 

12. mu-us-ti-si-ir ni-si su-a-tim 

13. sd ilu Marduk ilu bil Hani a-na za-na-an ma-ha-zi 

14. u ud-du-m is-ri-i-ti 

15. su-um-su ki-ni-is iz-ku-ru a-na sar-ru-ti 

16. ilu Na-bi-um pa-qid kis-sat sami-i u irsit-tiin 

17. i-na nap-ha-ar a-si-ib parakki 

18. ic-sar-bu-u bi-lu-ut-su 

19. ilu nirgal da7i-dan-ni 

20. ilu bit ir-si-tim mu-ut-tal-ku 

21. i-na ga-ab-lu u ta-ha-zi 

22. il-li-ki i-da-a-m ilu Sin u ilu Ningal(?) 

23. a-gi-i du-iir unii i-si-ir-ra-ku-iis-su 

24. ilu Satnas u ilu Ai{l) iu-da-at mi-sa-ru 

25. u-pa-at-tu-su Hani rabiiti 

26. i-7ia kii-um-mi {J)-su-nu ra-bi-is ut-iu{?)-hi 

27. ti-ba su-um-sit 

28. u-sar-bu-u bi-lu-ut-su 

29. apil ilu Na-bi-um-ba-lat-su-iq-bi 

30. ru-ba-a-am i-itn-ga a-na-ku 

31. ni-nu-uin ilu Samas bi-lii rabu-ii sa safm-t u irsit-tini 

32. ri--u sal-mat qaq-qa-du bi-lu ti-ni-si-i-tim 

33. Larsam asru a-lu na-ar-mi-su Blt-Samas 

34. su-ba-at tu-ub lib-bi-su sa ul-tu unii ul-lu-tim 

35. in-na-mu-2i i-niu-ii kar-tni-is 

36. ba-as-sa u tu-ru-ba si-pi-iq i-pi-ru 

37. ra-bu-tim i-li-su is-sd-ab-sii-ma 

38. la uz-za-ab-bu-u ki-su-ur-sii , 

39. la in-na-at-ta-la li-su-ra-ti-sd 

40. i-na pali-i ilu Nabii-kiidurru-usjir sarru inah-ri 

41. apil ihi Nabii-ap-lu-u-sur ba-as-sa si-pi-iq i-pi-ri 

42. i-li all u biti sii-a-tim 

43. sd-ab-sii in-na-si-ir-ma ti-mi-in-na Bit-Sainas 

44. sd Bur-na-bur-ya-as sarru pa-tia a-li-ik mah,-ri 

45. i-mu-ur-ma ti-mi-in-na sarru la-bi-ri sa la-am 

46. Bur-na-bur-ya-as u-ba--i-ma la i-mu-ur 

47. i-li ti-mi-in-na Bur-na-bur-ya-as 


48. sd ki-ri-if>-sd ip-pa-al-sa Bit-Samas i-pu-us-ma 

49. ilu Samas bi-lu rabil-u ii-sar-mi ki-ri-ib-sii 

50. bitu su-a-tim a-na mu-Sd-ab iln Samas bilii rabu-i'i 

51. uihi Ai kal-la-tim na-ra-am-ti-sii 

52. ta-al-la-ak-tu-si'i i-za-ad-ma (?) 

53. pti{l)-uh-hu-rii si-pi-ir-su 

54. i-na-an-na i-na satti ^. i-na um-mu pall-i-a 

55. da-am-qa i-tia sar-ru-ti-ya da-ir-titn 

Column II. 

1. sd Hit Sa/nas i-ra-am-mii-snm 

2. ilu Samas bi-lu rabu-u ah-su-su su-bat {?)-tim 

3. sd zi-qu-ra-ti gi-gu-na-a-sii 

4. ri-i-si-sd i-li sd pa-nim ul-li-ma 

5. li-ib-ba 7na{f)-za- . . , -su ub-lam-tna 

6. a-na ya-tim ilu JVabii-na'id sarru za-ni-ni-su 

7. Blt-Samas a-na ds-ri-su tu-iir-ru 

8. ki-ma sa uml ul-lu-tim su-ba-at tu-ub lib-bi-su 

9. i-pi-su i(-qa-a-7?ia{?)-an-ni 

10. i-na ki-bi-it ihc Mardick bi-lu rabu-ii it-bii-nim-ma 

11. sd-a-ri ir-bit-ti-sii-nu nii-hi 

12. ba-as-sa sd i-li all u biti sd(?)-a-su 

13. ka-al-ma in-na-si-ih-ma Bit-Samas 

14. ki-ts-si ra-as-?na{?) u ra- ba{?)-ri 

15. mu-sd-ab ilu Samas u ilu Ai 

16. u zi-ku-ra-ti gi-gu-na-a-su si-i-ri 

17. kii-um-mu da-ni-ii mas-ta-ku 

18. ti-mi-in-su-un in-na-mi-ir-ma 

19. in-na-at-ta-la {c-su-ra-ti-sii-un 

20. si-ti-ir sii-tim sd Ha-am-mu-ra-bi 

21. sarru la-bi-ri sd VII . C sandti 

22. la-am Bur-fia-bur-ya-as 

23. Blt-Samas H zi-qu-ra-ti 

24. /-// ti-mi-in-na la-bi-ri 

25. a-na ilu Samas ib-nti-u 

26. ki-ir-ba-su ap-pa-li-is-ma ap-la-ah{?) 

27. ak-su-ud-ma ar-sd-a-ni ki (J) 

28. ki-a-am aq-bi a-na li-ib-bi-ya(J) 

29. um-ma sarru .... {?)-ku- 

30. bitu i-pu-us-ma ilu Samas bi-lu ra-bu-ii 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89. 

31. t'l-sd-ar-mi ki-ri-ib-su 

32. ya-ti bitu su-a-tim 

33. i-na a-sar-sic 

34. as-si ga-ti u-sal 

35. ilu bil ris Hani ru-bu-zim i^" Afardjik 

36. ba-lu-uk-ka ul in-na-an-da su-ub-ti 

37. 1(1 ib-ba-as-si-mu ki-su-ur-sii 

38. sa la ka-a-su{?) 7na-an-ni mi-na-a ip-pu-us 

39. bi-lii i-na ki-bi-ti-ka si-ir-ti 

40. sd i-li-ka ta-a-bi lu-si-pi-'is {f) 

41. as-ra-a-ti ilu Samas ilu Rammdn u ilu Nirgal 

42. a-na i-bi-su biti sii-a-tim ds-ti--i-ma(l) 

43. siri diim-ki sd a-ra-ku um-mi-ya(J) 

44. u i-pi-is biii is-tu-ru i-na lib-bi-si'i{?) 

45. as-fii-fna al-pu-ut bu-ni-ya{l) 

46. an-na ki-i-ni-sd sa la mu-ut{?) 

47. u-sa-as-ki-ni i-na 

48. a-na a-mat ilu Mardiik bi-lu su-i'ir-bi-ya u a-na a-inat 

49. ilu Samas u ilu Rammdn bill gim-ri at-ka-al-ma 

50. i-li-is lib-bi ka-ba-at-ta ip-pa-ar-da 

51. im-ki ra-ma-ni im-mi-ru zi-mu-ii-a 

52. ad-ka-am-ma um-ma-na-a-ti ilu Sa?nas u ilu Marduk 

53. sa-bi-it al-lii na-as gismari{?) za-bi-il 

54. a-na i-bi-is Bit-Samas ki-is-si tim 

55. parakku-sd si-iri ra-bi-is n 

56. um-ma-nti mu-du-i'i a-sar-sd iis-ta-am(?)-Jiir{?) 

57. ti-mi-in-na i-hi-tu-ma u-za-ab-bu-u si-t?ia-a-tim{?) 

58. i-na arhi sd-al-ma i-na umi magiri sd Bit-Satnas 

59. bitu ?ia-ra-atn ilu Samas u ilu Ai pa-pahi sii-ba-at 

60. i-lu-ti-su-un mas-ta-ku la-li-su-un 

Column III. 

1. ki-ma si-ma-ti{T) a-tim 

2. i-li ti-mi-in-na sd Ha-a7n-mu-ra-bi sarru la-bi-ri 

3. li-ib-na-at-su-iin ad-di-{?)tna 

4. us-ti-si-ir timi-in-su-un 

5. bitu su-a-tim ki-jna la-bi-ri-itn-ma 

6. i-is-si-is i-pii-us-ma 

7. US-si-mi si-ki-in-su Bit-tur-an-na 

8. bit na-ra-mi-su ki-ma sa llmi ul-lu-tim 



9. ul-la-a ri-i-si-su 

10. Bit-Samas a-na ilu Samas u ilu At 

11. i-pu-us ii-sd-ak-li-il-ma 

12. u-ba-an-na-a ta-al-la-ak-tu-iis 

13. pa-pa-hi su-ba-at i-lu-ti-su-un sir-thn 

14. sd i-ti-i zi-qu-ra-tim ri-tu-u ti-mi-in-su 

15. a-na si-ma-at i-lu-ti-su-nlm 

1 6. ra-bi-tlm su-lii-ku 

17. a-na ilu Samas u ilu Ai bUi-i-a 

1 8. um-mi-is I'l-na-am-mi-ir-ma 

19. ti-za-ak-ki-ir hur-sa-ni-is 

20. sd a-na sarri ma-na-ina la im-gu-ru 

21. ilu Samas bi-lu rabii-u ya-tim sarru pa-li-ih-su 

22. im-gu-ur-an-ni-tna a-am ga-tu-u-a 

23. Blt-Samas a-na ilu Samas u ilu Ai 

24. bili-i-a ki-ma la-bi-ri-hn-ina 

25. da-am-ki-is i-pu-us-ma 

26. a-na as-ri-sd u-ti-ir 

27. ina dup-pi{f) abnu GISSIRGAL (?) si-ti-ir su-mi . 

28. sd Ha-am-nnc-ra-bi sami la-bi-ri 

29. sd ki-ri-ib-su ap-pa-al-sa 

30. //-// si-ti-ir sii-mi-ya as-ku-un-ma 

3 1 . I'l-ki-in ana du-i'ir iim-mi 

32. a-7ia da-ra-ti ilu Samas b'ilu{?) sii-ur-bu-u 

33. sd . . . . ... -ri 

34. sarru .... ... -tint 

35. nu-ur . . . ha-di-is nap-lis-ma 

36. ba-la-ti u-um rii-qu-i'i-ti 

37. si-bi-i li-it-tu-tu ku-un-nu isu kiissu 

38. u la-ba-ra pa-li-i a-na si-riq-ti sur-qam 

39. i-na ki-bi-ti-ka si-ir-ti 

40. ilu Samas bi-lu ra-bu-ii bttu su-a-tim 

41. ma-ha-ar-ka lu-la-ab-bi-ir 

42. a-na da-ir-a-ti 

43. ni-si sa-al-ma-at qaq-qa-du 

44. ma-la i-ba-ar-ra-a nu-ur-ka nam-ri 

45. su-uk-si-da ga-tu-ii-a 

46. su-uk-ni-si'i si-i-pu-u-a 

47. ilu Ai kal-la-ti ra-bi-tim 

48. / na ku-um-mi-ka si-i-ri 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

49. ka-a-a-na li-ta-nii-ka 

50. da-am-qa-a-ti 

51. ilu Bu-ni-ni{?) su-uk-kal-lum 

52. vii-it-lu-uk-ti-ka um-tni-sd-am-ma 

53. li-ka-al-U-mu 

54. i-da-a-ti du-iim-ki-ya. 

Column I. 

1. Nabonidus, king of Babylon, 

2. the shepherd, who acknowledges (?) Marduk, 

3. who embellishes Isaggil and Bitkin, 

4. who accumulates offerings, 

5. who renovates the fortresses of the great gods, 

6. who is fond (?) of embellishments, 

7. who offers to all the sanctuaries, 

8. the embellisher of the temples, who receives much tribute, 

9. the indefatigable messenger, 

10. the conqueror of the high mountains, 

11. the ? shepherd, 

12. who leads these people, 

13. whose name Marduk, the lord of the gods, upon the embellish- 

ment of the fortresses 

14. and the renovation of the temples 

15. has faithfully called to majesty, 

16. whose dominion Nebo, the keeper of the multitude of heaven 

and earth, 

17. among all the {beings) dwelling in a shrine, 

18. has made great ; 

19. the governor (?), the almighty, 

20. the shepherd (?) of the earth, the illustrious (?) 

21. in fight and battle; 

22. at whose side Sin and Ningal (?) are walking; 

23. whose crown have made enduring for the length of the days 

24. Samas and Ai (?) ; for whom the paths of righteousness 

25. have opened the great gods; 

26. in their abode, have greatly 

27 his name, 

28. have made great his dominion ; 

29. the son of Nabubalatsuiqbi, 



30. the august, the exalted — am I. 

31. Then : Samas, the great lord of heaven and earth, 

32. the shepherd of (the people with) dark complexion (?), the lord 

of mankind — 

33. Larsa, the city which he loved, (and) Bitsamas, 

34. the dwelling-place of the joy of his heart, which since olden 


35. had become waste like a fallow-ground, 

36. while much mud and earth, the product of the dust, 

37. were over it, and 

38. its environs were not visible, 

39. its walls not perceived — 

40. in the reign of Nabuchadnezzar, the former king, 

41. the son ^of Nabopolassar, there was mud, the product of the 


42. over this city and temple, 

43. and hidden (?) was the foundation-stone of Bitsamas, 

44. which Burnaburyas, a former king, my predecessor, 

45. had seen, and had sought for the foundation-stone of an old king, 

who had been before 

46. Burnaburyas {himself), and had not found (it) — 

47. over that foundation-stone of Burnaburyas, 

48. which he beheld within it {the temple) — he {Nebuchadnezzar) 

built Bitsamas, and 

49. caused Samas, the great lord, to dwell within it. 

50. Of this temple — (destined) for the dwelling-place of Samas, the 

great lord, 

51. and Ai, his beloved bride, 

52. he smoothed (?) its path, and 

53. completed (?) its work. 

54. Thereafter, in the loth year, in the days of my auspicious 

55. reign, in my enduring dominion, 

Column II. 

1. which Samas loveth, 

2. Samas, the great lord, I thought of ... . (his) dwelling-place (?) ; 

3. of the tower, which (forms) its addition (?), 

4. I raised its summit, more than before ; 

5. within (it, i.e., the temple) I brought its 

6. For me, Nabonidus, its embellisher, 

Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

7. Bitsamas was waiting — for (my) restoring it to its {right) place, 

8. (and) making it, as (it was) in olden days, the dwelling-place 

9. of the joy of his {Santas') heart. 

10. And, by order of Marduk, the great lord, there came 

11. the powerful winds, four of them, 

1 2. and the mud which covered this city 

13. and temple, they blew away, (and) of Bitsamas, 

14. the sanctuary, a trace (?) was seen (?), 

15. the dwelling-place of Samas and Ai, 

16. and the tower, its mighty addition (?), 

17. the everlasting building, the abode (?) 

18. their foundation-stone appeared, and 

19. their walls were perceived. 

20. The writing of the name of Khammurabi, 

21. the old king, who 700 years 

22. before Burnaburyas 

23. had erected Bitsamas and the tower 

24. over the old foundation, 

25. for Samas, — • 

26. I beheld within it, and I became frightened, 

27. and I was overcome (?), and ; 

28. thus I spoke to myself 

29. : the king 

30. has built the temple, and has caused Samas, the great lord, 

31. to dwell in it : 

32. it is I, who have restored (?) 

2iZ- this temple to its {right) place ; 

34. I raised my hands, I prayed : 

35. Oh lord, head of the gods, august Marduk, 

36. without thee, my dwelling will not be established, 

37. its environs not be decorated ; 

38. who shall do what without thee ? 

39. Oh lord, by thy mighty command, 

40. what is welcome to thee, I caused to be built : 

41. the dwelling-places of Samas, Ramman, (and) Nirgal ; 

42. to build this house I planned ; 

43. " luxury for the length of my days " (?) 

44. and "the completing of this house " they wrote (?) on it (?). 
45- I , and I bowed (?) ; 

46. a faithful prayer for it (?), which . . . not 



47. I brought into 

48. In the order of Marduk, my lord, who makes me great, and 

in the order of 

49. Samas and Ramman, the lords of the universe, I trusted, and 

50. my heart exulted, (my) liver was moved impetuously (?), 

51. my person felt strong (?), my brightness (?) was conspicuous (?). 

52. And I ordered the people of Samas and Marduk, 

53. holding a trowel (?), carrying a mattock (?), raising a .... , 

54. to build Bitsamas, the sanctuary, 

55. its mighty shrine I in abundance; 

56. a wise guardian (?) I caused to superintend (?) there. 

57. I sought for the foundation-stone, I beheld the treasures (?). 

58. In a lucky month, on a favourable day, of Bitsamas, 

59. the temple which is beloved by Samas and Ai, the dwelling- 

place of 

60. their deity, the abode (?) of their riches (?), 

Column III. 

1. like ; 

2. over the foundation-stone of Khammurabi, the old king, 

3. I laid its bricks, and 

4. put aright their foundation-stone. 

5. This temple, as (it was) formerly, 

6. I built anew, and 

7. put in order its place. Bitturanna (?), 

8. its beloved temple, as it was in olden days, 

9. I raised its summit. 

10. Bitsamas, for Samas and Ai, 

11. I built and completed, and 

12. made (accessible) its path. 

13. The chapel, the mighty dwelling-place of their deity, 

14. of which the foundation was placed beside the tower, 

15. I adapted for the treasures (?) 

16. of their great deity ; 

17. for Samas and Ai, my lords, 

18. I caused it, like day-light, to shine, and 

19. pointed it like a mountain. 

20. Which upon no king whatever he had bestowed, 

21. Samas, the great lord, bestowed upon 

22. me, the king who fears him, and enabled (?) my hands {i.e., 

called me upon to do it) : 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

23. Bitsamas, for Samas and Ai, 

24. my lords, as (it was) formerly, 

25. I built, auspiciously, and 

26. restored it to its (right) place. 

27. On a slab (?) of alabaster (?) I brought the writing of the name 

28. of Khammurabi, the old king, 

29. which I had beheld within it, 

30. together with the writing of my name, and 

31. placed (it there). — For the duration of the days, 

32. for ever and ever : Oh Samas, lord (?), who makest great 
2;^ (my dominion ?) , 

34. the king , 

35. light of (heaven?) .... do thou joyfully behold ; 

36. mayest thou bestow upon me life to distant days, 

37. abundance of posterity, solidity of my throne, 

38. and the duration of my dominion ; 

39. by thy mighty command, 

40. oh Samas, great lord, may this temple 

41. grow old before thee ; 

42. do thou, for ever and ever, 

43. cause the people of dark complexion (?), 

44. as many of them as there see thy resplendent light, 

45. to grasp my hands, 

46. to prostrate themselves at my feet ! — 

47. Oh Ai, great bride, 

48. in thy mighty building 

49. do thou let my 

50. auspicious (works) be solid ! — 

51. Oh Bunini (?), messenger, 

52. do thou daily support 

53. by thy counsel 

54. my auspicious power ! 


For the transliteration, and the attempted translations, I have 
made any use I could of the above-named and similar papers on the 
historical inscriptions of the neo-Babylonian kings. 

No. I. — Col. I, 1. 3 : to t'dlu (parallel with lulimu, Nab. Rm. B, 
I, 6) cf. Brunnow, List, No. 6197 ; to the hypothetical (nim.) min, 
ibidem, No. 5510. — The reading of //-^f is fixed by the variant in 



79, 2-1, I, Col. II, 18, and the inscription published by Winckler, 
Zeits., 1887, p. 130, Col. II, 3. There are sixteen more or less 
complete copies of this text in the British Museum, numbered now 
as A.H. -82, 7-14, Nos. 632-9, 980, 1004-5, 1008, 1019, 1021, 1030, 
1039.— For the meaning of siipii see Tigl. VII, 93, and Zeits., 1886, 
p. 32. — L. 7 : nirgal {cf. No. II, Col. I, 19) parallel with sakkanakku, 
Neb. E.I.H., I, II ; Bors., I, 6 ; W.A.I. V, 34, I, 4. — L. 12 : id iggii : 
cf. Zeits., 1885, p. 341. — L. 13 : itniga parallel to {')i?nga, if not 
»-^^>^ = im. — L. 2 1 : Father Strassmaier communicates to me 
that the character JpL^y shows a graphical development of: 

<r^r:? = <r- + ^? = <v + ^,] = <r- + j^wm? = <h;?;? = 

<Y-YYYT = M-YYYY = ^J^Y-YYYY = ^Y ^'^' ^^^' J^^J' ^^"S^ = ^S^' 

piru. — L. 28 : kirbi-'^^- su, which is pretty clear, I remember 
to have seen somewhere else ; J^| here and in similar cases 
= s ? — L. 29 : ifia imna u suniilu is very indistinct, and therefore 
uncertain. — L. 31 : ipmu almost certain. I cannot find such forma- 
tions mentioned in Delitzsch's Gra7nmar ; hxxtsee: stptya is-bu-ii-tu, 
Salm. Mon., Col. II, 74; "the gods " a?ia sarri bUiya 

IH ^ -^ -^-^ K. 772, obv., 1. 2; >^ ^rr 1^^ < ^jn, 

K. 826, 1. 7, etc. — tibibtii : see Delitzsch, W.B., p. 16. — L. 34: 
the translation of btxbi by " time " I owe to Father Strassmaier. — 
L. 35 ill sa pdni : cf. No. II, Col. II, 4 ; Sanh., Col. I, 78, etc. 

Col. II, 1. II, tallaka : the first sign looks like ^TT<y, but this 
cannot be al ; the scribe seems to have begun the division-rule 
too high, and then repeated it in its proper place. — L. 17: 
>->f- '>^y.^ ^i^., pretty certain, apparently an epithet of Bunini. — 
L. 19 is extremely indistinct; instead of su-lu-lu also su-iu-*^^ is 
possible; traces oi na-a-du at the end?? — L. 20: both, uzuzi {Y)'kl., 
Granun., G.E., p. 276) -ka and uz2izi-sii are possible. — L. 24 : at the 
beginning I thought first to see »->^ *f^j ^^^ after it some character 
like ^*- ; but none of them is certain. — L. 2 7 : beginning us or 
ni . su ? ; then bi or si^r ? ; su-nu or si-nu ? ; kip is pretty certain. 
Cf the Cyrus Cyl, 1. 29. — For lines 29 ff., see Neb., E.I.H., II, 56 ; 
IV, if; VII, 23 (Flemming's Diss., pp. 37, 44) and Teloni- 
Pinches, Zeits., 1888, pp. 173, 310. — The beginning of 1. 35 is 
quite uncertain. I may remark here that neither of the cylinders 
has yet been cleaned. 

No. II.— Col. l,\. 6: cf Nab. Rm. C, I, 3 i-^^X^, i.e., i-dan.-~ 
L. 9: naspar : see Nab. Rm. B, I, 8. — L. 15 : syntactically, ana 


Jan. 8] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

sarrfiti might belong to usarbii In/iUsu. — L. 32 sal mat qaqqadu : 

the last attempt at an explanation of this phrase has been published 

by Hal^vy, Zeits.^ 1888, p. 352. — L. 36 turuba : I cannot help 

y 9 

thinking of l-J\2 "the dust which lies on the ground" (opp. .Lilc). 

With bassa {bazza also possible) I would propose to compare yi^ » 

if it was not Hapax-legonieno7i. — L. 45 : lam can be here and in 

Col. II, 1. 22, hardly anything else than "before ;" v/^^^^ ? — L. 54 : 

i.e., 545 B.C. 

Col. II, 11. 7 ff. : the inff. turn and ipmi depend on aiia. — L. 17 : 
the end could possibly be restored after 1. 60. — L. 20 : rare connec- 
tion of a " constr. st." with sa. — L. 32: yati nominative; see 
Flemming, Z>/>j-., p. 30. — L. 36: <5rt'/^//^fl=?\^( + ) nA>Tl ? — L. 38: 
sa /a=:lJ> ? — L. 50 f. : cf. Latrille, Zeits., 1886, p. 34. — L. 53 : the 
meanings of the substantives are, of course, very doubtful. 

Col. Ill, 1. 27 : for the meaning of X^^ >^ ^^^ ^T"" > ^^^ 
EvETTS, Zeits., 1888, p. 331. — LI. 36 f. : the restorations after Z?//^-., 
1887, p. 130, Col. I, 13 ff. ; cf. ibidem, 1886, p. 345, Col. II, 20 ff. 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, 
Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 5th 
February, 1889, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will 
be read : — 

Dr. Gaster : — " Roumanian and other little known Versions of 
the Apocrypha of Jeremiah." 








































! A 



I *^ 

yT ^^ 





































































































































































I Tu II 

^- I 











^1 V 













*jr Au 























































a ^ 
































































































































































































tf AAA 






„ + 









r^ 15 is {} 

ii' ! 
*» IT 




- '^* 




1' ifir S 


^ ft 




[ '"ill 






i 2'*' 




tL i; 







f '^ 


jii !f» 'i; 


IRecoibs of tbe H^ast. 





New Series. Edited by Professor Sayce, who will be assisted in the 
work by Mr. Le Page Renouf, Prof. Maspero, Mr. Budge, Mr. Pinches, 
Prof. Oppert, M. Amiaud, and other distinguished Egyptian and Assyrian 

The new series of volumes differs from its predecessor in several 
respects, more especially in the larger amount of historical, religious, and 
geographical information contained in the introductions and notes, as well 
as in references to points of contact between the monumental records and 
the Old Testament. Translations of Egyptian and iVssyrian texts will be 
given in the same volume. 

Crown octavo ; Cloth. 4s. 6d. Volume I now ready. 

Samuel Bagster & Sons, Limited, 15, Paternoster Row, London. 


tTbe Bionse ©ntainents of tbe 
lP>alace (3ates from JBalawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.] 

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prosjxxtus, the price for 
each part is now raised to ;£i los. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
price) ;^i i^. 

Society of Biblical Archeology. 

COUNCIL, 1889. 

President : — 
P. LE Page Rendu f. 

Vice-Presidents : — 

Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter.^ 

Lord Halseury, The Lord High Chancellor. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., U.C.L., &c. 

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &.c. 

The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c.. Bishop of Durham. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles T, Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. 

Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury. 

Council : — 

Rev, Charles James Ball. 
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. 
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. 
Arthur Gates. 
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 
Rev. R. Gwynne, 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy. 

Prof. A. Macalister, M.D. 

Rev. James Marshall. 

F. D. Mocatta. 

Alexander Peckover, F.S.A. 

J. Pollard. 

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A. 

E. TowRY Whyte, M.A. 

Rev. W, Wright, D.D. 

Honorary 7;Yaj«;vr— Bernard T. Eosanquet. 

Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence— Vv-.ov. A, U. Sayce, M.A. 

Honorary Lidrarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 


VOL. XI. Part 4. 







Fourth Meeting, ^th February, 1889. 




p. LE Paiie Renouf. — Egyptian Phonology. — 1 107-115 

Rev. C. J. Ball. — Inscriptions of Neljuchadrezzar the Groat. 

Parts VII and VIII 116-1,30 

C. Bezold. — On Two Duplicates of the Babylonian Chronicle. 

(2 Plates) J31-13S 

Karl PiEHL.--Sur le sens (lu groupe 1cx | 1 j N:^ 139-142 

Rev. C. j. Ball.— Note on the Wood called 6^r/Cw//w 143-144 

Robert Brown, Jun.^ — Names of .Stars in Babylonian 145-151 


puulished at 


II, Hart Sireet, Bloomsbury, W.C. 


[No. LXXXI.] 


II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



I, P 

















To Members. 




















































Session 1S7S-79 
,, 1879-80 
„ 1880-S1 
„ 18S1-S2 

„ 1SS3-84 

,, 1885-86 
,, 1886-87 
„ 1887-88 
,, 1887-88 


4 o 

4 o 

4 o 

5 o 
5 o 
5 o 

2 o per Part 

-88 Part 8, 10 6 „ ,, 
-89, in course of publication. 

To N 


























































A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may be 
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Rylands, F.S.A., 11, Hart 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 







Fourth Meetitjg, c^th February, 1889. 


The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author : — The Life and Teachings of our Lord, in 
Verse. Two Volumes in one. By Abraham Coles, M.D., LL.D. 
New York. 8vo. 1885. 

From the Author : — An Assyrian Dictionary. Part I. By 
W. Golenischeff. St. Petersburg. 4to. 1888. (In Russian.) 

From the Author : — Ein Backstein aus dem Tempel ^J -^y fc^I* 

Von C. Bezold. 8vo. 1888. 
[No. Lxxxi.] 105 I 


The following were nominated for election at the next 
Meeting on 5th March, 1889: — 

Edwin Howard, L.S.A., i, Devonshire Road, South Lambeth. 
Monsieur I'Abbe Robert, Pretre a I'Oratoire, Rennes (He de 

K. F. Koehler, Universitatstrasse 26, Leipzig. 

To be added to the List of Subscribers : — 
The University Library, Jena. 

The following were submitted for election, and elected 
Members of the Society, having been nominated at the last 
Meeting on 8th January, 18S9: — 

Alfred Boissier, Hotel Hentschal, i, Rosstrasse, Leipzig. 

Prof. Ira M. Price, Morgan Park, Illinois, Chicago, U.S.A. 

Rev. Henry Preserved Smith, DD., Lane Theological Seminary, 

Cincinnati, Ohio, U.S.A. 
Wilberforce Eames, Lenox Library, 890, Fifth Avenue, New York, 

Rev. George Mure Smith, 6, Clarendon Place, Stirling. 

A Paper was read by Dr. Gaster : — " Roumanian and 
other little-known versions of the Apocrypha of Jeremiah." 

Remarks were added by the Chairman. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 



Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


By p. le Page Renouf. 

The sounds of the ancient Egyptian alphabet have to some 
extent been recovered in our own days, after a lapse of many 
centuries, first by the help of transcriptions of Greek and Roman 
proper names in great abundance, and secondly by the identification 
of Coptic with old Egyptian words. The latter process could not 
have been applied until the alphabet had been at least rudely made 
out, but it is by far the more important process of the two. For 
although the phonetic character of a language may undergo consi- 
derable change in the course of centuries, the difference between two 
stages of the same language* is as nothing in comparison with the 
difference between two absolutely different phonetic systems. Evi n 
when an alphabet is borrowed, as the Etruscan was from the Greek, 
it is impossible otherwise than in a purely conventional way to give 
accurate transcriptions of sounds which do not exist in the language 
of the transcriber. The Etruscans wrote Caimife, Clutumita, Elx^ntre, 
.Pultuke, (fiersipnai, for Ganymedes, Klytaimnestra, Alexandres, Poly- 
deukes and Persephoneia.f When the first translators of the Bible 
had to deal with Hebrew proper names it was impossible to use 
Greek letters equivalent to J^, ^, or 12?, or to distinguish between 
some other letters of the Semitic alphabet. A comparison between 
the Hebrew forms and the transcriptions in the Septuagint will show 
how utterly impossible it would be, by the aid of the latter, invaluable 
as they are, to restore the pronunciation of the Hebrew alphabet. 

* We must not mistake the nature of the identity of the different stages of the 
language. Coptic is not Old Egyptian any more than English is Anglo-Saxon. 
The grammars are very different, and a very small part of the vocabularies is 
common to both. Between the earliest Egyptian and the latest Demotic the 
difference of language appears to me less conspicuous than the difference between 
the latest Demotic and the Coptic. Attempts to find Coptic equivalents for all 
Egyptian words are utterly vain. Even of so common and necessary a word in 
Egyptian as "^^^ tnaa, 'see,' there is not a trace in Coptic. Coptic, in its 
different dialects, is a near relative rather than the child or grandchild of Old 

t That there was method in these transcriptions is shown by Deecke, 
Etruskische Lautlchre, in Bezzenberger's Beitnigc, B. II. 

107 I 2 


The identification of Semitic proper names and other words with 
Egyptian transcriptions, for which we have been indebted to Hincks 
and other scholars, and particularly to Brugsch, has its very great 
value, but if uncritically relied upon is sure to mislead. We know 
enough of the true phonetic character of the Egyptian language to 
affirm that it differed most essentially from the Semitic, and that 
all attempts to assimilate the two systems must be founded in error. 
When critically examined, the Egyptian transcriptions of Semitic 
names thoroughly harmonize with other evidence by which they 
have to be interpreted, but it is a fatal mistake to put them in the 
first place. 

The key to the phonetic system of the Egyptian language at the 
moment when it accepted the Greek alphabet is revealed by its 
omissions and additions.* 

No genuine Egyptian word admits the letters 7, 8, ^. These 
letters are only used in words of Greek origin, and frequently 
in such a way as to exhibit a complete ignorance of the true 
value of the Greek letter: vX^CJUL^. for KXaffjaa, veXF^e for 
KeXeveiv, i^-ffp^-rtrtic, 2^iJULa3pi^., oe^.2vport. The Coptic 
scribes did not understand the difference between tenues and mediae; 
there were no mediae in their own language. 

The Greek alphabet being insufficient for the expression of 
certain consonantal sounds, 2j-> ^5 ^j ^ ffl? and C| were added. 

Of the sounds which characterize all the Semitic languages as 
contrasted with the Indo-European there is not a trace. If the 

ancient Egyptians transcribed i? with q or o-=>, it was for the 

vocalic sound which always accompanies the J^, and not for the 
consonantal one, which is unpronounceable by Turks, Persians, 
Hindoos, and Malays, who have adopted the Semitic alphabet, and 
was certainly unknown to the ancient Egyptians. 

The chief differences between the Coptic and the ancient 
Egyptian alphabets are as follow : — 

The Egyptian alphabet had three kinds of a, ^, fl, D. 

The Coptic has only one ^, but the vowels e, O, H, OJ, are 
derived from one or other of the forms of the ancient a. 

* Compare the excellent remarks of .Stern, Kopiische Grammatik, p. 16. 
They are written from a somewhat different standpoint from mine, but from that 
standpoint I entirely agree with them. 


Feb. si PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

The Coptic ^ corresponds to the unaspirated p[] as well as to 
the stronger |, and the same observation applies to the Demotic a, 
which is used as the initial of the proper name Irene, as well as of 

The still stronger ^ is not found in the dialect of Upper Egypt, 
and even in early days the O X) had a tendency to change into | A. 

The Coptic has only one /; the ancient languages had three, 

c-'^t j. ^ and < g , besides ''^-^ , which is recognized as represented 

by the Coptic X. v 

And the relationships of the different forms of k between the 
Coptic and old Egyptian have been the subject of a considerable 
amount of speculation. 

The data are not at present suiificient for solving all the questions 
that arise as to the phonetic character of each alphabetic sign, but 
certainty is quite attainable on several important points. 

Est quadam prodire tenus, si non datur ultra. 

Parts of the problem at least might be presented under the 
following forms. 

What are the phonetic affinities of the old Egyptian vowels 

What are the affinities of ki, k^, k:^ ? 

What are those of A, t-i h ? 

To what extent is palatalisation* known in the language ? 

And under these forms the student of Comparative Philology 
will recognise with interest questions upon the solution of which, 
as regards the Indo-European languages, a prodigious amount of 
erudition and argument has, during the last twenty years, been spent 
by the ablest philologists. 

In dealing with these questions we have unfortunately not the 
resource of comparing many branches of language, spoken in 
countries wide apart, rich in supply of material, differing from each 
other in many important respects, yet bearing not only unquestion- 
able evidence of a common origin, but exhibiting fixed relations one 
to the other, and to their common parent, with respect to every 
vovrel and consonant. 

The Egyptian language was never spoken out of Egypt, and 
there are these two special difficulties about it, first that its ortho- 

* Of labialisation I have n«t as yet found a single trace. 


graphy changed but little during more than two thousand years, 
during which the change of pronunciation must have been very 
considerable, and secondly that as long as the written word could 
be recognised vowels are omitted. To modern readers the ortho- 
graphy is especially misleading when a vowel is actually written, but 
another not less important in its way is left out. The word for 

'hawk,' for instance, is J4 _g v^ baiik^ but it is most commonly 

written bak, without the _0 11. Facts of this nature have always to 
be borne in mind whenever the vocalisation of any Egyptian word is 
discussed. I do not, however, intend to speak of matters involving 
difficulties hard of solution. But some solid ground, however small, 
may, I think, be gained, which may serve as a starting point for fresh 

The first important fact which strikes the enquirer is, that no 
native Egyptian word in Coptic contains the letters d^ g, or z, and 
that the letter <5 is a spirant. The same fact meets us in the old 
EgyjDtian alphabet, and was recognised from the first by Lepsius. It 
was always insisted upon by him and by E. de Rouge. " Dans le 
systeme de transcription des papyrus de la XIXe Dynastie," says the 
last narned scholar,* "'^ b est rendu soit par p soit par le groupe 
J ^^ ^'^ ' ^ correspond a J seul ; le son ordinaire de J devait done 
alors se rapprocher de v." In modern Greek, and other languages 
where /3 has the value of v, a similar artifice is adopted, /.nr having 
the value of our b. Lord Byron's name is written MTraipiDv. That 
the Egyptians transcribed the d in the name of Darius by tit, is 
to Lepsius a certain proof that the sound of d did not exist in 
the Egyptian language. M. de Rouge' also appeals to the tran- 
scription y Q 'V — <i t|!] ^ ntkiqs for ' Dacicus.' And on the use 
of nt, as equivalent to d, he says, " Ceci nous explique beau- 
coup de transcriptions grecques on figure le c ; comme dans 
Z/ievcbTi^^, qui represente les elements egyptiens JVes-bi-n-fef." The 
case is even stronger than he puts it, for the n is no necessary 
part of the Egyptian equivalent. But in the invaluable Demotic 
Papyrus of Leyden,t of which the British Museum has a duplicate 

* Chresto77iathie, § 33. 

t It is commonly called the Papyrus with Greek transcriptions. This is not 
quite accurate. The text is Egyptian, in Demotic writing, over which from time 
to time the Greek equivalent of a word is written. But in every such case the 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

of equal importance, and apparently written by the same hand, in 
which the equivalence of many Greek and Egyptian words is noted, 
the Greek d, g, and z are regularly transcribed nf, nk, and 7is in 
Demotic ; though here too, as in other Egyptian transcriptions, the 
tenuis is sometimes simply substituted for the medial consonant. 
In ■^^o'TJj")) 2^ mekiste, for instance, ■= /xe^iiaje, the 7 is represented 

The notion of introducing a nasal before another consonant to 
modify its sound is a rude but ingenious expedient, betokening some 
knowledge of phonetics. I have already referred to the sound of /xir 
in modern Greek, but all the teniies in that language are changed in 
sound to medials by a preceding nasal. '\ov Ta<pov is pronounced 
ton ddphon^ tov KiJTrou, ton g/iepon, and jt)v -n-6\iv, ten bblen. 'YvjxTravov 
is tembanon* 

The meaning of all this is that the Egyptians had no soft checks in 
their language ; that in the utterance of their instantaneous or explosive 
sounds the glottis was open, the vocal chords remained apart, never 
coming together so as to produce rhythmical vibration as they do when 
we utter the sounds b^ d, g. The Egyptians in speaking to us would 
have called the Emperors Klautius, Ta/nitian, Atrian. They would, 
in English, have spoken of king Tafit, and have said, " Kot pless* 
you ! " The Etruscan language was equally deficient in fnedials, and 
many languages and dialects at the present day are in the same 
condition. Briicke mentions registers in South Germany in which 
the same column contains names beginning with b and /, whilst the 
names in d and t occur in another column, the popular ear not 
being able to discern between the tenuis or surd and its kindred 
medial or sonant. \ 

Greek is the original, even when it means nothing. The Demotic is in all such 
places a mere transcription of charlatan Greek. And this is why the transcriptions 
of the papyrus throw no light on sounds unknown to the Greek alphabet. It 
furnishes evidence with regard to Greek pronunciation. The 0, for instance, 
which is normally represented by -^ th, is regularly transcribed by ^ ts before t, 
showing its palatalised condition.'^ The ^ is equally transcribed by ts before c. 

* Timayenis, The Modern Greek, its Pronunciation and Relations to Ancient 
Greek, p. 192. 

+ Compare Scherer's remarks, Anzcigcr fiir deutsches Altcrthu»i, III, p. 74. 
See also IV, p. 333, of the same Journal, where Verner agrees with Krauter, that 
the medials were wanting in the Old High German. Brugman {Coviparalive 
Grammar, § 53) says that the medals " became tenues in primitive German, 
except d in the Indg. combination of d^dh." 



Now it must be evident that any system of transcription which 
ignores so striking a feature of the Egyptian alphabet as that de- 
scribed must be fatally in the wrong. If the Egyptians had to 
transcribe Semitic words containing sounds unknown to their own 
language, they could only do so by using those letters whose sound 
most nearly approached the foreign sounds. To argue that because 
the Egyptians used a cz^::^ for a Semitic d, or a "^ for a Semitic 
2, therefore ^=^ should be read as a d, and "^ as a z, is 
manifestly fallacious. The Polish alphabet is one of the richest in 
Europe, but it is impossible, we are told, with Polish signs to express 
the names of "Goethe, Wieland, Tannhauser, Braunschweig"* as it 
is by means of the English alphabet to give a correct notion of many 
of the sounds of the Arabic language, or of those of the Hottentots. 

There are, in the library of the University of Cambridge, some 
fragments of a manuscript written in Coptic characters, but really 
in the Arabic language. In this manuscript the particle i is always 
written £.e, or qe, but, on the other hand, the Arabic preposition 
(__j bi, is always transcribed lie, '^1>,^JK is j^. , neKl is ^, 
noKp^ is ijio-t The name of Abubeker was already known under 
the form enOTn^LKp. 

The true sound of the hieroglyphic "^ — \ and its Coptic repre- 
sentative X has been misunderstood through want of recognising 
the facts which I have just mentioned, and the special features of the 
Egyptian language which they imply. 

"* I and X are simply / palatalised, and are therefore not to be 
pronounced like d palatalised. Instead of giving the Coptic letter 
called X^rtXI^ the sound of our soft ,"-, which as Sir Richard 
Burton says,^ neither the present Copts nor their ancestors could 

* Manassewitsch, Polnische Sprache, p. 15. 

t These interesting fragments have not yet been published. They begin as 

follows :— E.exerteo : ^^.2^ee : ecycy ei^ : neX^^-oje : "XPK : 
iA.'«'JUL:ie2><^XXeJUL02>:JULe : lenq^.^ : rteqco^, : ^eJULem : 

n<i,P.2^, etc. " Now it was the habit of the saint at supper each day to learn 
what would profit him. And afterwards, etc." Here "y^^ is for C, ^ for r^ 
and the long \ is transcribed by 6, as in ^erteT for (.;:^il<, JULE for t<. 

X Pilgrimage to xVIecca and Medinah, Vol. II, p. 26. 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

articulate, we should call the letter tshantshia, and sound it like the 
Italian c before the letters e and i. And this brings us to the im- 
portant subject of palatalisation.* 

The vowels e and / and the semi-vowel y in very many languages 
affect the sound of the consonant which precedes them. These soft 
vowels, as they are called, change the sounds of c and g, for instance, 
in English, French and other languages. Our t becomes sh in nation, 
and tch in nature (= nat(y)ure). In some languages nearly every 
consonant is affected by the neighbourhood of these vowels. And the 
extreme effects are sometimes only perceptible after many centuries. 
The change from the pure k sounds from the Latin Cicero, fecit, 
decern, to the present Italian pronunciation, did not finally take place 
till a comparatively late period. The same change has taken place 
in the Modern Greek spoken in Cyprus and in Crete.f Our English 
orthography conceals the change to which we owe the pronunciation 
of choose, cheese, cherry, chick and cliild, and has perhaps arrested 
among educated persons the tendency to palatalise the k which 
prevailed till a very late period. Walker in his Critical Pronouncing 
Dictionary, § 160, makes the following observation on the letter i: 
" When this vowel is preceded by hard g or k, which is but another 
form for hard c, it is pronounced as if an e were inserted between the 
consonant and the vowel. Thus sky, kind, guide, guise, disguise, guile, 
beguile, mankind, are pronounced as if written ske-y, ke-ind, gue-ise, 
disgue-ise, gue-ile, begue-ile, 7nanke-ind." What Walker here describes, 
and which can hardly be said to exist in our present pronunciation 
of the words he quotes, is the formation of a " parasitic sound" in 
the transformation of the 7>elar k and g into palatals. 

The difference between a velar and a palatal k is that the former 
sound arises from the contact of the root of the tongue with the 
velum or soft palate, whilst the palatal arises from the contact of the 
tongue with the hard palate. 

* Two most interesting works on the subject are Schleicher's Zetacismus, and 
Joret, Du C dans les langues romanes. But for a luxuriant literature bearing 
on the Indo-European languages, see the note to § 380 of Brugman's Gritndn'ss 
der vergleichenden Grammatik, to which I add an important article of Rudolf 
Lenz, ' Zur physiologie und geschichte der palatalen,' in the first number of 
Kuhn's Zeitschrift for 1887. 

t The Eastern Bedouins pronounce 1 ( in ^_Jo bko the Italian c before e 
and i. 



As X, derived from the old Egyptian "* \, represents the Coptic 
palatal / sound, so does 6^ represent the Coptic palatal k sound. 
"We know," says Dr. Hincks,* "that in Coptic transcriptions of 
Greek words, K followed by i, or a vowel of similar power, was 
usually written <5l ; thus, the first syllable of kij3wt6<s is almost 
always (fi;" [(5^n2i'ifnoc = kiucwo^] "the second in hoKifiai^eiv 
is 0\ also, and the last in p^ikukcIv is (Tlsin." 

The Demotic sign corresponding to (^ is ;^,<_, which in its turn 
is derived from the hieratic form of S k. 

The sounds of X, the palatal /, and of (T^ the palatal k, are so 
similar, that in Coptic a word which is written with one may as a 
rule always be written with the other ; the Sahidic dialect preferring 
one form and the Memphitic the other. The nearest approach to 
both is the sound of our / in the word picture, and that of ch in 
church, from circ (still kirk in Scotland, kjerk in North Jutland). 

These steps having been thoroughly secured, we are in a position 
to ask the important question — With what vowels are the ancient 
Egyptian letters "* 1 and ZS most frequently associated ? And about 
the answer to this there can be no hesitation. 

Z5 ■^ is constantly followed by the vowel ^, and so thoroughly 
implies its presence that one might almost rank it among the 
syllabic signs. And if it is sometimes found as a variant of A and 
of v_^^, this is in words where the vowel _^ also occurs. Ihe 
consonants are not naturally equivalent ; the equivalence of sound 
is brought about by the mfluence of the vowel. 

With regard to "* > the surest evidence of a vowel following it is 
found in the syllabic signs J and ^^. Wherever these signs occur, 
there the vowel ^^ is implied, even when it is not written. 

It is superfluous for me to offer proofs of these facts, which no 
Egyptologist will call in question. 

But the scientific result of all this is that ^^ is a decidedly 
palatal vowel. 

Now this is the vowel which on quite other grounds we might feel 

* On the Ntintber, Names, etc., of the Letters of the Hieroglyphic Alphabet, 
p. 74. 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

obliged to identify with a Coptic e* It occurs in the oldest and 
simplest words of the language, in open syllables as free as possible 
from the influence of consonants following — ^^^ ^^^^ J>a, c^ *^^ ta, 

It is not safe, it is in fact impracticable, for reasons which every 
philologist will understand, to rely upon such evidence of equivalence 
between Coptic and old Egyptian vocalisation. f But the argument 
derived from the connection between the vowel ^\ and the palatal 
consonants is of the highest significance,^ and I do not hesitate to 
assert that the ancient Egyptian language had among its most 
primitive sounds not only / and u, but an e, of which ^:^ was the 
hieroglyphic representative. 

* "6 e, heute wie a gesprochen unci in den neuern boh. handschriften 
<fortwahrend mit A. vertauscht, ist der leichte verlreter der alten ^^ a." Stem, 
Kuptische Gramniatik, 31. 

t Before attaching undue importance to the evidence of Coptic vocalisation, 
it would be well to study the conditions of vowel changes in such works as Joh. 
Schmidt's Geschichte des Indo-gertiianischen Vocalismns, and F. de Saussure's 
Memoire sur le systeme prirnitif des voyelles dans les langiics indoeuropeennes. 
Every one knows that the vowels in English have a very different sound at the 
present day from what they had four or five centuries ago. 

X The argument has been used with decisive force with reference to the Indo- 
European ^ by Joh. Schmidt, CoUitz, Verner, de Saussure, and others. It is now 
generally admitted that Sanskrit a before which a zvAzr became a /a/a/a/ stands 
for a palatal e in the primitive Indo-European language. 



By Rev. C. J. Ball. 

VII. The Cylinders from Birs Nimrilid. K. 1685; K. 1686; 
K. 1687 (a fragment). Published in The Cuneiform Inscrip- 
tions OF Western Asia, Vol. I. PI. 51. No. i (i R. 51, i). 

Claudius James Rich thus describes the Birs Nimriid, which he 
calls " the most interesting and remarkable of all the Babylonian 

" The whole height of the Birs Nimroud above the plain to the 
summit of the brick wall is two hundred and thirty-five feet (235). 
The brick wall itself, which stands on the edge of the summit, and 
was undoubtedly the face of another stage, is thirty-seven (37) feet 
high. In the side of the pile a little below the summit is very 
clearly to be seen part of another brick wall, precisely resembling 
the fragment which crowns the summit, bid which still encases and 
supports its part of the motiiid. This is clearly indicative of another 
stage of greater extent. The masonry is infinitely superior to any- 
thing of the kind I have ever seen ; and leaving out of the question 
any conjecture relative to the original destination of this ruin, the 
impression made by a sight of it is, that // nias a solid pile, com- 
posed in the interior of unlnirnt brick, and perhaps earth or rubbish ; 
that it was constructed in receding stages, and faced with fine burnt 
bricks, having inscriptions on them, laid in a very thin layer of lime 

cement The facing of fine burnt bricks has partly been 

removed, and partly covered by the falling down of the mass which 
it supported and kept together." (^Second Mem. on Babylon, London, 
1818; p. 32, sq.) 

These remarks, especially the statements which I have italicised, 
afford a curious corroboration of the view taken below of the hither- 
to misunderstood passage, col. ii, 2-13. And as Nebuchadrezzar 
expressly says that the building had never been finished until he 
himself undertook the repair and completion of it (col. i, 30), and as 
the structure was a solid terraced pyramid, not a house, it seems 


Fef.. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

highly inappropriate to render iahliiplu by " roof," and abtati by 
"chambers." The agiirri tahluptisa are clearly the outer casing or 
"facing" of burnt brick, and the libitti kummisa the sun-dried 
brick of the inner mass or bulk of the edifice. If the building was 
left unfinished and neglected, the rains would soon penetrate 
between the external shell and the central mass, and cause the 
former to break away ; while the unbaked brick and rubbish of the 
core would be washed down and lie in heaps on the terraces and 
about the base of the pile. 

I have carefully collated the two cylinders and the fragment 
with the published text, which is very correct. 

Col. L 


D. na-bi-u'^-ku-du-ur-ri-u-gu-ur sar ka-dimmer-ra-ki 
ri-E-a-u™ ki-i-nu™ i-tu-ut ku-un li-ib-bi d. marduk 
is-sa-ak-ku gi-i-ri na-ra-a'" d. na-bi-u'" 
mu-da-a e-im-ga sa a-na al-ka-ka-a-at dimmer-gal-gal 
5 ba-sa-a u-zu-na-a-su 

sa-ak-ka-na-ku la a-ne-ha za-ni-in e-sag-illa 


IBILA a-sa-ri-du sa d. na-bi-u^-iBiLA-u-gu-ur 

sar KA-DIMMER-RA-KI a-na-ku 
10 i-nu-u" D. marduk be-ili ra-bi-u 

ki-ni-is ib-na-an-ni-ma 

za-ni-nu-ut-su e-bi-su u-ma-'-ir-an-ni 

D. na-bi-u'" pa-ki-id ki-is-sa-at sa-mi-e u ir-gi-ti™ 

Gis-sA-PA i-sa-ar-ti™ u-sa-at-mi-ih ga-tu-u-a 
15 E-SAG-iLLA E-GAL sa-mi-e u ir-^i-ti™ 

su-ba-at d. en-lil dimmer dimmer d. marduk 

E-Ku-A pa-pa-ha bi-e-lu-ti-su 

GUsKiN na-am-ri sa-al-la-ri-is as-tak-ka-an 

e-zi-da e-es-si-is e-pu-us-ma 
20 i-na KUBABBAR GUSKIN ni-si-iq-ti™ ab-na™ 

e-ra-a ipi mis-ma-kan-na i^u erini'" 

u-sa-ak-li-il si-bi-ir-su 

e-TEMEN-ANA-Ki zi-ku-ra-at ka-dimmer-ra-ki 

e-pu-us u-sa-ak-li-il-ma 
25 i-na a-gur-ri na-za-gin e-el li-ti"^ 

u-ul-la-a ri-e-si-sa 



i-nu-mi-su e-ur-imina-ana-ki zi-ku-ra-at bar-sib ki 
sa LUGAL ma-ah-ri i-pu-su-ma 
XLii ammat u-za-ak-ki-ru-ma 
30 la u-ul-la-a ri-e-sa-a-sa 

ul-tu u-um ri-e-ku-ti"^ in-na-mu-u-ma 
la su-te-su-ru mu-Qi-e mi-e-sa 


Nehichadrezzar^ king of Babylon, 

The faithful sliepherd^ the called of Merodach^ s faithful heart, 

The pontiff supreme, the darling of Nebo, 

The wise, the sagacious, luhose ears are 
5 Toward the ways of the mighty gods, 

The ruler unresting, the adorner of Esagilla 

and Ezida, 

The foremost son of Nabopalassar 

King of Babylon, am I. 
I o When Merodach the great lord 

Had faithfully formed me, and 

To do his adorning had charged me ; 

( JVhen) JVebo, the overseer of the host of heaven and earth, 

A righteous sceptre had caused my hattd to grasp ; 
15 Esagilla, the palace of heave fi and earth, 

The seat of Merodach, the lord of the gods, 

Ektia, the closet of his lordship. 

Of shining gold its wall I make. 

Ezida ajiew I made, and 
20 With silver, gold, precious stofies, 

Bronze, palm-wood, cedar-wood, 

I completed the work of it, 

Etemenanaki the tower of Babylon, 

I made, I completed, and 
2^ In kiln-brick, (and) bright onyx-marble (?) 

I raised the top thereof 

At that time, Eiiriminanaki, the tower of Borsippa, 

Which a former king had made, and 

Had raised (to a height of ) forty-tiuo cubits, a fid 
30 Had not reared the top thereof ; 

Erom distant days it had fallen into decay, and 

The outlets of its water were not kept in order ; 

Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Notes to Column I. 

2. K. 1686, ri-e-um ; K, 1687, ri-e-a. 

Or, by the calling of MerodacKs faithful heart, iii'itu appears to be a 
form of utiltii, "calling," "announcing," "declaring" ; an abstract, noun derived 
from R. util, a syn. of nahii, zakdrii, and uddfi (2 R. 48, 45, g. h. ). Cf. Tigl. 
VII, 45, "Grandson of Mutakkil-Nusku, whom Assur the great lord," ina utut 
kun libbiSu ihSuhu, "in the calling of his faithful heart yearned after"; ktm, 
construct of ktinnu, " fixity," " steadfastness," " faithfulness." Lit. in the calling 
of the faithfulness of his heart, etc. 

4. niMti: R. idA, "to know" ; Tigl. Ill, 75. yn\ 

h?tqu : Stand. Inscr. I, 18. That the word is really eiiiqii, R. pJDJ? , is proved 
by the variant spelling e-im-qu, Cylinder A.H. 82, 7-14, 631, Col. 2, 10. 
alkakdt : construct plur. of * alkaktu : R. aldkic. See 4 R. 15, 59 sqq. 

5. baSd: \>&xi. phir. fern. I, I o{ baSu, "tobe. " 

ztzilnd = uznd, dual of itzmi, "ear." For the interpolated short vowel, 
cf. epiri—epri. This modern opening of the shut syllable of segholates may be 
compared with similar phenomena in Hebrew and vulgar Arabic. 

8. aSaridu: see Delitsch apiid Lotz, Tigl. I, 23 ; and 5 R. 29, 64 a. b., zag 
(reiu) a-sa-ri-du. 

12. zdninAtu: an abstract in Jl-I — , formed from the participial zdninu. 

18. SallariS = SallariSa ; Phillipps I, 30. aStakkan : K. 1686, as-ta-ak-ka-an. 
The double accusative after verbs of making is a familiar construction in Heb. , 
cf. Exod. xxxviii, 3 ; I Kings vi, 23. For a construction more like our own, 
see I Kings vi, 15. 

20. ab-na^: K. 1686, ab-7ii^. 

23. e: so K. 1685. The other cylinders have ^^J E. 

25. K. 1687, el li-ti". If the expression here means "enamelled bricks" 
(Tiele), how is it that 2 R. 51, 13 c. d., assigns Dapara as the "country of zagin 
(i.e. uknu) stone"? Cf. also 3 R. 4, 2, 15 : Sa ina eli ktiniikki Sa ukni, " what 
was on the seal of onyx " (?) or " agate " (?) 

26. K. 1686, 1687. ri-e-sa-a-5a. 

27. After the numeral sign, K. 1685 has a broken or partially erased [y. 

31. imiaiml: impf. IV. I (niphal) 3 plur. of iltOJ ; cf. <Uj 1 attonitns est, and 

the use of WO^ in Heb. Or is the root ni3 " to sit, or settle down," as we speak 
of walls settling, in the sense of subsiding? So ena]i means "he settled," 
{cf line 6) and " it fell to ruin." 

32. SuteSuru : Istaphal permansive (HI, 2) of aSaru : " men kept not in order." 

Col. II. 

zu-iin-nu'" u ra-a-du 
u-na-as-su-u li-bi-it-tu-sa 
a-gu-ur-ri ta-ah-lu-up-ti-sa up-ta-at-ti-ir-ma 



li-bi-it-ti ku-um-mi-sa is-sa-pi-ik ti-la-ni-is 
5 a-na e-bi-si-sa be-ili ra-bi-u d. marduk 

u-sa-at-ka-an-ni li-ib-ba 

a-sa-ar-sa la e-ni-ma la u-na-ak-ki-ir te-me-en-sa 

i-na arhi sa-al-mu i-na u-se-ga 

li-bi-it-ti ku-um-mi-sa u a-gur-ri ta-ah-lu-up-ti-sa 
10 ab-ta-a-ti e-iq-si-ir-ma 

mi-ki-it-ta-sa u-us-zi-iz-ina 

si-ti-ir su-mi-ia 

i-na ki-tir-ri ap-ta-a-ti-sa as-ku-un 

a-na e-bi-si-sa 
15 u u-ul-lu-u ri-e-si-sa ga-ta as-ku-un 

D. na-bi-u™ ibila ki-i-nu™ su-uk-ka-al-la™ ^i-i-ri 

si-it-lu-tu na-ra-am d. marduk 

e-ip-se-tu-u-a a-na da-mi-iq-ti" ha-di-is 
20 ba-la-ta™ da-er-a se-bi-e li-it-tu-u-ti™ 

ku-un Gis-GU-ZA la-ba-ri pa-li-e su-um-ku-tu na-ki-ri 

ka-sa-da" ma-da a-a-bi a-na si-ri-ik-ti™ su-ur-ka-a"' 

i-na Gis li — u — um-ka ki-i-ni'" mu-ki-in bu-lu-uk 
sa-mi-e u ir-gi-ti™ 
25 i-bi a-ra-ku u-mi-ia su-tu-ur li-it-tu-u-ti™ 

ma-ha-ar d. marduk sar sa-mi-e u ir-^i-ti" 

a-bi a-li-di-ka e-ip-se-tu-u-a su-um-gi-ri 

ki-bi du-um-ku-u-a 

D. na-bi-u"'-ku-du-ur-ri-u-9u-ur 
30 lu sarru za-ni-na-an 

li-is-sa-ki-in i-na pi-i-ka 

After line 15, Column II, cylinder K. 1686, inserts ! 

ki-ma la-bi-ri-im-ma 
e-es-si-is ab-ni-su-ma 
kima sa u-um ul-lu-ti 
u-ul-la-a ri-e-sa-a-sa 

Rain afid mnning 
Had torn out its brickwork ; 
The kiln-brick of its casing was broken away, and 
The sun-dried brick of its mass 7C'as thrown up in heafs. 
5 To repair it the great lord Merodach 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Made vie lift tip jny heart : 

Its place I altered not^ and changed not its site ; 

In a salutary months on a lucky day, 

The sun-dried brick of its mass and the kiln-brick of its casing, 
10 Which had fallen, I joined together, and 

The pieces of it I set up, and 

The writing of my name 

On the repairs of its fallen parts I placed. 

For the makifig thereof, 
1 5 And the rearing of its top, hands I lifted 2ip : 

'''' Nebo, true son, exalted messenger. 

The victorious, the darling of Merodach, 

My works for luck gladly 

behold thou, and 
20 Enduring life, plenty of children, 

Stability of throne, length of reign, overthronmig of enemies. 

Conquest of the country of adversaries for a booji bestow thou! 

On thy tablet eterne, O thou that upholdest the law (?) 
Of heaven and earth ! 
25 Announce the lengthening of my days, inscribe offspring ; 

Before Merodach, the king of heaven and earth. 

The sire that begot thee, my works proclaim ; 

Decree my good-fortune I 

Let Nebuchadrezzar, 
30 The kifig, the adorner. 

Be established in thy mouth !" 

" Like the old one 
Anew I built it, and 
As in days of yore 
I raised the top tha-eofP 

Notes to Column II. 

1. nMu: Schrader compares Arab, v- "thunder." Jensen says rddu = * 

radyu, from rad/l, "to flow." See i R. 69, 2, 57 : ra-a-du Sa mc ziinui, "a 
running of rain-water." It does not, however, here denote water "running on 
the surface of the ground, and undermining the foundations " of the tower 
(Z. A., 1886, p. 246, note). It is the running of the rain-water over tlie tower 
itself, instead of being carried off by the drains. 

2. unass-d : impf 11, i of nis{l = yW " to phick out," " pull up," " remove.' 
Cf. also Arab, .^jj abripuit, dispersit (terram, pulverem). 

121 K 

Feb. s] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1889. 

libitUi : a sun-dried brick ; here collective, as in Sarg. St. 52 : malbina li-bit- 
tu : "I had brick made." Cyl. 60 : bcl uSSe li-bit-te, "lor, of the foundation 
of brick." With (Zf«rrz<, baked brick, it is obvious to compare ^_J. 

3. K. 1686. a-gur-ri. tahhipti: Stand. Inscr. VI, 12. R. fJTTIs " to cover." 
K. 1685, ta-lu-up-ti-sa ; cf. Assurb., pp. 6, 25, tal-lu-up-ta-su. I have supposed 
that the word may mean the outer casing of the stages of the pyramid ; and 
kiimmu the internal structure or body of the whole building. 

tipfattir: or "was loosened"; impf. II, 2 of pataru — "ipS. Tigl. V, 14, 
aptur, " I released " (captives). 

4. i.e., at the bottom of the tower, kummii is perhaps to be compared with 
Arab. '^X cumulus terr^e ; X\ altus ; plur. < (Tiele). The term means 

" pile," " erection," " edifice." The meaning " platform " seems to be excluded 
by 4 R 2, 5, 34 sq. and 5 R 39, 6, e.f. (e NUN = ku-um-mu). See E.I.H., 7, 38 ; 
8, 40 ; and 8, 53. In the latter place the platform is pitiq agurri, and the palace 
built upon it is a ku/nmii raba. The doubled m in Babylonian may simply mark 
the long vowel, as in the word Summit, Phillipps' Cyl. I, 19, where I would now 
read for uSumtmi D.P. Summu, " garlick," the D''P-1tJ' of Num. vi, 5 (fiYTYc: 
is determinative of vegetables). The simat appariin at the end seems to mean 
"ornament of the canal" [apparim — Hammurabi's apparam lu ustashirsu, "a 
moat I threw around it." This word suggests the R. "ISn " to dig"; cf. the fem. 
form appardte m \.\\Q 'phxz.SQ ndru agamme u apparate, "swamps and canals" or 
"ditches "). 

iSSapik : impf IV, i oi Sapdktc, "to pour out," and "heap up," ^._f., banks 
of earth; "IDC*, 2 Kings xix, 32. Cf. Senk., i, 14 sq. Tiele (Bab. Gesch., 2, 
445) renders : " The bricks of the high terrace on which the tower was raised 
lay piled in ruinous heaps." But if the platform was thus ruined, how could any 
part of the gradiform tower itself be left standing ? 

tildniS : adv. from plur. of tilii, "mound": cf. Saddnis, "like mountains," 
^tirsdniS, "like wooded hills," saSsaniS, " like suns." 

6. tiSatkanni: j^d? my note on Stand. Insc. II, 10. I now think that the R. is 
S4pn, that is, Vi^n, " to drive " a nail, "set up " a tent, etc. Cf. Abp. X, 74 : 
an-^u-us-su at-ki, " its fallen part I set up" ; Nerigl. , ii, 2^. 

7. ent : impf. i, i of X23X4, i.e., H^J?; common in contracts in the sense of 
" to alter." Cf. 5 R. 39, 25 g. h. 

AB-KUR I e-nu-u 

BAL I yy 

The Accadian bal has many meanings, e.g., eberii, "121?, iiakdni, 133. As Id 
tinakkir actually follows in the text, this seems to determine the sense here, 
and in E.LH. VIII, 37. 

10. abtdti- rm^''^^ ) and is the participle fem. plur. I, I, of abdtu, "to 
perish"; of buildings, "to decay," "fall down"; Tigl. VI, <)^ sqq., "the 
palaces which had been neglected and had decayed, and 'abta gone to ruin." 
Others read aptdti, plur. of aptu = NFIDS thalamus, tabulatum, substructio, 
appendix aedium (Buxtorf), a term by which the Talmud (Baba bathra 4 ad init.) 
explains Heb. V^VJ, ^ Kings vi, 5, 10 ; i.e., the three-storied building which 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

surrounded the temple on three sides. Bar BahU'il has a gloss on a similar Syriac 
word (As I ) which he defines "place or opportunity of speaking. " The 
Talmudic term seems to mean lit. "breadth," and then "a floor," or "flat," 
like the Ileb. yiV ( = something spiead out, a " bed," and a " story "). 

In another cylinder, which I hope soon to publish, the phrase uddiiStc esrctini 
kiSeri ahtatim occurs. This means " to renew the temples, to repair (bind up?) 
the fallen parts or dilapidations." 

The word must be distinguished from aptii, "a bird's nest," S*", 88, plur. 
apdti ; see 4 R. 27, 14/15'', siiinmati ina apatiSina = sum. T'J-HU AB-LAL- 
Bi-TA, to which Delitzsch At,., S'' 188 refers. In Gen. vi, 14, D"'Jp, 
" nests " is used of "cells" or "chambers." Mr. S. A. Smith says that aptdti 
"quite certainly means 'stories.'" Schrader's rendering is " festverbundenes 
Mauerwerk " (D^y) ; Winckler's, " Gemacher." But this terraced tower had 
no " chambers," except probably an open one at the top added by Nebuchadrezzar 
for the statue of the god. 

eqSir : i.e. aqsir ^\^. VI, loi), with vowel assimilation. Lotz there renders 
" festigte ich." The root is "lEi'P, "to bind together." 

11. mikittii : cf. Heb. HFISP, "breakage," "pieces," "wreck," Isa. x.xx, 
14; from nn3. K. 1686. uS-zi-iz, without 11 and ma. 

12. 13. Omitted by K. 1686. 

13. kitirri: I R. has ki-li-ri. Schrader gives the word correctly. Cf. Heb. 
^ri3 "to surround"; 102) "crown." Or is the term related to kiidumt, 
"border"? It seems to correspond rather to the Talm. jn^Dp, ligatura;, coUi- 
gationes ; from "lt?p, Syr. J^O> Eth. 4"t"4 " " ^° close with nails"; 
" secure." The ki for qi is common in Neb. 

14. He prayed that he might succeed in his work of restoration. 

15. ullu : infin. pael (ii, i) oi Shi — H?!?. K. 1686. as-ku-um-ma = askun 
+ ma. 

16. K. 1686. ab-lam. 

17. Siflntu : verbal adj. from Saldtu, "to conquer," "to master," "rule." 
Adv. SitlutiS, "victoriously." 

21. Gis-GU-ZA : — ktissu, XD3. 

Sumkutu: infin. shaphel (iii, i) o^ maq&tu, "to fall." 

22. Siriqtu : "gift " : from Satdqn, " to give " ; impf. iSruq, aSniq. 

23. lihim: for the character •^J'^l'*"''? transcribed u, see Proceedings, June, 
1886, p. 244. 

btduk : constr. of bulttkku, or rather pulitkkii, S'' 169, Sum. BU-LU-UG ; 
2 R 48, 16 e.f. ; bu-lu-uk = qa-ra-su sa Gis, " the cleaving of wood " ; and terms 
of cutting are applied to making decisions, decrees, etc. Or does the term mean 

"sphere"? Cf. Arab, t ^ ^ 1 i orbis ca;lcstis. 

25. iln : imperative o{ nalnl, as pointed out by Delitzch. K. 1686. um-ia. 

27. Suvigiri : imperative shaph. of //lagdru, a. syn. oi Se»id, " to hear," and 
" obey " ; 5 R 39, 24 e.f. ; 32 g.h. 

28. K. 1686. ki- i:::^Cy, like i-bi, 1. 25. 

30. zdnindn : substantive in -dn, formed from the participle. 

123 K 2 

Feb. 5] 



VIII. — The Cylinders registered A.H. 82, 7-14, 631, 
AND A.H. 82, 7-14, 649. 

These two cylinders, written in archaic Babylonian, are duplicates 
of that in New York Museum, which was published in 18S5 by 
the Rev. J. F. X. O' Conor, S.J., and of another belonging to 
Mr. D. Cutter, a copy of which was kindly placed in my hands 
by Mr. Pinches. I give the text of the first of the two cylinders, 
noting the variants of the second (B), of the O'Conor Cylinder (C), 
and of Mr. Cutter's (D). The second cylinder is much defaced, 
and part of Column III is gone. 

Column I. 

D. AK-ku-dur-ru-u-^ur 
sar mi-sa-ri-im 
a-as-ru sa-ah-tu 
sa pa-la-ah ni-ni mu-du-u 
5 ra-'-im ki-it-ti 
u mi-sa-ri-im 
mu-us-te-'-u ba-la-tam 
i-na bi-i ni-si-im 

10 bu-lu-uh-ti DIMMER-GAL-GAL 

mu-us-te-si-ir es-ri-it ni-ni 

za-ni-in e-sag-illa 
u e-zi-da 
IBILA ki-i-num 

15 sa D. AK-IBILA-U-^Ur 


i-nu D. Marduk 
be-ili ra-bi-u 
a-na be-lu-ut ma-da 
20 is-sa-an-ni-ma 

a-na za-ni-nu-ti ma-ha-za 
u ud-du-su es-ri-e-ti 
su ma ci-ra-am 


The ktJig of righteousness, 

The good, the humbk. 

That is wise in the fear of the gods, 

That loveth justice 

And righteous7iess, 

That seeketh after life, 

That establisheth 

In the mouth of the people 

The worship of the mighty gods ; 

That setteth ift order the teinples of 

the gods ; 
The embellisher of Esagilla 
And Ezida ; 
The true son 
Of Nabopalassar 
King of Babylon, am I. 

When Merodach 
The great lord 
To the lordship of the land 
Had lifted me, and 
To the embellishing of the town 
And the renovation of the temples 
An exalted name 

Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

ib-bi-u Had siitmnoned ; 

25 i-nu-mi-su e-bar-ra At that time, Ebarra 

E-DiMMER-UTU The hoiisc of ShamasJi, 

sa ki-ri-ib ud-kip-nun-ki That is within Sepharvaim, 

sa u-ul-la-nu-u-a Which before me (i.e., my time) 

na-me-u e-mu-u ti-sa-ri-is Falling had fallen with downfall ; 

30 DiMMER-UTU be-iU ra-bi-u Shamash, the great lord, 

a-na ma-na-ma To ?io 

LUGAL ma-ah-ri-im Former king 

la im-gu-ru-ma Had inclined, ajid 

la iq-bi-ii e-bi-su Bidden (him) rebuild (it) : 

35 ya-si a-ra-az-za As for me, the prayerful, 

e-im-qu mu-ut-ni-en-nu-u 77?^ •$'^^^> t^^^ sjibmissive, 

pa-li-ih i-lu-ti-su The worshipper of his godhead, 

Notes to Column I. 

I. (D) ri-u-9u-iir ; (C) ru-u-^u-ur. The name means " Nebo, guard thou the 
border ! " Cf. 4 R, 44, 22 : niiirapiS mepi u kiidiiri, " enlarging the territory 
and the border." 

3. O'Conor : pa-as-ru sa-ab-tu, " master of Hfe and death." 

4. palah: constr. infin. Lit. "Of the fearing of the gods knowing." 

7. (D) has vuistemu : an interesting form, apparently to be pronounced muS- 
thutl, and equivalent to the variant mitSte' u. We have already met with tiSalam 
= tcBaliiia/n (5 R. 34, I, 26, compared with ib. 34). Other examples of this 
peculiar use of m as a breathing may be seen in Z. A. II, 1SS5, p. 239. 

II. O'Conor : "seeker of the temple of the god." 
15. (D) u-fu-ur. 

22. 2 Chron. xv, 8. 

23. i.e., Nebuchadrezzar's own name. 

24. (D) ib-bu-u. In 3 R. 7, I, 12 f. Shalmaneser II says : e^iuma ASur 
belu rabA ina kun libbiSu ina hidSu ellute uddanima rVut mat ASSur ib-ba-an-ni, 
" when A. mighty lord in the faithfulness of his heart with his bright eyes regarded 
me, and to the shepherding of Assyria called me." The omission ol ana before 
rfilt is not very remarkable, the accusative alone being sufficient to indicate the 
dhection of the calling. Atta is thus omitted, 5 R. 34, i, 7, ibbuSu rt'Siisun, 
" whom they called to their chieftainship." Dr. F. E. Peiser renders " Herrschaft 
liber Assur mir verlieh," and writes ibb&n-ni (Keilinschr. Biblioth., I, 152) ; but 
both form and sense are impossible. Ibbanni bears the same relation to ibbi 
( = inbl) as ibiianiii (E. J. H. I, 23) tabnantii {ibid., 9, 49) to ibiii, tabnt, or 
iSSanni (Phillipps I, 9) to issi (inSi). 

25. inumiSu : contracted from ina or in tend Su, " in that day." O'Conor : 
"we (proclaim) this." Above he has " Ni-nu, we (proclaim)." But even if 
«?■«« = " we," it is plain that the verb " proclaim " cannot be left unexpressed. 


Feb. s] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.FOLOGV. [1SS9. 

28. lilhinua: cf. E.I.H., Col. I, 55. According to Haupt, nlhhiu is " height," 
and Jtllu "high," both used of the distant past. 

29. na-;Jt-u ; (B) (D) tiami't = 7uhin1 = 7uV il : pctp. I, i ; ni2 nN2. Em2i = imu, 
(Senk. I, 14) ; impf. i, i. Cf. innamii, impf. iv, i, Bors. I, 31. The sense 
being " to sink or settle down ;" the root appears to coincide with that of the Heb. 
ni3, ntS3. (So a-^-lu = a-me-lu). 

tiSariS : adv. of tisane = tusaru, which means "overthrow," or "downfall" : 
cf. ittit = titnt. TuSaru is defined laban appi: see Tigl. I, 78, and Lolz's note. 
2 R. 43, 4 a, b ; SuSurtiim = sakap nakiri, "casting down of the foe": root 

"IB'I , "to cast down " ; cf. "103 ^ j^ , " to fall," of a leaf or fruit. 

32. I take this term to be connected with arku, " hinder," " rear " ; cf. Heb. 
D^riDT, " recesses." Arkatti is also used of future time. 

34. (D) e-pi-su. 

35. arazza: of Sumerian origin : see 2 R. 39, No. 7, 65 sqq., where we have 
the four words su-ub-bu(-u), i.e., Stipp>A, "to pray"; ti-is-bi-tu (?), "prayer"; 
te-is-li-tu, " prayer " ; and Sutemiiqu, " supplication." The Sumerian equivalent 
of the third term is A-RA-zu, which may be compared \\"ith arazzti. 

Column II. 

a-na e-bi-es e su-a-ti To restore that house 

li-ib-ba-am ti-is-mu-ur-ma (My) heart was solicitous, and 

u-ga-a-am sa-as-si / ivaited for Shamash ; 

as-si ga-ti / lifted up ha?ids, 

5 u-sa-ap-pa sa-as-si I prayed to Shaviash ; 

a-na e-bi-es e e-bar-ra For the making of the house Ebarra 

ut-ni-en-su-um-raa I besotight him, a7id 

DIMMER-UTU bc-ili ra-bi-u Sha?nash, great lord, 

ni-is ga-ti-ia The lifting up of my hands 

10 im-hu-ur-ma Received, and 

is-ma-a su-pi-e-a Heard my prayers. 

a-na e-bi-e§ E su-a-ti For the rebuilding of that house, 

a-ar-ka-at d. utu d. im The inner shrine of Shamash, 

u D. AMAR-UTU Fi?nmon, and Merodach, 

ap-ru-us-ma / made a decree, and 

15 D. UTU D. IM li D. AMAR-UTU Shamash, Ri/nmon, and Merodach 

sa e-bi-es e e-bar-ra For the making of the house Ebarra 

an-nim ki-i-nim Abiding grace 

u-sa-as-ki-nu-um Implanted 

i-na te-ir-ti-ia In my mind. 

20 a-na d. utu be-ili For Shamash, the lord 

da-a-a-nu 9i-i-ru-um The judge supreme 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

sa sa-mi-e u ir-9i-tini Of heaven and earth ; 

qar-ra-du ra-bi-u The great warrior^ 

it-lu ka-ab-tu The hero glorious, 

25 be-ili mu-us-te-si-ir The lord that ordereth aright 

bu-ru-us-e ki-it-ti The decisions of justice, 

be-ili ra-bi-ii be-ili-ia The great lord, my lord ; 

E-su E-BAR-RA His house Eharra, 

sa ki-ri-ib ud-kip-nun-ki That is within Sepharvaim, 

30 i-na hi-da-a-ti IVith rejoicings 

u ri-sa-a-tim lu e-bu-us And festivities I rebuilt. 

D. UTU be-ili ra-bi-u O Shamash, great lord I 
a-na e-bar-ra E-ka nam-ru Into Ebarra, thy shining house, 

ha-di-is i-na e-ri-bi-ka When thou enterest with Joy, 

Notes to Column II. 

2. (D) li-ib-ba. For tismur O'Conor suggests iiStalUt[\), and misreads the 
next line as "u-ga-ru am-sa-as-si, I cleared the grounds (?)." 

3. ngffain: we might compare iljj, and explain the word as a pael. impf. 

oi aqil : but the Heb. H-li^ seems nearer; Ps. xxv, 5 (Latrille). 
5. (D) u-sa-ap-pi. So perhaps (B). 

15. cf. Exod. XXXV, 30 sqq. 34: 13^3 \r\) nnn^-1 ; xxxvi, i, 2, |ri; nK'X. 
13^3 nip?n nn-; 

17. The character -^Y mini, nim, is quite clear. Hebraica, April, 1887, 
p. 170, plate, substitutes a sign which I do not understand. O'Conor renders 
annim khiim . . . tirtia, " true mercy established during my reign." 

18. (D) u-sa-as-ki-in. 

19. That tertu means " mind," " heart," or something similar, is, I think, 
clear from E. I.H. II, 7, sq. biiluhti ilutiSu tiSaSkin ina libbia. The line in 
that inscription which I left untranslated in the Proceedings, December, 1887, 
Col. IV, 30, I would now render : " For Shamash the judge supreme, who 
implanted abiding grace in my mind." I cannot explain the Accadian signs, but 
I think the Babylonian equivalent is probably amia kinim uSaSkinu ina tertta : 
cf. 5 R. 34, col. Ill, 29, sqq. ]Aj^Z is "conscience" {e.g., I Cor. viii, 12). 
Another tirtu means " return." 

22. sa-mi-e: written Sa-J^-e in (A)(B)(D) and prob. (C) Glf*-). Cf. the 
spelling '^ahr] in Hesychius. Ir(iti»i : (C) (D) ir-ji-ti. 

23. D) qar-ra-da. 

26. (D) bu-ru-us-si ; (C) bu-ru-us-si-e. 
31. (C)(D)ri-sa-a-ti. 
33. (D) nam-ri. 


Feb. s] 




li-bi-it ga-ti-ia 

su-qu-ru ki-ni-is 


dam-ga-tu-u-a li-is-sa-ak-na 
5 sa-ap-tu-uk-ka 

i-na ki-bi-ti-ka ki-it-ti 

lu-us-ba-a li-it-tu-ti 

ba-la-tam u-um ru-qu-ti 

ku-un Gis-GU-ZA lu si-ri-iq-tu- 
10 li-ri-ku li-is-te-li-bu 

siB-u-a a-na da-er-a-tim 

Gis-sA-PA i-sa-ar-ti 


15 si-bi-ir-ri ki-i-nim 

mu-sa-li-im ni-si 

lu i-si-iq sar-ru-ti-ia 

a-na da-er-a-tim 

i-na Gis-KU gis-ku iz-zu-ti 
20 te-bu-ti ta-ha-za 

lu-zu-lu-ul um-ma-ni-ia 

D. UTU at-ta-ma 

i-na di-i-nim u bi-i-ri 

i-sa-ri-is a-pa-la-an-ni 
25 i-na a-ma-ti-ka el-li-ti 

sa la su-pi-e-lam 

lu-ti-bu-u lu-za-ak-tu 


Gis-KU-Gis-KU na-ki-ri-im 

. III. 

The 7C'ork 0/ my hands, 

Costly, in faithfulness 

Behold tho2i, and 

Let good things for me become 

On thy lip ! 

By thy fust comma?id 

May I be satisfied zvith children ! 

A life of distatit days, 

Stability of throne, be it a boon, and 

Be prolonged, be lengthened out 
My shepherding for ever ! 
A right eoiis sceptre, 
A shepherding 
A fust staff of rule 
Making the people to prosper. 
May my sovereigfity wield 
For evermore I 
With forceful weapons 
The onsets of battle 
May my people ward off ! 
Shamash, do thou thyself 
With judgment and vision 
Righteously answer 7ne ! 
By thy glorious word 
Which cannot be gainsaid, 
May my weapons 
Beach, strike home ! 
The weapons of the foe may they 
repel I 

Notes to Column III. 

1. libit: R. lap&tu: 2 R. 48, 41 e.f. ta-ak ^>fV- la-pa-tum, "to grasp," 
4 R 15, 15 ; 26, 15. Z?)^//'/';/ = inceptum (?) 

2. Suquru : O'Conor, su-ul-bi-ru (!) 

4. Or, be brought to pass by thy command. But cf. i, 8, 9 ; Bors. ii, 30 sqq. 
7. littuti: not "glory": see E.I.H. X, 8. 
9. Siriqtu is noun, not verb. 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89. 

10. li&telibu: precative III, 2 of elHni {clipu), "to age," "wax old": cf. 
■ « .\ f "very old." O'Conor wrongly li-is-Sa-libu. 

11. (D) da-ra-a-tim. (C) siB-u a-na da-er-a-ti. 

12. (D) i-sa-as-ti. Cf. maStiim = marfiiiit. 

15. (D) si-bi-ir. (C) &i-bi-ir-ri, 

16. nisi : written ni-sik. See 5 R. 65, I, 5, ni-.sik raps&ti [i.e., nisi r. "great 
peoples.") The sign on (A) is certainly Sik ; (B) is broken here. 

17. isiq : cf. Arab, wasaqa, portavit ; but I am very doubtful about the word. 
For the last syllable, -ik, which is clear enough on the cylinder, Hebraica, I.e., 
gives an entirely different form. O'Conor has hi i-ma gis-sa for he isiq. 

18. (D) ti. 

20. Not " With a successful battle 

Let me adorn my troops." (O'Conor.) 
22. (D) at-ta-u-ma. 
24. (D) ap-la-an-ni 

26. (D) has Subelam. The parallel passages, Bab. 2, 27, ina pika ellti Sa la 
nakari ; ib., 30, ina kibitika prtim Sa la su-bi-e-lu, as well as the context, seem 
to suggest some such meaning as " irreversible "or " unchangeable." See 2 R. 
28, 4, 43, sq. 

BAL supilu Sa mim (ma). 
BAL if Sa mim (ma). 
BAL supiltum. 

As BAL = nakaru, it would seem that Supihi = nnkaru. I, therefore, would now 
connect Supthi with apdlii, "to give back or answer" (1. 24). For ellitim Sa 
la SiibelaDL, O'Conor, by obvious confusions of characters, reads sa-li-mu sa-la-ma 
bi-e-ri, "grant success, a lasting prosperity." (.'') 

27. tibA : (D) te-bu-u. liizaqtu: i.e., Ii2 + jizaqqilu : pael precative. Cf. 
LJDi\ , Aoi , pupugit, vulneravit. 

29. limesu, not limezii, as Hebraica (April, 1887, 170, plate). Both (A) and 
(D) read li-mi-e-su ; (B) is broken. (C) according to O'Conor has li-mi-e-si ; 
but I should like to know whether the character >|-| si is quite clear on the New 
York cylinder. One cannot help suspecting that ^ff sii is the true reading 
there also ; for the passage requires a plural verb. Mr. O'Conor renders : 

" May they draw near, may they sling, 
the weapon ; my weapon, 
the weapons 
of the enemy 
let it disperse." 

But what is the meaning of this? gis-ku gi5-ku is obviously plural, like ka-gal 
KA-GAL, and similar expressions ; — iia is simply a phonetic determinative. 


Feb. s] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1889. 

Consequently, whether the verb lime si (;/) belong to kakkfCa or to kakM nakirim, 
it must be //«r. A cylinder at Berlin, published by Dr. \Vinckler (Z.A., 1886, 
p. 34S), concludes thus : 

lu-ti-bu-u lu-za-ak-tu ka-ak-ku-u-a 

ka-ak [su] na-ki-ri-im li-mi-e . . . 
Dr. ^Vinckler reads li-mi-e-[si], and quotes the New York cylinder. He also 
renders lutchii luzaqtn kakkiCa, in the sing., remarking, "lu-za-ak-tu steht wohl 
fur lu-uzakkit." Why not rather for lu-uzaqqitu, the plural ? Kak nakirim must 
be interpreted in the light of the ois-KU G1§-KU nakirim of the three duplicates. 
Cf. phrases like tim rfiqiiti. I think, therefore, that the Berlin cylinder also must 
have ended with li-mi-e-su originally. 

As to the meaning of liniesu, which \Vinckler says is " wol ungenaue Schrei- 
bung von limisi resp. lumisi, Tigl. II, 14 ; III, 80 ; IV, 94 ; V, 94 ; " the 
comparison seems more than doubtful. The spelling li-mi-e-su is exactly like 
li-bi-e-lu (E. I.H. 10, 19), and suggests a VCXtD (X1X2X3X4?). I have thought 
that Heb. DX?3 " to reject," might be orig. " to thrust back " ; Cf. Arab. aI 
repulit, p7-oJiibuit ab aliqtia re ; li^ irpiilit, depulit. 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

On Two Duplicates of the "Babylonian Chronicle." 
By C. Bezold. 

One of the most important documents among the chronographi- 
cal and historiographical inscriptions from Mesopotamia is the 
well-known Babylonian Chronicle^ relating the history of Babylonia 
and Assyria from about B.C. 750 to about 650. The first account 
of it was given by Pinches, in Vol. VI of our Proceedings (May, 
1884), p. 198 ff., who, instead of the text, gave a short "paraphrase," 
though not reliable* throughout, of the contents of that precious 
tablet. Although it was possible, then, to try to make some use of 
the new chronographical document, f all Assyriologists were eagerly 
looking forward to have the cuneiform text itself made available for 
their researches. It was, therefore, with vivid satisfaction that the 
excellent edition, transliteration and translation of the chronicle 
which Dr. Winckler published in the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, 
1887, April number,:}: p. 148 ff., were greeted. In future I shall 
call this edition ^^ Z{eits.)." Another publication of the same text was 
brought out, subsequently, by Mr. Pinches, in the October number 
of iht Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1887, Vol. XIX, p. 655 ff., 
in which he charged Dr. Winckler with having " made no less 
than 15 mistakes, either of omission or of commission." I shall quote 
this second rendering of the cuneiform text as "/{oiirnal Roy. As. 


* See, e.g., Tiele, GescJi., pp. 301, n. i ; 350; Schrader, Sitziiiigsber. d. 
Kgl. Preitss. Ak. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1887, p. 581, and note 3. 

t Cf. Schrader, The cuneiforvi inscriptions and the Old Testament, Vol. I 
(London, 1885), p. xxxii ; Fr. Brown, Assyriology ; its use and abuse in Old 
Testament study (New York, 1885), p. 68, and my Lit., p. 18 f., § II, k. 

X Not in the number "for June" (Pinches). The text was autographed by 
the Rev. J. N. Strassmaier as early as the middle of February, 1887. 

§ In addition to these two editions of the text of the Chronicle, the reader 
may consult Dr. Schrader's above-named article in the Sitzungsbcrichte of the 
Berlin Academy ; Dr. Oppert's paper, Clironiqne habylonienne du Mnsce 
britannique traduite, in the Comptes rcndus de VAcad. d. Inscr. et B.-L., t. xv, 

1887, p. 263 ff. ; and Prof. Fr. Brown's remarks, in the Presbyterian Kez'ie^o, 

1888, p. 293 ff. — not to omit the celebrated discussion between Dr. Delitzsch 
(Liter. Centrlbl., 1887, No. 38, Col. 1290) and Dr. Wkmw [Jonm. Am. Or. Soc, 
1887, Vol. XIII, p. cclxi) on one side, and on the other Prof. Sayce, the Academy, 
1887, No. 807, p. 270 f. ; Dr. Wincki.rr, Zeits., 18S7, p. 350 ff. ; 1888, p. 108 ff.; 
Dr. TiELEj Gesch., Vol. II, p. 614 ; and Dr. Schrader, C.O.T., Vol. II, p. xi. 


When first collating Z. and J. with each other, I was extremely 
astonished to see that two copyists should entirely agree in render- 
ing and restoring one and the same text for 177 lines, even in 
the most minute details, while they differ as widely as possible from 
each other about the restorations of the seven remaining lines (Col. 
Ill, 11. 6 f ; Col. IV, 11. 26-30). 

The solution of this riddle has but lately been found. When 
hunting after colophons similar to those translated in my last paper on 
some cuneiform syllabaries, of which I expected to find some among 
the tablets of the collection "A.H. 83, 1-18,"* I came across two 
fragments of unbaked clay, numbered now as 83, 1-18, 1338, and 
83, i-rS, 1339, and measuring 3^ in. by 2|in., and 2^in. by 2|^in. 
respectively. 83, 1-18, 1339 has a label on the box describing it as 
"chronicle," while 83, 1-18, 1338, has no label at all. As far as I 
know, neither of these two texts has yet been mentioned anywhere. 
Having seen, however, that both fragments contain duplicates of the 
Babylonian Chronicle in question, I prepared a new collation of that 
very text with the two editions Z. and J., the results of which I am 
now going " to make known to the world." 

A. Ad editionejn Z. — In 84, 2-1 1, 356, i.e., the principal tablet 
of the Chronicle.^ Col. I, 1. 43, both >-Yy~~-^)^ and *^\ are possible 
epigraphically, but the latter, given by J., seems to be more probable. 
Likewise, ibid., 1. 44, ^|^ seems to be more probable than ^^■^. — 
Col. Ill, 1. 38, there is a trace of ^ before ^7 (e>?\^T^)' s° ^'^^ 
apparently iiinu xviii. (J.) is to be read. — Col. IV, 1. 36, ^\ after X^^ 

* Cf. the present Vol., pp. 44 ff. In the above-named collection, so far as 
available at present, I saw only one other similar colophon, attached to A.H. 83, 
i-\'&, 1333 (4iin. by 44in. ; the lower part of obverse and the upper part of 
reverse are wanting ; on obverse 29 lines, in 4 sections, and on reverse 21 lines, 
in 2 sections ; with clear, but partly mutilated Babylonian characters ; contains 
a mythological text, prayers, etc. ; Section 2 on obverse begins : ^ ^"-^ » t'~'-^ 
^I^ ; Section 2 on reverse begins and ends with J»->|- j .^ ^I^ to be found on 
obverse, 1. 21). This colophon reads (reverse, 11. 20 f. ) : S-vY ^ICT TfT 

4-n I ^T'T Hf^ ^'f- ^v.A.i. V, 46, 62a) ^\\ ^]]i %^ s^gj 4^T 

(that is, of course, " Ba)-sip, Borsippa," as is to be read throughout in my 
fonner paper, instead of Sippara, Sippar) >- ^k^ >-^| ^ *~II^ ^ I S^l-4 ^A 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

is perfectly clear. — I can, after having gone three times carefully 
over the text, find no other inaccuracies in Z, 

B. Ad editionem ]. — In 84, 2-1 1, 356, Col. 1. 18, ^^ before 
*~- »— 4*^y is not certain, not even probable ; only ^^ is to be seen. — 
L. 27, at the beginning, no y is to be seen; the text is perfectly 
clear. — Line 40, only ,JJy, (Z.) is to be seen before du ; the 
restoration ^yy, however, is pretty certain; cf. Winckler, Zeits., 
1887, p. 301. — L. 42 : nothing more is to be seen on the tablet than 
the traces, reproduced by Z. — The same holds good with Col. II, 
1. 18, where only '^^f- in the middle of the line remains, which 
might be, of course, [^|y. — L. 22 : ^ between -j^ and ^X^W, left 
out by J., is perfectly clear on the tablet. — Line 37, at the end, there 
is no ^ before X-Z. it-'t- is therefore most improbable, while ^^t- 
is almost certain ; cf. Sennach., Prism, Col. IV, 27 ; Kouy., Col. II, 
37 ; Const., Col. I, 20. — L. 47, ^^ »4^, (not 4^ >w^) is 
clear in the text. 

In Col. Ill, 1. 6, only ||y (Z.) is to be seen before ^y {("S^. 
<<<^ '^y is taken from the first of the two duplicates, published on 
the following plates, reverse. Col. Ill, 1. 3. -^Likewise, the restorations 
in 1. 7 are attempted after the same duplicate, 1. 4. Unfortunately, 
however, the author of J. did not recognize the Babylonian sign for 
hup, >^yi-y][, instead of which he puts >-y|^ ^! — At the end of 1. 14, 
the shading after ^^ (Z.) is omitted in J. But it was absolutely 
necessary; see Plate I, 1. 13. — L. 16: V before »^\r -^^T 'S 
partly mutilated in the text of 84, 2-1 1, 356, but certainly no ^ 
has been written before it ; ^ is taken from the duplicate. — L. 3 1 : 
i^|-^ before -^y is not quite clear ; according to Dr. Winckler's 
plausible restoration {Zeits., 1887, p. 157), ^ >-^^ -^y (Z.) is as well 
possible as >-< -^y (J.). — L. 36 : the restoration ^^y according to 
Winckler, ibid., p. 158. 

In Col. IV, 1. 16, the last character but one in J. (^^*^) seems 
to be a real attempt at an emendation of Z. (J^y). I should guess, 
Mr. Pinches thought of the phrase ^^^^C 77*^' ^°^- -^^j 9' ^"^ 
intended " Assyrii in Aegypto immolaverunt." But ^^^ (H^"^) 
never has such a meaning in the Chronicle ; cf. Col. I, 14; Col. II, 
41; Col. Ill, 8, 14, 35; Col. IV, 2, 38; and, taking the ideograph 
in its proper meaning, it is not very likely to be recorded that 
Esarhaddon's whole army had been destroyed in the second 



Egyptian campaign. Cf. Budge, History of Esarh., pp. 114 fif. ; 
TiELE, Geschichte, Vol. II, pp. 349 ff. The fact is, however, that 
the character in question is not at all clear on the tablet. And 
actually, both J^J and "^^f , niay have been written by the scribe, 
one being a correction of the other (Z.). Dr. Winckler {Zeifs., 
1887, p. 306) is most probably right in giving the preference to t^^f. 
In 11. 26-30, there is a considerable piece broken out of 84, 
2-1 1, 356, and nothing is to be seen in the parts of lines which are 
shaded in Z. In order not to be deceived by my eyes, I obtained 
the kind assistance of Father Strassmaier and Mr. Evetts, who 
both agree with me as to the fact pointed out. — In 1. 26 I still think 
we have to restore, according to the space left, something like 
>^yy r^^ K'K \ (^O J ^"^^ ■^y (J-)> which is taken from our second 
duplicate. Col. IV, 1. 3, might be followed by something different 
from what 84, 2-1 1, 356 exhibits. — -For 1. 27, see the second duplicate. 
Col. IV, 1. 5 ; for 1. 28, ibidem, 11. 6-7; for 1. 29, ibidem, 11. 8-9 ; and 
for 1. 30, ibidem, 1. 10. At the beginning of 1, 11 of the duplicate, 
evidently >— t^^ has to be restored, and therefore 1. 10 of the 
duplicate: \^ -^^ f Y^ <^^ -$JJf< ^f f^f is equal with 

^ -^2^i^2&M?^M>^l6i- (1- 30, Z.). 

Father Strassmaier suggests, that we have to restore : 

\" --¥ r "-" <^^ ^Hf< J^XT -iHl -M-- 

But the author of J. gave : 

^ -^ y? .4 ^ <- ^^< ^1 mMM=^^ and, 

therefore, reproduced one and the same text twice in one and 
the same line, once after the duplicate, and again after the remains of 
the principal tablet. — In 1. 36, ^, which was omitted by Z., but is 
clear in the text (ef. suj>ra, p. 132, 1. 25 f.) is also wanting in J., no 
lacuna being marked. — V" V" in 1. 44 is perfectly clear in the text. 
After the above remarks, I leave it, to use Mr. Pinches' own 
words, " to the reader to judge." 

It is, of course, a matter of the first importance to know exactly 
how cuneiform texts, to which duplicates, or parts or fragments of 
them, or so-called " parallel texts " have been found, are to be 
published ; and it appears to be of almost equal importance that 
Assyrian scholars should be able to criticize fairly the first edition 
of a cuneiform text, when, after that first edition, duplicates (or 
parts or fragments of them, or so-called " parallel texts ") have been 
discovered. As it seems, that several Assyriologists have omitted to 


Feb. s] proceedings. [1889. 

form for themselves a clear idea as to these two points, I may be 
allowed to give here a brief statement of what I have sketched out 
for myself during the last few years with regard to that question, 
although I am fully aware that Semitic, and other, scholars might 
consider it superfluous to repeat here rules of so elementary a 
character as the following : — 

1. In case of duplicates existing in addition to a principal text, 
either, (a) both, the text and the duplicate(s) might be given in 
separate editions, without any restorations, as, e.g., in Rawlinson's 
W.A.I. II, 37, Nos. I and 2 ; or {If) both, the text and the dup]icate(s) 
might be published separately, but restored from each other, the re- 
storations being indicated by outline types,* as, e.g., in our Proceedings, 
Vol. X, p. 26^, plates ; or (c), the principal text might be published 
alone, the restorations, as taken from the duplicate(s), being indicated 
by outline types,* as, e.g., is done by Evetts, in our Proceedings, 
Vol. X, p. d^^Z, plates. 

2. Whatever the method of editing may be, the numbers of both, 
the text and the duplicate(s) should be named,! and in the above 
case I, c, it should be indicated, what is "text," and what is derived 
from the " duplicate(s)," supplying the variants. 

3. Under no conditions, must the principal text and the dupli- 
cate(s) be mixed in an edition. Only to show exactly what I mean by 
that, I quote here, out of many exenipla odiosa, the last edition of the 
fifth tablet of the so-called creation-series in Delitzsch's Assyrische 
Lesestikke, 3rd edition, p. 94. What is given there on G. Smith's 
authority as "text" after the vertical line, is taken from K. 8526, 
the variants being added from a duplicate. But, in 1. 7, ^ is not to 
be found in K. 8526, which exhibits clearly tfyfc:. Therefore, 
tfyft: ought to be given in the " text," and ^ most probably will be 
found on the duplicate. The reader may see a very clear exposal of 
such "mistakes" in Winckler's paper, Zeits., 1887, p. 142 ff. 

4. Under no conditions, must the fact be concealed, when there 
is, one or more, duplicates of a text, and such characters, as are 
indistinct in the "text," but perfectly clear in the duplicate(s), must 
not be given as " clear " in the text, the duplicate(s) being not even 

* Or, by brackets, or by any other mark. 

+ In the British Museum, no " unnumbered texts " are available to students 
at present. 


5. When outline characters are printed in a text, of which dupli- 
cates are not mentioned, and therefore (after No. 4) do not exist, 
these characters should indicate either, {a) that there is no other 
epigraphic possibility of restoring the sign in question than the one 
involved in the restoration, or (U) that a parallel phrase or word, 
used more or less often, gives a correct guide for the restoration in 
question ; or (r) that the present state of our knowledge of the 
Assyrian language enabled the writer to restore the traces of signs 
which are left in the text. 

The possibility of restoring signs depends, of course, on the 
more or less extended knowledge of the sum total of epigraphic 
modifications of the Babylono-Assyrian signs, which can only be 
obtained by copying carefully, and during a long period, inscriptions 
from the original tablets, and will never be got from any grammar or 
'■'■ Schrifttafeiy Besides the script itself, the copyist can take advantage 
of the space left on the clay in place of the expected, and therefore 
restored, signs. The shape and peculiarities of the tablet, the place 
of its origin, its state of preservation, its contents, and many other 
things, which cannot be reduced to general rules, may serve as 
guides in such cases, and according to the motives which induced 
the copyist to make his restoration, the latter itself acquires different 
degrees of certainty. It may be considered, e.g., as almost certain that 
in a document of the well-known shape of ^prisnioid, after a division- 
Hne, the beginning of a line : t^ ^^ yj StJ^ ^yt^2^#?'^I ^^ ^° ^^ restored 
to ^ ^^ yy J^y^f tyy< ^llt -^Tr ^^^ °^ *e other hand, I cannot 
consider it as quite so certain, that in 8r, 7-1, 9, Col. I, 19, I'na im-na 
u su-m'i-hi is to be read, although traces of every one of these 
characters are seen on the original ; cf. the present Vol., p. 102. In 
such cases, notes of interrogation may be used by the writer to 
express his doubt. 

Restorations of that kind are therefore merely a matter of practice. 
For, I firmly believe that two pairs of eyes, equally strong and equally 
trained, do see, under the same conditions (of light, ^/^.), exacdy 
the same traces. 

As to the restorations obtained by the above-mentioned " know- 
ledge of the language," very often the combination of indistinct traces 
into a good Assyrian phrase depends on a lucky guess, which 
nobody is obliged to make at the time of publication. It is, 
e.g., not quite obvious from the traces at the end of Col. Ill, 14, 


Feb. 5] TROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

of the chronicle, that >^-<« and nothing else has to be restored ; as 
soon, however, as clear traces of that character appear in the 
duplicate, I consider the restorations <<<][ ^^ and ^^ >^^ of 
"text" and duplicate respectively (cf. Plate I, Col. Ill, 1. 13; and 
above, p. 133, 1. 22^) not a merit, but merely a duty on the part of 
any Assyriologist. This leads us, finally, to 

6. In criticizing editions, a difference should be made between 
first and second editions, and between texts without, and texts with, 
duplicates. It would be unfair to blame a writer for not making use 
of duplicates, which are either not available or entirely unknown. 
And the same may be said, of course, of those who condemn the 
edition of a text without restorations, and correct it from parallels, 
which they themselves have but lately found.* Above all, it must 
never be forgotten that Assyriology is not a mere philological 
discipline, but a branch of Archseology." f 

I should be very glad, if these few rules, which appear to be, as I 
repeat once more, of quite a rudimentary character, and do not 
pretend to be anything but the common axioms of text-editions 
applied to the Assyrian literature, should be either observed, or 
should be discussed by any Assyriologist, or Philologist, who con- 
siders them to be inadmissible. As in Assyriology the publication 
of texts makes a rapid progress, so important a question should be 
cleared up at once. 

In the followM'ng plates, the otitUne characters of 83, 1-18, 1338, 
Col. I, III, IV, and of 83, 1-18, 1339, indicate the restorations 
taken from 84, 2-1 1, 356, while those of 83, 1-18, 1338, Col. II, 
are attempted by conjectural combinations. 

This latter column enables us to restore a historically important 
part of the second column of the Chronicle, and proves Dr. Winckler's 
restorations of 11. 4 and 5, as proposed in Zeits., 1887, p. 301. 

LI. 7 fif. read : Safin x ilu Mardiik-aplu-idd'nia ih-ti-pi 

hn-bu-iit-su ih-ta-bat. Sattit xii ilu Marduk-aplu-iddina Sar-gin 

* Cf. Strassmaier, Nabonidus, p. ix. 

t Cf. Strassmaier, ibidem, p. vi. — I have purposely omitted to allufle in the 
above remarks to the edition of so-called critical texts, for which Tiele's excellent 
treatise in p. 28 ff. of his Geschichte may be consulted. A critical text of an 
inscription is of course only possible, after each of its sources has been thoroughly 
copied, restored, and — understood. 

137 L 


ana maUt Akkadi aSnt iir-dam-ma sal-tiim ana libbi iln ATardiik-aplu- 
iddina ipu-us-i/ia ilu Afarduk-aplu-iddiiia i?ia pdni amilAti rabuti (?)- 
su ana matn Ilanifii iunabit (?) xii sanati ilu Mardnk - aplii - iddina 
sarru -nt Babili asm ipu-iis Sar-gin ina Babili aSm ina hnssl ittasa-ab. 
Safin XIII Sar-gin qdta ilu Bil is-sa-bat Dur-ya-a-ki-nu ik-ta-sad. 
Sattu XIV sarru ina mdti (?). Sattu xv arah Tisrit umu xxii. ildni 
sa mat II Tain-titn ina a Sri- su-nu ituru bad. Mis ina mati Assur iUaka- 

an ana {}) mati Ta-ba-lu "Anno decimo 

Merodach-Baladanes delevit, spolia eius spoliavit. Anno 

duodecimo Merodach-Baladanis Sargon in Babyloniam descendit, 
proelium cum Merodach-Baladane commisit ; Merodach-Baladanes 
coram proceribus (?) eius in Elymaidem fugit. Duodecim annos 
Merodach-Baladanes dominationem Babyloniae exercuit ; Sargon in 
Babylonia thronum occupavit. Anno decimo tertio Sargon manus 
Beli cepit ; Duryakinu cepit. Anno decimo quarto rex domi 
remansit (?). Anno decimo quinto, mense Tisrit, die vicesimo 
secundo, dei (regionis) Maritimae in locum suum redierunt ; festa (?) 

in (terra) Assur facta sunt in (?) (terra(m ?)) Tabalu " 

To lines 18 f. we may compare the mention of a similar pro- 
cession of gods on the same day of the same year (708/7 b.c.) in 
K. 4446, reverse {i.e., W.A.L II, 69, No. 6*), 1. 5 : ^^.^ <fHf ^\ 

* Cf. SCHRADER, C.O.T., Vol. II, pp. I96 f. 



c >j e: it ' '■' T 

■ ' , , M + 'i ^ 

^ iT ^ '^ ■? 

^^ -■ Jl — ' f T, ^ 


^ f 1^ I T 

-^ 11 

ii5 Ti a 
— ei I" 

'tf • 
f ^ ^ I ■ 

li ^- A "1 -^ 

E a &. E= C 

'!Sj«»gH!«'iK)»ifc'if ^-"t^agiy 

[Si I 

■it 1? 

1' *? 

is m 


'"' }il 4' . 


2 #= 

7r U' 

* .-■■, /I £t j:^ 

r ifi m wa 

' 11 tt- + x i» ijiS 

I" ^ ' <% A S ^1 

»■ » ri ■' 1 *! n "■ , ■" M J,\ " ''"si 

1 Si ^ ^ ** *^ « a ' X '' • ^ ^ *^ iri=!i ^ 



















•yi'if A A 

^^ A ^ 

AA, A^ "^ 


^ in ^ 

^^ * AA 




f ^ 

V ^ 





A. ^ if 












^^ 'ya 

AA * 

^ A 




A -^ 





i IT 


















Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Par Karl Piehl. 


Le travail qu'a public I'an dernier M. Lieblein sous le titre 
"Handel und Schiffart auf dem rothen Meere in alten Zeiten," 
a attire I'atteniion des savants sur le groupe qui forme I'en-tete 
de cette notice. En effet, le savant norwegien a donne de notre 
groupe une explication a la fois ingenieuse et hasardee. Aussi 
a-t-il rencontre de nombreuses contestations de tons les cotes, 
et actuellement, je ne crois pas qu'il y ait un egyptologue de 
profession, qui partage les vues de M. Lieblein, concernant I'ety- 
mologie du mot 7\ 8 M ^- Le rapprochement du dit mot avec 
JVegus, le titre des rois anciens de I'Ethiopie, n'a pour appui 
qu'une ressemblance de son qui pent fort bien etre fortuite, surtout 
parce que le nom par lequel, on designe une nation etrangere, 
tr^s souvent n'est pas reconnu par cette derniere comme le vrai. 
Cela est particulierement applicable aux temps, les plus recules 
de I'histoire, oil tres-communement on denotait les peuples etrangers 
par des injures ou par des expressions hostiles. Car c'etait une 
epoque ou le mot /wslis (ennemi) pouvait avoir la valeur de hospes 

Du reste, (v\ '] yf ^t Negus quant au son ne se ressemblent 
qu'en partie, et nous pouvons citer des exemples de mots, plus 
d'accord quant aux sons, qui n'ont absolument rien a faire I'un 
avec I'autre, p. ex. I'allemand viel (beaucoup) qui se prononce 
exactement comme le mot norwegien fil (lime). Get exemple est 
tres a propos ici, vu que le norwegien et Tallemand sont dcux 
langues tres-apparentees et que I'un a emprunte beaucoup de mots 
a I'autre. Parmi les raisons que M. Lieblein cite contre le sens 
" nbgre " du groupe TX Q 1 | Hi^ (il ne nie du reste pas que notre 
groupe ne puisse quelquefois avoir ce dernier sens), il semble faire 
trt;s grand cas du nom I ^^ 7\ X | I N\ W^ " fils royal Nehcsi,'' 

* Comparez CiCEROX, De Officiis. Actuellement, le mot germanique qui 
correspond a hostis, a savoir Gas/ (en ancien iSlaiulais gcstr) a un sens fort 

139 L 2 

Feu. s] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1889. 

releve sur une pierre de Tanis. Suivant le savant auteur, il est 
"tout-a-fait invraisemblable {durchaus unwahrscheinlich\ que le 
prince ait porte le nom de n^gre." Mais pourquoi rencontre-t-on 
alors des noms propres designant "I'Asiate" | V\. '^' -^^^^- ^^ 

noms, No. 1^2), "Thabitant de Kanaan " T V\ Vn^) Diet, 

de noms, No. 957. Cf. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertkuins, I, pa,ge 
218), en d'autres termes fournissant des designations de peuples 
etrangers, tout aussi hostiles a I'Egypte que les negres ! Ou, est-ce 
par hasard que la couleur noire de ces derniers aurait e'te moins 
approuvee en Egypte que celle, plus claire, des autres peuples ? Je 
ne puis y croire, et quiconque a vu I'Egypte moderne ne pourra nier 
que le melange de couleurs n'y soit des plus bigarres, que la couleur 
noire n'y soit tout aussi repandue et appreciee que n'importe quelle 

Pour ma part je ne puis done sous aucune condition accepter 
la modification que M. Lieblein a propose d'introduire dans le 

sens generalement adopte " negre " du groupe 1\ P ' | ^ • 
On me permettra peut-etre de dire mon opinion sur 1 etymologic du 
groupe en question, qui selon moi est un mot d'origine vraiment 

Ayant dernierement etudie d'une maniere tres detaillee les 
ressemblances qu'il y a entre I'egyptien ancien et la langue copte, 
quant aux lois qui ont preside a la formation d'une serie de mots 
appartenant aux deux langues, j'ai constate que plusieurs des phe- 
nomenes que nous connaissons comme caracteristiques a la langue 
fille, se refletent d'une force etonnante dans la langue-mere. Ces 
recherches devant former un ouvrage special, je n'en extrais ici que 
ce qui est necessaire pour elucider la matiere qui nous occupe. 

Nous savons qu'en copte il existe toute une foule de mots — en 
general ayant une valeur nominale — qui ont ete formes par I'adap- 
tation a la fin d'une racine verbale des suffixes pronominaux C|, C, 
p. ex. TCOrtq, "elevation," k cote de "TCJOIt "elever," ^^.cq, 
"fatigue," a cote de ^ICI, " soufifrir," T"eE.C, "sceau," a c6t6 
de T"(JO^ "sceller," OOJOTXC, "reunion," a cote de OtUCyT, 
"reunir," C^.rtIC, "doute," a cote de crtZ-T, " deux," etc.* Dos 
deux formations, celle en -C est de beaucoup la plus commune. 

* Cf. Stern, Koptische Graiiiinatik, pages 50, 51. 

Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89. 

En ancien egyptien, il y a un phenomene analogue, dont jusqu'ici, 
a ma connaissance, on n'a (ju'en partie releve I'existence. Depuis 
les temps les plus recules jusqu'a I'epoque romaine, les textes 
hieroglyphiques nous offrent de nombreux cas de mots, oli le theme 
originaire a ete augmente par I'addition d'un sufifixe pronominal 
=^-^, 1^, \^^, -^, P [et meme par exception ^^]. P. ex. 


^^r=t (I A^AAAA ^^ '' un buveur," [Maspero dans la Zeitschrift 
1879,63], J^ "compte," de [1 ° "compter"; '^ ft] P "S^ 
"sceptre," de i::^^ "Di " saisir," \^cf. -[- y, autre designation 

de sceptre], 8 vj „ Y[>|^ "tresse de cheveux, perruque," a cote 


de X /w^ Q D "munir, orner" [la forme X \X Q [1 "TT^ ^ 

perdu son v <> , comme p. ex. <=> ' L—J] a cote de 1 ^^^^^ ^ /] ; 

la forme 

u V\ derive d'etymologie populaire, laquelle a 

— H Vv 

confere a la perruque la qualite d'odoriferant, comme si le mot 
Q entrait dans la composition de notre groupe] ; <=> n— t± ) 

"cadavre, celui qui habite la caverne ou le tombeau," de «=, r^ 
caveau, x 7-^, "gateau de forme ronde " : de 5 Q. 
" circuler, cercle " ; J ' " veau " [////. " bete de sacrifice "] de 

J ? ^=3 "couper, depecer"; '^^1'^, " chevet." [o-yp^LC 
" diadbme " !] 1 f I /) " la couronne du sud " [c/. OK p^,C 1 ] de 
-^ " le midi " ; «_ czsid " gateau d'offrande " a cote de 

<=> A (Zi'y /^ , etc., etc. Surtout les themes en 1, J, (2 sont 

excessivement nombreux ; ils montent a plus d'une centaine, ct je 
ne parle alors que des cas qui me paraissent certains. 

Maintenant, je crois que le groupe '?\ M ^^ ^^^ ^ placer sous 

la meme categoric que les exemples sus-mentionnes dc themes en -s. 

Cela dit, on comprend facilement que c'est en 7\ Q ^ 1 que je 

veux couper notre groupe. II signifie alors "celui qui implore, qui 
prie," c'est-a-dire pris substantivement a peu prl-s '• mendianl." 



S'il faut entendre par-la '.' mendiant de grace," ou " mendiant de 
pain," cela reste un peu incertain. Toutefois les guerres des 
Egyptiens centre les peuples du sud semblent en general avoir eu 
un succes si eclatant, que la premiere des deux acceptions ne 
manque pas d'a-propos. 

Nous voyons par ce qui precede que le nom de peuple 
?\ Q 'I Mr n'est pas ethnographique dans le meme sens que 
p. ex. notre terme Chamites ; il ressemble sous ce rapport plutot 
au nom "germani," que donnaient les romains a nos ancetres de 
Tepoque des empereurs. Pour ma part, je serais tente de croire 
que, en continuant de traduire le mot 7\ X M ^^ P^r "negres," 
on fera bien de ne pas voir dans ces derniers, des representants du 
type ethnographique qui actuellement porte ce nom. En effet, les 
monuments egyptiens nous montrent quelquefois des Nehsu dont 
les figures par la beaute des lignes ressemblent infiniment plus a 
celles du type caucasien qu'a celles de la race des negres. 

ROPSTEN, 7 Aout, 1SS8. 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [iSfg. 

By Rev. C. J. Ball. 

I propose to identify this term, which translators are usually 
content to transcribe as an unknown word, with the Targumic 
j^2^-)5ir« Isa. Ix, 13; ]-^i;i-l2tp«^ rSl { = duppe sa nrkareni), 
Ezek. xxvii, 6 3 ]"ii;i")3ti;S! Isa. xli, 19. In all three places the original 
is *^1C^^:^ri ; for it is obvious that Ezek. xxvii, 6 must be corrected 
so. The term reappears in Syriac as ]lk;^is( •> which Bar Ali. Bar 
Bahlul and Ibn Sina explain by yji>.y^^^ an Arabic term which the 
botanical writer Ibn Baitar (ii, 108) defines by buxus sempervirens, 
the evergreen box. In Isaiah the Vulgate renders l>tix7(s, and " box- 
wood " would suit the context in the Assyrian documents. The 
ideogram t:y J^ seems to mean an ornamental wood, which box 
certainly is ; and doubtless the Assyrians would value it for its 
hardness, compact structure, fine grain, and delicate yellow colour, 
as highly as modern turners and woodcarvers do. If box be really 
meant by urkareni, the tree was probably the huxns Balearica^ 
which grows in Asia Minor and round the shores of the Euxine, and 
attains to a height of as much as eighty feet. 

The uncertainty which is unhappily characteristic of the whole 
subject of the trees of the Bible, is observable in this instance also. 
Dean Payne Smith, to whose lexicon I owe the above statements 
about ]v '^m [ , considers that it was perhaps acacia wood. He 
notices, however, that the term stands for Trrfo?, "box," in Isa. xli, 
19, Syro-Hexapl., and in the Syriac version of the Geoponica, xlviii, 

23 ; and he also gives a term P-I^'r^Af buxeus color, applied to a 
bilious person by S. Ephrem. On the other hand, in Isa. xli, 19, 
the Peshito puts (1;2a| for HtStp ; and in Exod. xxv, 5, 10, 13, 23, 
28; xxvii, 6; '■'■''eskard wood" stands for '■'■ shittvn wood" {i.e., 
acacia). But I need not pursue the windings of this labyrinth. The 
other explanations and applications of |lb;il«| may be seen in Dr. 
Payne Smith's lexicon, or in Low's AramiiiscJie PJianzennamcn, s.v. 



i.^'^-I^IT^. I will only seek to justify my identification of the Assyro- 
Babylonian tirkarcni with this word. 

The interchange of ^ and ^ is remarkable, but not altogether 
without parallel ; see Proceedings, April 1881, p. 82 sq., where instances 
are given of tl? becoming "^ before dentals {isdudn — irdiidu ; ??iastakal 
martakal). It would seem that the rule there laid down that shin 
is displaced by resh " only before a dental," must be modified so as 
to include examples like the above. The transition of forms may be 
expressed thus : askara nu = uskare nu = uskarefiu = urkarcnnic =^ 
urkarenu. For the change from long a to e, see Haupt's model 
paper on the E vowel in Assyrian {Atnerican Journal P/iiiol., viii, 3 ; 
1887). It may, of course, be the case that the Assyrian is the 
original pronunciation. In the language itself we find such instances 
of resh displaced by shin as isastu for isartu, "righteous" (see 
p. 120, Note 12 of the present Proceedings), and nmstiim for 
niartufn, "daughter" (5 R 39, 67 c.d.). Is iirkar-inu connected 
with the Armenian erkar " long " ? And as ^ J^ is also the ideo- 
gram for kakku, " weapon," the Accadian name may point to the 
fact that this hard wood was used for the shafts of spears and 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


January 24/^, 1889. 

Dear Mr. Rylands, 

Referring to the ver)' interesting Tablet K. 2894, a copy of 
Avhich is given in the Proceedings, March, 1888, it can scarcely he 
correctly described as a Text " concerning the Star Kak-si-di" for, 
as a fact, it concerns a number of stars ; and, as I have long been 
specially interested in Euphratean star-lore, I venture to give some 
account of the obverse, in the hope that an abler student will be 
induced to supply a complete translation. The star-name in line 1 
is too mutilated for decipherment. 

Line 2, Clause 2. 

Kakkab Gir-tab innamar sa ana isitta 

The-constellation of-the-Scorpion is-seen, which portends a-Joiindation. 

Professor Sayce formerly rendered Kakkab Girtab " the star of 
the Double Sword," but now agrees in the rendering above given. 
So, in the circular planisphere in the British Museum, which 
originally contained the names of the months and their signs, two 
only now being legible, we find, " {Arakh) Samna, (month) the 
Eighth — Kakkab Girtab" [vide R. B., Jr., Eridanus, 61). The 
Akkadian name of the Eighth-month ^^^ ^^^ Iyj Apin-dua or 
av-a, is connected with 'Foundation' {api?i), and Professor Sayce 
remarks, " M. Ernest de Bunsen has shown that Scorpio was taken 
as the starting-point of the primitive calendar" {Transactions, iii, 163); 
but the nam'' may mean " Opposite-to-the-Foundation " ii'ide Sayce, 
The Babylonian Astronomy, in Monthly Notices of the Royal Astro- 
nomical Society, Vol. XL, No. 3, p. 117), i.e., to the Second Month 
and the Bull, as (at one time) Leader of the Signs. 

Line 3. The first part of the line remains, and reads: — "The 
star ^yy^ y>- ^, Sak-vl-sa,'' ^^^^yjl^. juv'Ei'^too iiajljj). \ixftv\u-i>toi 
(Hesychios), = Mercury. 

Line 4, Clause 3. Treats of Kakkab Girtab and >->f- il^^^f 
'^y-<^y, D.P. {Ilu) Iz-si, "the god the Fiery-one,'' i.e., Mors. "Stars 
of cloud are the great constellation of the Scorpion and the Fiery- 
one." The ejMthet 'great' is very appro])riate to the m'v^hiy Scorpion, 
which stretched into the adjoining Sign afterwards Libra, and 


Feb. 5] 



grasped the solar Altar with its Chnvs, which subsequently them- 
selves became a Sign, X/;An/ {vide R. B., Jr., T/ie Law of Kosiiiic 
Order, sees, xvi, xvii). " The red planet Mars" and the Cor Scorpio?ns, 
the 'reddish-yellow' (Ptolemy) 'X^ncifnp, are often brought into 
connexion with each other. Thus, in JJ^.A.I. Ill, 53, No. i, 1. 21, 
we find, Kakkah Xibatanu ana kakkah Girtab dikkii, " The star 
DeatJi-in-heaven [i.e., the ill-omened planet Jfars^ to the star of the 
Scorpion faces" {z'ide R. B., Jr., Remarks 07i some Ei/pkrafean Names 
in the Lexicon of LLesychios, in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, 
August, 1S87, pp. 148-9). Line 6 also treats of the Scorpion. 

Line 7, Clause 4. 

D.P. Lu-bat ina lib kakkabi Zi - ba - ni - tu 

The-god Jupiter in tJieplace oftJie-star 

Zibanna {= Saturn) 

nazuz - 


is -fixed ; 


T -y^ - 



Dil - gan 







imat ■ 

- va 




As a consequence, — 


Line 8. Clause 5. 

is misty 


"The star Dilgan ["Messenger-of-light"] of Babylon " is identical 
with the star " Icu of Babylon," and with " the Star-of-stars." The 
general and astronomical reasons for identifying it with Capella are 
fully considered in Messrs. Bosanquet and Sayce's Papers on The 
Balyylonian Astronomy in the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astro- 
nomical Society. 

Line 10. 

D.P. Lu - bat - gut - tav innamar -va Duzi (?) 

The-god Sheep-old-oft/ie fur ro7V-of-heavcn is-seen and in-Tammuz Q) 


Feb. 5] rROCEKUINGS. [1889. 

The planets are the " Old-sheep " of heaven, y?////'^;', the largest, 
being ?,\)Q:c\:i\\y Lubat {vide line 7), "/"//^ Planet." The heaven-furrow 
is the ecliptic, which Jupiter is near. The form | is given as ^ , 
Diizu, on the duplicate Tablet. 

Line 1 1, Clause 6. Treats of the star of «^ ■^'-]'yy< , Tsalatnu (?) 
tsiri, " Image-of-the-Serpeiit." If we read Rtibu tsiri, " Prince-of- 
the-serpent," we are reminded of 'Otpiovxo". Mystical serpent- 
holders are shown in several instances on the Cylinders (vide R. B.5 
Jr., T/ie Heavenly Display, 85). The star Tsir, the Serpent, is else- 
where referred to, and a Great Serpent is frequently shown in the 
uranographic representations. This latter seems to me to be ''Ycfja. 
Line 12 returns to Lubatgiittav, and describes how it is first seen, and 
then not seen. 

Line 14. Clause 7. 

y ^^^>f ^\ -T!4 -\\m\ ^^^4- I--- CD V- 

Kakkab Su - gi tarbatsa kakkabi ipakhkhiru. 

The-star the-Chariot-yoke sets, the-stars collect {set\ 

Sn gi ^wdi Kaksidi wexQ. two of the 7 /;////(?.?/(" chiefs-of-the-week "). 

<« - ^m -ty^ .11 -114 -y!!T<TI CD 

Sin ina lib kakkabi Su - gi tarbatsa ipakhkhir 

The-Moonin the-place oJ-the-starflf-t/ie-Chariot-yoke setsi'^''"f^f^^^^^^^^^^^ . 

Line 15 is also about Sugi. 

Line 17. Clause 9. 

1 ;:^^>f :^ ^]^ <\^ y 4^yy tim tt]i 

Kakkab Kak - si - di ana rukhi uzzi irakhkhits. 
Tlie-star Creator-of -prosperity portends a-teiiipest strong {ivlneli) inundates. 

<r- y^— I V v^ 

innamar Duzi (?), Sa la 

It-is-seen in Tamtnuz.Q) IV/ien not 

Line 18. 

ina yu - mi innamar rukhu uzzu irakhkhits. Nazuz-va 
in the-day it-is-seen, a-tempest strong inundates. It-is-Jixed, and 



The 'day' often includes the night, i.e., is 24 hours, e.g.., "From 
the 6th day to the loth day the Moon is full" {W.A.I. Ill, 55, 3, 
lines 3-4). Rukhu is also Raiiiaiin, the Air-god, and we read : 
" Raman (the weather) his month sets, and the god eats. For a 
year Raman the cattle inundates" (^^ff JV.A.I. Ill, 60, Col. i, 
lines 29-30, ap. Sayce). A bold figure of the devouring tempest, 
The expression "is fixed" at times = 'disappears.' 

Line 19, Clause 10. 

T ^ty^ ^ ^]] iW ^^Iin ^-" V,< ill! ^ ^]] -^£r 

Kakkab Kak - si - di khalabu. Mati kha-ru - bi - e - iccalu 
The-star Creator-of~prosperity is-misiy. In-theland locusts devour. 

Line 20. 
ina arakh Duzi kakkab Kak - si - di kakkab Id - khu 

/;/ tIte-Dtonth Taninniz ilic-^tar Creator of prosperity {and) the star of the-F.agh 

^ 4 The line ends— ^ ^\\ ^|:3f= 

icassidu (?) Ni si - di. 

a re-in-the-ascendant. 

It would almost appear as if ^^ were a mistake for ^, kak ; 
but in a passage elsewhere Ni appears to stand for Nibatanu (vide 
Transactions., iii, 188). 

Line 21 (lacuna). 

Kakkab Kak - si - di u kakkab Id - khu a - kha - i 
The-star Creator of prospeiity and the-star of the-Eagle with-one-another 


Dr. Oppert {PAmbre jautie chez les Assyriens) identified Kaksidi 
with Kvi'vaoi'iMi {Ursa Minor). It was a star of Martu, which rose 
in the days of heat, was like bronze (IV.A.I. I, 28, 14. Not much 
can be made of this item in its description), and was in the ascendant 
in Tammuz {/bid., Ill, 53, i ; Rev., line 21), as is also above 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

mentioned. Martu means "the West," but is also a name for 
Phoenicia, as "the Western " Land. The above reading and meaning 
of name are those of Professor Sayce, but Mr. Pinches prefers to 
read Du-si-sa, with the (Akkadian) meaning "(the star) which-makes- 
directing." It is rendered in Assyrian by kakkah mesre, 'loadstar' 
(Pinches). The Greeks steered by 'EXZ/c-)/ (the 'Twister,' Ursa Maj.) 
and the Phoenicians by Y^woaovpa (" Trail -of- Light," popularly 
"Dog's-tail"), the 'Cynosure,' So says Aratos : — 

" And Trail-of-ligJit the one men call by name, 
The other Twister. By it on the deep 
Achaians gather where to sail their ships ; 
Phoinikians to her fellow trust at sea. 
Tzi'ister is clear and easy to perceive, 
Shining with ample light when night begins ; 
Though small the other, 'tis for sailors better. 
For in a smaller orbit all revolves : 
By it Sidonians make the straightest course." 

The Hcavejily Display^ 36-44, ap. R. B., Jr. 

But, notwithstanding, I think it is evident that Kaksidi cannot be 
the present, or any former, Pole-star, such as e.g., a Draconis. It 
forms one of the following group of seven stars : — 

1. Siigi (" Chariot-yoke "). This star was near the Moon-path, 
as above mentioned. 

2. t/'a'^'-//^//a, " The-flowing(?)-day." (Pinches). Utucagaba.^'The- 
light-of-the-White-face." (Sayce). 

3. Sibziamia. " Shepherd-of-the-life-of-heaven." Called in As- 
syrian RV u-but-same.^^ Arcturns. 

4. Kaksidi. Otherwise Dusisa. 

5. Entemasmur (" The-Tip-of-the-Tail "), Etdemasagar (Pinches), 
or Entenamashiv. Jupiter at times appeared in the constellation of 
which this was a star (inde Transactions, iii, 195). 

6. Idkhu {Erigu, Pinches), "the-Powerful-bird," /.<'., "the Eagle." 
Another star seen in Tammuz {suj>. lines 20-1). And 

7. Papilsak. A name of the ^^{"-Hf- -JT^ ""^T. "star of Gula." 
queen of the Underworld, the Phoenician liaau (jnde R. B., Jr., in 
Proceedings, May, 1888, pp. 350-1). The constellation 'O.pUcv was 
called Tanunuz {inde Sayce, Herod., 403), and Messrs. Sayce and 
Bosanquet identify " the star of Gula " with Betclgeitx (a Ononis). 



In one passage (ap. Sayce, Transactions^ iii, 19 1-2) we read : — 
" The star of the Pregnant Woman ( Eratu), which before Bel 
on the east side dedines, to the star Sugi speaks. 
The star which behind it is fixed, the star EntenainasluvP 

Bel, otherwise "j5d'/-the-Confronter"=C7>-M Maj. {Vide R. B., Jr., 
On Enphrateati Names of the Constellation Ursa Major, in the Pro- 
ceedings, March, 1887), and by Eratu I understand YlpoTpvyijTi'ip (e 
Virginis, Vindemiator or Vindemiatrix, " Grape-gatherer "), which 
appears to afford a good example of how stars vary in hght-power, 
for though now only a star of the third magnitude, yet Aratos, speak- 
ing of Virgo, and, as usual, reproducing observations then archaic, 
says : — 

" O'er both her shoulders there revolves a star 

[In the right wing, Friiit-plitcking-herald caWed,'] 

So large in size, and having such a gleam 

As to show forth beneath the Great Bear's tail ; 

For that is bright, and bright the neighbouring stars." 

The Heavenly Display, 137-40. 

This description exactly corresponds with '•'■Eratu which before 
Bel declines." Eratu ' speaks ' (which must mean " is near," or 
something of the kind) to Sugi, the star of " the Chariot-yoke," by 
which I understand Zosnia, " Back-hair " (<^ Leonis), at the beginning 
of the tail of AeV-j', which thus projects like "the front part of a 
chariot " (^f J^f ^ "^TI-*^)) i" the same way as the tail in 
"Am"^ n, the Churle's Wain, in " hpKTo^. The star which ' behind ' 
Sugi "is fixed, the star Tip-of -the- Tail,'' will be Denebola (/3 Leonis, 
Arabic Dzeneh al ased, " Tail-of-Lion "), the 12th Moonstation, just 
as Sugi, whose place was occupied by the Moon {Tablet, line 14), is 
the nth. I incline to identify Idkliu with Zuhen el Genubi (a Librce, 
"the Southern Claw" of the Scotpion), a conclusion at which I 
observe Dr. Oppert has also arrived. Utitcagaba, " the-Light-of-the- 
White-face," is, I think, the brilliant white star B«o-(/\/o-(tov (« et Cor 
Leonis, Pegulus). The remaining star of this group of seven is 
Kaksidi, which I would identify with '^■ray^vs (« Virginis, Spica. 
For a full account of this star and constellation, vide R. B., Jr., 
Ronarks on the Zodiacal Virgo, in the Yorkshire Archceological 
Journal, Ft. XXXVI, 1886), a good-omened star of prosj^crity and 


Feb. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1SF9. 

I may add that Bartnbha-dudu (formerly rendered "the-Star- 
doubly-little "), "the Little-Twins," will be a and {-i Librce, the 
' Northern ' and ' Southern ' Chnvs, the latter probably being Idkhu. 
They are described as Mul Bariabba sa ina sid mid Sibzianna 
jiaziizu, "the [^Little] Tzaiiis, which in the hour of Sibzianjia 
\Arct7inis\ are fixed." A reference to their position with respect to 
Arcturiis will show that they answer to this description. The 
Bartabba-galgal (formerly rendered " the-Star-doubly great "), " the- 
Great-Twins," are Castor and Polhix (a and /3 Gemiiiorutn). 

The name Kaksidi does not occur on what is left of the Reverse 
of this Tablet, which, amongst others, contains the names Nibatanu, 
Sakvisa, Lubatgiittav, and the ^J:l[>->f- {]^< Kakkab Nimi, " the 
star of the Fish^'' perhaps Fiscis, which afterwards became Pisces. 

Yours faithfully, 

RoBT. Brown, Jun. 

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, 
Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 5th 
March, 1889, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will 
be read : — 

Rev. C. J. Ball : — " Nebuchadrezzar in the Bible and the 
Cuneiform Inscriptions." 




BOTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850. 

Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1866- 1869. 3 vols., folio. 

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. 

I— III (Brugsch). 
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par H. 

Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen 

of vols. 3 and 4. ) 
DuMiCHEN, Historische Inschiiften, &c., 1st series, 1867. 

2nd series, 1869. 

• Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 

GoLENiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c. , 1880. 

De Roug6, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. 

Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy. 

ScHROEDER, Die Phonizische Sprache. 

Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze. 

Rawi.inson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 

BuRKHARDT, Eastern Travels. 

Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. [Text only.) 

Charas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1S73. 

Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Nefastes de I'annee Eg)-ptienne. Svo. 1877. 

E. Gavet, Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 

Nos. I, 2, 3, Memoires de la Mission Archeologique Francais au Caire. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

Lefebure, Les Hypogees Royaux de Thebes. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

Guimet, Annales du Musee Gumiet. Memoires d'figyptologie. 

LEFfeBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris." 

Lepsius, Les Metaux dans les Inscriptions Egyptiennes, avec notes par W. Berend. 

D. G. Lyon, An Assyrian Manual. 

A. AMiA't) and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 
Erman, Aetjypten u. Agyptisches Leben im Altertum. 
2 PARTS, Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzhcrzog Rainer. 
RoBiou, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides. 

POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa, 


VOL. XI. Part 5. 





Fifth Meeting, ^tJi Mare/i, 1889. 




P. LE Page Renoltf (/'/■o/f/tv//). — A Coptic Transcription of an 

Arabic Text 1 55- 1 58 

Rev. C. J. Ball. — Inscriptions of Nebuch.idrezzar the Great. 

Part IX 159-160 

The Cylinder 85. 4-30. British Museum. (8 P/atcs.) 

F. L. Griffith.— Notes on the Text of the (TOrbiney Papyrus... 161-172 

Dr. Bezold. — A Cuneiform List of Gods, (2 FlaUs) 173-174 




II, Hart Street, Bloomskury, W.C. 

188 9. 

[No. LXXXII.] 


II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 






^o\. I, Pa 

rt I 



I, ,, 




11, „ 



n, „ 



ni, „ 



in, „ 



IV, ,, 




IV, ,, 




V, „ 




V, „ 




VI, „ 




VI, „ 




„ VII, „ 




„ VII, „ 




„ VII, ,, 




„ VIII, „ 




„ VIII, „ 




„ VIII, „ 




IX, „ 





^^ol. I, Se 













„ IV, 








„ VI, 




„ VII, 




„ VIII, 




„ IX, 




per Part 





,, ,, • 




Part 8, 


6 „ „ 

„ XI, 



in course oi 



To Non- 

























































A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may l^e 
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Rylands, P\S.A., II, Hart 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 







Fifth Meeting, ^tli Afarch, 1889. 
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President, 


4^^^^ r 

The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author :— D. Mallet. Le Culte de Neit a Sais, these 
presente h. recole du Louvre. Paris. 8vo. 1888. 

From the Author : — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Die Unsterblichkeit 
der Seele nach altagyptischer Lehre. 

From Alfred H. Paul : — Constantinople, Ancient and Modern, 
with excursions to the shores and Islands of the Archipelago 
and to the Troad. [Tour in the Levant.] By James Dallaway, 
M.B., F.S.A. London. 4to. 1797. 

From the Rev. C. J. Ball : — Die Vorsemitischen Kulturen in 
Aegypten und Babylonien von Fritz Hommel. Leipzig. 8vo. 

[No. LXXXII.] 153 M 


From M. de Clercq : — Collection de Clercq ; catalogue mdtho- 
dique et raisonne. Antiquites Assyriennes, etc. Tome 
premier. Cylindres orientaux. Paris. Folio. 1888. 

A special vote of thanks was awarded to Monsieur de 
Clercq for his valuable donation. 

The following were nominated for election at the next 
Meeting on 2nd April, 1889: — 

Rev. Edward Huntingford, D.C.L., Valley End, Chobham, 

Miss Ilovvarth, 73, Church Street, Kensington. 
Rev. W. H. Frere, 24, High Street, Stepney, E. 

The following were elected Members of the Society, 
having been nominated at the last Meeting on 5th February, 

Edwin Howard, L.S.A., i, Devonshire Road, South Lambeth. 
Monsieur TAbbe Robert, Pretre a I'Oratoire, Rennes, He de 

Vilaine, France. 
K. F. Koehler, Universitatstrasse 26, Leipzig. 

To be added to the List of Subscribers : — 

The University Library, Jena. 

A Paper was read by Rev. Charles James Ball, entitled 
" Nebuchadrezzar, in the Bible and the Inscriptions," which 
will be printed in a future number of the Proceedings. 

Remarks were added by Rev. A. Lowy, Rev. C. J. Ball, 
and the President. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 

. ■^r^Mil'.^^^^f?^ 


Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

By p. le Page Renouf. 

Some years ago, when I was living at Cambridge, Mr. Bradshaw, 
the late excellent Librarian of the University, showed me a quantity 
of fragments of Coptic manuscripts, which, if I rightly understood 
him, had formerly belonged to Tischendorf. My duties in connec- 
tion with the Education Department prevented me from giving them 
all the attention they deserved, but I have no doubt that they would 
repay a careful examination. 

One set of these fragments specially attracted my attention. The 
writing was Coptic, but not so the language. The words ^OA 
I<LVJUL , "every day," at once showed the language to be Semitic^ 
and all the neighbouring words were evidently Arabic. Arabic 
letters in small character were written over a certain number of the 
Coptic letters by which they were transcribed. 

The fragments evidently belong to some monastic biography, 
but though many of the sentences are perfectly intelligible, the want 
of context arising from the torn condition of the manuscript renders 
a complete translation impossible. The pronoun AG^C in the third 
fragment implies a female no where else mentioned. Nor is it 
always possible to make out who is the person spoken of in the 
sentence. There are also impossible words or groups on my copy, 
some of which may be owing to the writer of the manuscript, whilst 
others are no doubt to be ascribed to blunders of my own. 

I quoted this text in the last number of our Proceedings as a 
warning against incautious inferences from the transcription of one 
language in the alphabet of another, and in so doing I myself com- 
mitted an oversight which I shall presently mention, and which may 
add force to the warning. The short extract which I gave has 
excited some curiosity, and I have been asked to publish the frag- 
ments. I do so now as far as my notes permit. They give all the 
lines which are complete or nearly so. In the torn passages isolated 
words occur, but the only one which is not found in the rest of the 

155 M 2 


text is the important word Si£^\'2^*. It comes in the hne which 
followed at the end of the fourth fragment. 

The Arabic letter ^ is written several times over the Coptic ^. 
The gaf 3 is written over the Coptic K and U over the second O 
in oeoXA-KItl. The Coptic ^ does duty for the £. and for 
Hamza at the beginning of words, but also for -^ and s . 

It was through an oversight that I said, that the Arabic particle 
i was represented by Kc and C|e. The Coptic £1. here regularly 
stands for^. ^e^i:^ is j^U ■wd/iid, 'one'; E-^.KO ^^.^IJUL 
is ^^iLz Lz^^ waqt 'azi»i, 'a considerable time,' and Kexe2^0^ is 
i A;?-, 'ioagid-oh, ' he found him.' We should therefore read 
E.e^ert, ^eXeJUtJUte, ^eIeeX^,KO^, as we-kdn, we-kmmd, 
ive-yethlaq-oh respectively. Both particles . and i occur constantly 
throughout these texts as they do in all Arabic narratives. 

The chief phonetic peculiarities of these fragments besides the 
use of VL for ., and that in a way not recognised by the Coptic 
grammarians, are the use of n for the Arabic b and of 6 for a as in 
le em —yd ab-i, 'oh my father' ! ^Ilt e^eXoT e^Xe^OJUL 
gXk^XiX = hy7i akaln aklehum el qalll ' whilst they ate their small 
meal.' It is impossible to fix the dates implied in these transcriptions. 

The various sounds of a [d, a, d) for e are generally considered 
modern, but I am not aware that any proof of this supposition has 
been given, or is attainable from existing evidence. 

That the present Copts pronounce 11 as ^ simply arises from the 
fact that for centuries they have spoken no other language than the 
Arabic, in which the b sound exists but not the/. 

These observations are made for their own sake, and not for the 
purpose of upholding the antiquity of my texts. The fact of their 
being transcribed from the vulgar dialect of Arabic proves them not 
to be ancioit. But there is no knowing what exact date is necessarily 
implied by the pronunciation which they betoken. It is certainly 
some hundred years old ; perhaps a thousand. 

I translated GCgojei^ by 'the Saint,' because the story is 
evidently that of some holy personage, and because in other monastic 

* Perha]« ^IP, occurs at the very end, but of this I cannot be sure. Almost 
the entire line has been destroyed. 


Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

biographies of the Copts the Saint is called Hl^eXXo in his own 
language and ;^Jil\ in Arabic. But the word might equally apply 
to an aged person whose history occurs in that of a saint. 

I now give the four fragments, with a few notes identifying a 
sufificient number of words, so as to furnish a clue to the general 

Bex^neo ^^^:Keo^ ecycyei^ neX^^.cye~ X^^ 
li^fjLfL ie^<LXXiJUL02^ JULe lertq^-^^ rteqco^^ ^eJULem 
^^-£,2^ eeo^-^XiJUL * x^" i^-^julgX c^.Xe^° E.eieo- 
X^-Ko^ ^ XeiepK02^ ^ .Seqi ^.^^-2^ eXeiejuL ^m 
exeXoT ex^e&o-*-*- eXK^.XIX ^ neX^icye ^ xeX ^^ 
eojfflei^ n^-^2^ eccA.Xeo eXxejuLe^^^. y^e'Xi^:Ke^ 
XIe^^.XXeiUL eX^.^ 

enn^-TJUL qepA.KA.2^ ecycyei^ ^ex^r^ eX^.^ ^^ 
cLnep ^^ ^^.T^"e leKo-rju. ecyojei^ lenepeK ^^.XKI£, 
Xe^^2^eoo^^2 qeXejULAJLe neKi ecycyei^ neieJUL 
E.4LK0 ^^.^iJUL^* ^^.leKoT^" eXeqx^^P eX^.^ K^.IeXe^*^ 
Xo£, KotxjL ertT ei^A.^^ epK02^ ^ex^rt ^ot ieK^.eeX 
qexpo& 1^ K^-ieXe Jute lejuLX^nrti ^° gjul 

eXeqx<^P ^^K^ ^eXejuL igjul^i-*^ ^eKi2^e K^^oe- 
XoT^ cen^.^2^eqo^ -^ ^ex^" c^.nep juLeK^.oeX 
Xe^e E.ejuLen TT^.^2^ ^e2^e Xgajljuls oeK^.2^2leiUL 
eXXniX"^ xe2^2^e qeXejuLJULe ecoHiK^.^-^ ^ffl^y^J^ 
qeB.exe2^o^ xeXec ^^^^rt^io^ qeK^,X Xo^ iXe eXeit 
XeuL oejuL^i ~^ K^Jk Xog^ le eni enit^.K Xeju. eee- 
X^-Krti qeK^. 

Xo^ AxexecA-pT^^ eiK . . . . ^^.k XieXXe-* eo^e- 
n^-K qenepiK ^^.Xi^ ecyajei^ ^eXejuLJULe kajulot 
^^.JULeXoT ecc^^Xe^ eXxejuLe^^. eeX^-K eX^.^ Xe- 
leceepi^"^ ^eienejuL k^.XiX ^ex^n ei^<L ecycyei^ 
xeXec qi juLecrte^^o^ lee^en neqco^ iXe ^0Kp^.■~" 

^.eqiJULe^oT xeXec c^.p qice^oT 



' i'jU: wont. ^ [Jls. supper. ^ «_i3 profit. * *jJjtj instruc- 
tion. * he said the prayer. ® and he dismissed him, (j!^\ • 
' 4XJ . rested. ® Jjdi httle. ^ Ia^I the evening. ^^ Jlj»- went 
round. " the brother. ^- Jus waited. " till the old man should 
get up and bless him according to his wont. " and when the old 
man remained sleeping a considerable time. ^^ ^ ; cried out. 
^* \j[s saying. " Lij^ still. ^^ Xi thought, reflection, memory. 
I do not remember any meaning of the verb JJjj in this connexion. 
'^ has overcome me, ^yCc. ^ from ^^J^ go away. ^^ a corrupt 
passage. ^^ when night approached. -^ kiijJL:^ awoke. ^* L>J 
that not. ^^ to rest from ^ . . '^^ " and he slept a little : and the 
old man was still sitting on his cushion (jj^u^), wearying (c^xj") 
his soul until the morrow." 


Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


Part IX. 

By Rev. C. J. Ball. 

The Cylinder 85. 4-30. British Museum. 

I copied this unique cylinder last year, but have been hindered 
by circumstances from publishing it until now. It is by far the finest 
in the Museum collection of the cylinders of this king, being large, 
well proportioned, and carefully though rather closely written in the 
modern Babylonian character. Its importance is determined by 
the fact that to a considerable extent the inscription runs parallel 
with that of the India House slab, as will be seen from the following 
analysis : 


I, I — 12 



I, I — 22. 

I, 13 — 19 



I, 40—50. 

I, 20—34 



II, 12 — 46. 

I, 35—36 



Ill, 38-42. 




Ill, 13-14- 

I, 44— n, 39rt 



VII, 9— VIII, 58, 

II, 39^—56 



IX, 2-37. 

III, 2 — 10 



VI, 24-38. 

III, 30—32 



IX, 38-44. 

III, 35-38 



IX, 45-51- 

III, 39—42 



IX, 57-63- 

III, 45—55 



IX, 64— X, 19. 

Altogether, the one hundred and sixty-five long lines of the 
cylinder comprise some two hundred and eighty, or nearly one half, 
of the short lines of the slab. The greater part of the third and 
sixth, and the whole of the fourth and fifth columns of the Standard 
Inscription are not represented here. 

The value of the cylinder for purposes of comparison is obvious. 
I will notice a few of the more important variants. I, 19 ka-ab-tu 
{cf. E.I.H., I, 49) ; I, 20, D.P. is-tar (E.I.H., I, 50) ; I, 34 sal/arts 
(E.I.H., II, 46 sallarussu). II, 13 temensa ap-te-e " Its foundation 
I laid open," supplies an important correction of E.I.H., VII, 59 
fl-Z-te-e-ma : and in like manner II, 30 rightly has ra-ap-si-is " far and 
near," instead of the ra-rt(/-si-is of E.I.H., VIII, 40. The reading of 
III, 30, la ba-bi-il panim, proves that la ba-bil, not la-ba-nc nor la 



ba-ne, must be read E.I.H., VI, 39 ; IX, 38. Bahil is another 
instance of an iiifin. constr. with i instead of the usual a. Other 
interesting variants are the ir-ta-mu of I, 45 = is-ta-a-mu of E.I.H., 
VII, 17 (See Proc, Febr., 1889, p. 144); za-am-mu-ku, I, 48=zag- 
muku, E.I.H., II, 56 ; (an example of the violent assimilation of ^ to 
m\ comp. Phillipps cyl. Ill, 11, da-am-ma-tim = ^<?;;/^(7//w); ki-da(m)- 
a-nim, II, 32 = ki-da-a-nim, E.I.H., VIII, 48 (an instance oi datn for 
da) ; II. 43 sur-i-ni = su-ur-mi-ni, E.I.H., IX, 6. 

The musallim ni-si-ka of III, 43 suggests that musallim ni-sik in 
A.H. 82, 7 — 14, 631 and its companion cylinders {Froc, Febr., 1889, 
p. 128, Col. Ill, 16) means "Making thy people to prosper," 
and that the ni-sik rapsati of 5 R 65, I, 5, is a careless repetition of 
a vox solennis. Cylinder (D), which through the kindness of its 
owner, F. W, Lucas, Esq., is at present in my hands, also has j-^J sik. 
(I may add that in I, 3 the ^, not ^, is perfectly clear, so 
that a-as-ru is correct ; and that li-mi-e-su— not -zu nor -si — is the 
reading of the last word on the same cylinder.) 

Lastly, the mu-sa-am-mi-hu of III, 44 confirms my view of 
ustammih, E.I.H., II, 27, as against Flemming's. I reserve for a 
future number of the Proceedings the consideration of the two 
principal passages peculiar to this cylinder (I, 38 — 43 ; III, 12 — 30), 
the latter of which is important, in relation to a passage of the 
cylinder of which I gave the first copy in the Proceedings of May, 
1888, and to a parallel passage of an inedited cylinder which I have 


Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., March, 1889. 


By Rev. C. J. Ball. 
The Cylinder 85. 4 — 30, 1. British Museum. 

Column I. 

>^ ^i :?f^r ^11 Tr 4 "^r ^^i r- ^ 

^t4 -y^i^ ^.'i^'i ^4 -T^r^ ^r -it t? j^^t g< 

^il "^14 ^i r? K>K j^^^f -r ^!L jpr <r-m lo^ 5^0 ^ 

[HIT ^r .^^ 4- * :<r^r rif i? -nt 

>^^ "7^ ^n -T <^ ^T -< 4^ ^n jr^^r <r-s^ -th ^} ^r4 

[4^ -ITT-<> 

T? ^4 ^T ^r ^i ^c:TT 3M ^ju H^r ^ir >^\r-S7 

[iiT ;:n >^ -T<r ^T 4^ ^ ':f? k-K 

5^1 y ^ ^ 11^ <Mr<T -^> m ^r4 ^it <tt ^h ^^ ^r * t? 


Proc. Soc. Bib!. Arch., H/arc/i, 1889 


An Unpublished Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Column I — continued. 

:<ri ^iT K-K T? "^14 -^> +? ^^y4f -^> i? >-^ k>k n -y^ -^> 

[^y4 ^^y -s^y4 -^> 

iH -y<y ^ iMy -^> ^ ^y<y <xy ^- -y<y -^> 


a< ^n c<y ^4 -y^ ^n ^lyy « ^ 'M: tM ^^y >^ 

[4^^yH4y ^5:?^y 

-ly "^y '^^ -yy<y yi ^4 <y-yy<y -y^y^ i^-^ Tr ^- ^ -yy<y 
•ty :Hy<y ^^^y ^y <y- .^^^ "^y >^:^ ^iy<y ^\ 5^^y "^y^ <^^ m: 
^IL ^ycy;: :^^ <y-ey ^lyy ^,<a^^^^^^ "^m m^-\ V^\ 

\^\ \ ^}4 4f^ ^^t\ :^.^ ><^ ^\ <^^ A^ ^\ ^y ^n ^y 

[^yi^y ^^y^;? j^y Sf 

!^»^ .:^.. ^yy <ii ^y ^y4 y? :^ <y- k>k ^y^ ©f e^ ^ -y j^ 

[:^^y "^y y? -^> 

HI K'K 3y^y :^ H4y K-K ^ H^ ^^pffr^ y? .^y ^n ^ -y<T 

y? .4 -^yy ^y^r h :^ ^yy ^ v, ^4 -^y '^ -yy<y .^y j^u 

[^^-yy<y ^^f^y 

^ .4 j^y ^y^y ^f^^ym j^^y ly- ^iy -iii- -y^ -^ © k-k ^y 

[^ :^^y ^y^y^ ^y^y --y >yyt t> .4 yif k-k 
:^y liy y]f ^ ^ ^ ^.y .^j^ ^y ^^y ^ --y <:^^r 

\^^ .4 ^y^ ^ ^y^ 5.i^y ^ly ^yy<y ^yy - :wH -y^y^ :<y^y -t 
^^y jff^ H^y :^? a ^y ^ ^yiy -y^y^ ^-y4 *::<i; ^r 
t^ ^4 ]i4 rifl^^ <y-s >^^ ^\^, x.< K-K -^y « ?? ^- ^^> 

N 2 

Proc. Soc. Bib I. Arch., March, 1889, 

An Unpublished Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Column I — continued. 

37. :^? <« -m -^^ K^ -^^? -T -ill Jpr <r-© ii3 ^a ^ 

38. :^y ^T ^-T ^ ^n^ ^\ ^i m -A^^ -I ^H- ^ 

39- ^r >s.y I- V --r ^ 4f^ ^r -iii ^ir ib ^Sf ^ 

41. :^]f a j?T<r « ^yii -M^ -^^lii ^J^i ^T 

42. $f '^r ^iry t^u © ^T ^ ^\^ ^ ^w >-\A^ .^^ ^]f 

44. ^ .4 ^i <-r-^ ^iT 4 ^n <^T<^ © -^> y? ia 5^ ^\^ ^^ 

[ H ^4 ::: ^H ^:^^r « iM ^^TT J^ J:^? --T -ill ^ 
45. J^= J^^ n -^^14 "^r "BT '^ -TH E^r; ^ A kS\ >^!T 4^ 3TT 

[ ^ >^^ ^r y- r? ^r4 <r-Ti<T ^^^ ^^i ^ 

:^T IT- ^r IT- E^ ^T HI ^- >IT .^^ ^ « .IT H J^IT ^TT -?? 

^- ^t4 T? ^T '7^ E^ ^4 ^ >^^ ::: « ^^ -T^T^ ^ >^ 

[ ^ :^^ -TT<T y- "^T -T^T^ "^T IH ^T ^^ 

^ .4 E^ •?! #> >ff^ ^If^T^ -^ "i^T :?^^T :^ :?:? --T -n ^T 


E^ ^ -^- TI ^4 ^ -TT<T Idl B -\ ^4 ^ 

^TT -^IT ):^ A -T >^^ -T <::^ T? ^4^ tn ^ >-^> 

^^r .4 :^ ^n T? :^ ^^l ^T ^ E^ <M HI * J^T 


52. ;[pl ^y .4 ^^T ^Til K-K Tlf J4?^ <T-TT<T K'K T? -ill >^ :hT ^4 T? 


5 3. :^? ^^t4 J^I^? -T -in ft <T-S IS ^a ft <-T^ * :iT4 ^ xTT 





Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., March, 1SS9. 

An Unpublished Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Column II. 

^T IV ^I :^^I ^c| -in T? K«K 4^ i^in ^\ <WT<I 31^! ^T! 'Bl 3T<t 

igf ^n >^ tMi © ^11 ^r <xr tn ^ K'K e^i? 
3rr ^ir a^ t^<^ ^^rr -r -^. ^r i? ^ ^^i4 ;^ ^i\ 

[ ^r^ ^- ^n :in ^^r4 ^, ^i^ --r -in ^ 

[ yY ^ 3y ^ j^ yY 

^ ^4 ^-# idof <i- ^ "^r 4^ >^ « ^ -TM HI :gi4 

E^ .4 <;::: :^? <j:^ ^^r4 E^ <T- t\A} >^wT ^ 4f^ .IT ^r 

^ .4 ^^r -y^ ^^t4 h^? :iir -^^t4 ^][ ^:? --r ^n ji^ 
:gr4 :ffT ^t4 t? -^> 311 :^r j^^i ^- -ii ^^, -^^^ m 

^ :ff^ ^ ^l4 ^ <T- K>K ^-j|: ^ly ^ ^^ ^y 

^r V -\ %\^ ^^i ^T ^, ^i ^T a <^T-^ <^^ ^]? -r^r^ ^t 4 

"^1 IHm H<r ^^^ -^> !? ^4 HT sr -^^14^ :gr4 ^ ^i4 ^ir -ii<t -r 
^r^^.'^y x^'^y yi-M^ff^y^ey^K-K 43y^y>f -"^y*^^- 
<y-S^ -T^ ^y ^ ^? :^ K'K ^^ ^? -yy<y e^ ^i; v, -^^, -^, ^y^ 

\^\^74^^^ ^^t\ JL<- K-K ^y <^:^ 44f ty ^y ;:n ^y 

"t- %\^ V, ^\ -\A-- m ^i '^ ^\ ^ly -^w ^4 ^y^y y^ >\¥. 
[ « j^?^ -yy<y t> $i .^ ^- x^\ %\t 

Proc. Soc. Rihl. Arch., March, 18S9. 


An Unpuplished Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Column II. — continued. 

21. tr^ iH j^T ^^r - -\\A '^ K'K >^^ ^iir 4t?- K'K -^n ^ k-K 

, [ ^ .4 -r^T^ ^ ^ ^^l4 IrJT ^- ^I %\^ 
22. ^ !.^ .^ y^ ^ tn ^ K>K ^r^ ^ ^4 -^11 Il4 >^^ ^-11 ^T 

23- 1^ .4f 3r^r -I3kr ^ri ^it -^ <^y<^ ^^r ^4 1? ^ii "et c<! -^ Sf k>k 

24. V^ -\^\^ %\ ^ <<<<<? '^T ^ir tn ^ K>K <-K - ^^T -T^I^ 3I^T -T 

28. w .4 .IT j^rr j^i Of .^r :ht -it tn ^ k-k e^t^^ 

29- ^11 ^^ ^ -IT J^? 4f^ 10 ^T -IT « 4?^ 311 Am^? ^T 

30. -^r j^n >^ -in ^tr <v hit - ^t V- ^^ ^\ 

3 1. V T- T'<' -T4 "^T ^IT -^X ^i -TT<T ^ ^^T T? K>K >^ <- ET^T K>K 


32. ^t4 -W 4 ^? ^^? -T "ilL 4PT T? >-4 ^ tr-ET<T T? <XT 

33. TT HT^T T][ -TT<T H^T ^^^ -^> t^ >4f ^T ^ -TT<T <T-S T? -TT -TT<T 

34. ^T^T:^T :hT4 H^T 4^ 3TT ^? fif ^T ^T 

35. t^ .4 :^ J^{ -TT<T ^T "7^ ::: K-K X< TI -TT -TT<T ^] Idl K-K Jl.^ "^T 

36. B ^4 -TT<y ^} <h .IT "^T ^n >^ -in ^T T? 

37. T? ^4 >IT H ^IT tn ^ K-K E^T? 

38. E^ .4 liT ^ -TT<T <T-Sf T? "^TT -TT<T ^TiT ^ 3TT ^'y ^T "^T 
39- ET4T K-K :?fT IT- T? ::: s# -eH J^IT ^ "^T ^ ^T4 ?^ Tl 

[^T Hj^IT-^ a K-K 
40. 'f:T THTg H^T i- >i> ^ITT ^ K«K ^T4 ^ E^ ^][ k-K 
4^— T T]f ^T -T<T ^ -T^T^ © -^> <T-Sf '^T -¥ E^ ^1^ 4^ "^T t<^i 

Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., March, 1889. 

An Unpublished Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 











Column II. — continued. 

r? .4 ^yr Sf -^^y^ v^^ m ^^^ ^y -yy<i -t 
•^yx^.'^y^.^'^yj^myun-.-^.^ -y i™ -^y -? e^ >?^ 

B4i^]^l^^-]]4 ^^y '^ © ^4^ K'K 4 :<y^y>f-iiy 4^11^1 
<y.^^^i^-r-T.ii<y ^-r ^1 #? #^ ^y^^^^y Ei^yK-K ^y 

4Py -^^yi5f ^^y4 >^y v, v -yy<y ^^i? iy4 y? ^y4 « iy4 ^^wy >^ 
ty^ycy H^y -y c<y ^ .4 ny ^^ -yy<y <y-s^ y? t^^ jr<^yy -yy<y 
^y4 H^y 4t^ 3yy m ^y4 ^ ^ 4^ ^t4 
E^ :^^y r, K«K ^y^y^y y? -^yy -yy<y ^y^^y -in ^y y? ^ ^4 >^y ^y^y i- -^> 
<y- K^ >:^.. :iy4 ^ ^ -iiL jr:^^y <y-®f -^> ^? a J??^y "^t 
^ "^y iiy^ ^ ^ <^y^ -ly y? -yy<y ^^ ^y4 y? ^y^ 
^^y ^]^ y? >-^> y? .4 ^^y ^^y ^n y? k-k « ^ ^ j^yy ^r 

y;f .4 ^y<y ^^ <^yy ^ :<yy ^y4 ^y .^^ <y- © ^^yiy :?:? 


^y ^i^y K>K ^-y<y ^yy ^- a^ '^ k-k y- <^yy <^^ tn ^ -^> 
^ ^^y y? K^ ^y4 >^mT -m- ^n y? "^y 

-ilL ^y^y^ ^^ ^ly ^ ^y^Jy ^yy<y <5ry.< ^ ^ ^- ^ -yy<y HI ^yi!y 

- j^'ty 'Ey fj^ ?? <y-yy<y k-k ^^y ^y^y ^^yi^ ^^y ^Vr -^ <a 

Column III. 

^- -^^y4 A^ <A <y-ef ^y^ -y^y^ -yy<^ ^y w ^4 ^y ::: <^yy ^ 

[ -ly >.fnn ^4 4^y 

2. :Hy4 "^y ^4 y? "^y j:^ ^^y "m- -yy<y -ly e^ a ^y 

3- V <y- "^y^ "^y ^ly ^\ ^\ -yy<y ^ ^^y y? k-k i^y ;^ <i^yy ^ 

4. .^^ -^^y 3yy -ly ^y^y 4 ^^ 

5- ^y^yty H<y ^j^^ ^4-^ -yy<y h 4 ^ J^y ^y :^ ^yy j^ 

Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., March, 1889. 


An Unpublished Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Column III. — continued. 

A -iT<r %\\ m. -TH ^? '^r ^ ::j 4^ ^r E^ .4^ "^T «^ -m 
s^r^r^i H<r ^^^ t^ ^4 ^ ^t4 ^ ^i ^t^ H<r >^:^ 3ii -a <a 

^^? II- ^^? II- .^I :il4 ^11 -II n K-K ^ -in -I^I^ ^ "^I "BT 
•^I JOL.< "^I JOL.. "^I IHiH ^^I ^ ^ K«K 4 31^1 Hf- 

^? .^^ ^i ^r^i K-K <i- .4 I? >^ 

^^i^^A -yBV\ Tr -II -II<I I? ^4 K-K HI 44f ^I ^ 
^I 11^ n ^4 .^^ 5^111 >T^ K-K H c: ^11 ^ j^][ :: ^r 
-^^14 HI ^I B# -II "^14 "ET 

^I II- ^1^ -II<I ^I II- «^Y —I "ilL ^ 

^ .4 lii ^ -ii<i <i-m n -II -ii<r^ >^ H ^i ^T;:^ 3ir 
m ^\A^^ ^11 ^j^i !^ ^ri ^^^ i?^4 4 1%][ >m ^ -i^i^ h j:^^ii "^t 
^^ H ^iT -A <i- ^Jff "^r 

E^ <I- H4I >^ffir ^ ^^ E^ -ilL 5:11 ^ II- ^ir 
<-^ 4 ^IL ^ly <^^ ^? 

^ .4 lii ^ -ii<i <i-ia I]? "^ii -ii<i m %\h <i-ii<i <i- H4I "^i 

-II<I :?:;? <I- .^I <^I-^ -II ^\A ^\ H4I K^ ^I II- ^ ^H ^I #1 "BT 
^ .4 lil «^ -II<I <I-0 n -II -II<T 
m Vi -M^ ^ >^^ %\^ -I<I ^^11 >^wr 4^ 311 

'^i iffig H<i ^^^ -^> I? ^^ :hii m ^-i4 :ii4 * ^i4 ^11 -ii<i -I 

•^I X.. "^I Jl... "^I Vm :ff^I ^ a «4 K-K 4 31^1 >f 
^ -rEf ^^ iy^ -T^ -^I ^ ;^? ;^ K^K JL^ ^? -II<I E^ 
^? ^I ^^, ^^, ^14 :^? >^?- ^I 3I4I K>K 

^ffi :ii4 1? -^> -I ^4 ;:: ^n ^i i^i J^^ii -ii<i m tM j^^ii 


^I4 ^^I4 44f C<I -II H :^ ^JLl^ C<I ^ ^\\ n K-K 5:1^1^1 


Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., March, 1889. 

An Unpublished Inscription of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Column III. — continued. 

^]] H :^ «r ^ « H<r -T 4f:- 1> -H J:"^yy >^wr ^:- 3!I 

"BT f^^ Tr <Mr<r K'K j^r j^t^t ^^iihi « :hi<i --r ^^ #> "et 
'^ry H :^ «r ^ y? .^ 4^ -lyy >^^ k>k ^ ^y -rr 
y? .4 --y <:^-i -n ^y? 4 4^ -:i 'Ey ^i ^^y ^ <y^ 
^-y <::-^y -n <y- jl.. --y <ji^-m-^ ^y ^f^^y <yHy<y ^i< 
^ly ^^y ^^y j^^y ^^ -y >^f- -ty 
tn ^ K>K ^ 3yy ^4 ^y >??^ j::^iy<y ^^y j^ ^ --y >^^ 
^ *^i ^y4 y]f ^n >^ -^- Sf -M: K'K ^ Sf K>K 3y^y 
^ ^i 4f^ 4^^ * -^0 4 3y^y 

>^ t^.^ ^^ir 4^-^ 3yy ^^ k-k E^y? <y- "Hy y? ^yy ^- ^ y? 
y][ ^4 -^y © j^^ ?? .^^ -7^ >^ ^ idi -^-y4 idy :^ 3y^y 
fe -yy<y ^y i^n 3y^y ^ E^ 0<! >^ ^y4 5^W -^^y^ ^Jff 

>^ ^y^ '^y^ <^^ -y<y ^y 4- m ^y y? k>k ^y^y 
© ^y^ -y^y^ 3y^y ^^ 3y^y "^y ^y^y 4-- mi 
Vy >^^ ^ 3y^y j^ii^y '^y ii< >yy^ :<ycT 

^ i^ ^ly ^^^ :<y^y -yy<y <^- -t^ « -y c:-i ^] +? a ^y 

J^ J:><y * <5.y<- © ^^y^ ^. ^^yy ^y .|y .|y yr ^y gj ^y ^^ 

E^ .4 ^ .^^ :: ^y4 <y- ^- m m /y^ ^y 4 £! ^y ^y y? 

:Ey4 -^ -^ ;^ HI -iiL y? K-K ^^4 3y^y ^:i<y ^y >4f:- ^ + w-K 
t^ -ly ^^y ^yy -t^ :<y^y :: :Hy4y K'K a^ ^n -y<y ^>^yy 

^yy -^ly -y jri^yy yif ^ -y ^ +]; ^^y -y 4 y? tM ^ 
y^ y{ ^ <h ^4 ^ -yy<y >^ ^ ^.r^y ^-y^ k-k y? y? <y-yy<y <y- 
^t]J! ^ ^- * y? E^ .4 ^ >^- :^ :gy4 y? ^4 H^y -^yy v, -'<> 
]} j^W "Ey ^ly :?^^ :^^ tr^y^y -^^y4 :^ +? £y 

Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS [1S89. 


By F. L. Griffith. 

The D'Orbiney Papyrus contains the most complete example 
that has yet been discovered of a Neo-Egyptian popular tale : while 
for the grammarian it takes rank almost as the standard text in the 
vulgar speech of the New Empire. It is therefore quite worth while 
to ascertain the reading of it with scrupulous exactness. It is 
written in a wonderfully clear hand, but unfortunately the papyrus 
has been injured in many places and some of the current restora- 
tions, which seem to have become traditional, are obviously wrong. 

The facsimile by Netherclift in the Select Papyri is very good, 
and with the help of the undermentioned works I have puzzled out 
most of the restorations from it, but our President having given me 
the greatest facilities for examining the original at leisure, I have 
found that the latter often converts doubt into certainty, and occa- 
sionally corrects the copy. 

The greatest advances made of late years in the interpretation of 
the story are marked by M. Maspero's translation with notes {Rev. 
Arch, 1878), and Dr. Erman's masterly Neuiigyptische Grammatik, 
1880. In re-reading the papyrus I have referred to the works of 
Maspero, 1878 and 1883, Groff, 1888, and the transcription in 
Mr. Budge's compact and handy Reading Book. Moldenke's 
edition, New York, 1888, is I believe the only recent work upon it 
that I have not seen.* To Dr. Erman's Grammar my debt is of 
course very great. 

A word must be said about the numerous mistakes of the scribe. 
From some cause he has often made nonsense both of form and 

meaning {e.g., substituting the suffix of the 2nd sing, v X) for 3rd 

sing, a ^^-^ , VIII, I, etc. ; and as to form, omitting | owing to 
preceding | in III, 9, also ^^\ and ^ when next to — or 'K , etc., 

* Add Colman's Manual, 

161 O 

Mar. 5] 



and making various omissions or double insertions at the ends of 
the hues). Some mistakes have been corrected by re-writing and 
partial erasure (especially visible on the original), also characters are 
inserted in or above the line.* 

In restoring damaged portions all these chances of error have to 
be considered, together with those arising from the connecting 
strokes occasionally introduced. 

I have verified the facsimile with the papyrus throughout. 

In the subjoined transcriptions sic means that upon the original 
a more or less complete sign is visible and is almost certain ; sic (in 
italics) that there is nothing to prevent the sign from being read as 
transcribed. The use of ? and ?? does not require explanation. All 
these symbols are intended especially to indicate the evidence of the 

I. I. PH «« M- ^ 

■ ",'^ SIC <^=» sic c^ (£ 

pa ail 

I o 

2. [^?«/fl(jJ (1 K.^_--"^ 




sic ^ I I v^ ';^^^^^:~si^ \> I I 

3. \i-i\u miit\i{\f •■• dual (no X) 

"^ (no (3) 



.7[//] /«[/]/ [^«]M^^^. 

All these together wi 



dp IX, 8, 


XVIII, 5, etc., may be taken as verified. I do not think it necessary to notice 
each of them. In IX, 8, (HID really represents the more cursive form of Cm, just 

as the dot after v d OO XII, 10, represents ^S^, and after _^^^ VI, 9, 

represents £^. These are reproduced unaltered by the carelessness of the scribe. 
Also I in ^\ ^N I J\ XVII, 3, XVII, 6, is a naturally cursive version of o- 



\WSMMSiMi^f^S^^'.\ '■[' -^fS^ 

^i^i' yT" yT ax 4Ji li 







f:i; J^i 

W ^ JLU it 

AA n TT ^^ !:^ A 


>->- >->- M 

'" ft lit 

i ^ ^ 




'V' Ny^ N^ N^ N^ ) 

U U A* ^ Vl 



^ A 












n' 3 








Ta ^ AAA i+i ^ 




AAA i 

Hr + + 4- Hr 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 

A A A A A A i ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ L 


^ "^ ^ >— 
ti iM t= xu 

I A A A A A A A A 

Hh Hr t 

A A A 

>i->Jr HrHr 

A A A A 

AA '<^ 
AA »^ 




^U ^u ^ 


1 AA AA 


^^^ ^^ 4iJ: 4Jd ^ -^ 
^ ^ '^ ii 


AAA a; 


HrHrHrHrHrHrHhHhHrtHrfff tttttt 

A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A 








^ — y^! 
AA fsiS- 

A >'^^; 

Mar. 5] 






I \> 

un W^. 





\xr\ar...^ § , 


5- [k^'^ kill 

6. \v\ ' V P%4- ^^i^i' nb n 

L ? _H)^ I "^J ^ 


nn [all pa\lf sn . 

■ ■■ m pa [1 n/^x''^ nti mtiif 





\tal\f hmt mtiif sura — iiitiif-\\- ^^ ^h — ^\ 

^_] (or [12;;^ _?] etc.)... ^ J^ra,"^i 

9. [(1©K_^?]^" 

sic sic sic sic 

o |. y^'TT^'^ 

^ ? t^^ ^ 

AAyV\AA I "' I 

10. [wZ/^i-J^ (a/^x/i?) ...'^ — [wyw.] r X 

ry^ SIC I 

I. la. ar as the commencement is plausible, but from this 
passage alone would be quite uncertain. There is a trace above the 
r suggesting by its form the impossible reading i| '^^ ^ ^^ ^^=»_.* 
However, in the parallel passage Harris 500 verso, p. iv, 1. i 
(original) the initial sign of the text is I] (upper half lost) followed by 


thus :— 


?"¥. As I have hinted above, 

Vide Plate. 

O 2 


too much stress must not be laid upon traces and dashes that give 
no sense. This of course only confirms Professor Maspero's reading. 

I. lb. Traces of a sign after 1 (?v^^ facsimile) : it is not the top 
of the ^ prolonged, so read ^ ? 

2a. tu confused in mounting the papyrus. 

2b. As facsimile. I cannot read it (not E <^:=>)- 

3rt. It is impossible to read the remains as any ligature of 1] (^ . 
I have examined it many times. It is not "77?** 

3^ and \b. Insert the fragment mounted in the middle of the 

4«. ' Behold the [essence ? strength ?] of a god was in him.' 
I cannot decipher the mutilated sign for ' essence ?'* Pj, in line 5 
shows that the split should be rather wider, but this will have a very 
slight effect in line 4. 

4^. Making allowance for P ' the narrow piece will be moved 
\ inch to the left, j^ 1^ ^ seems to suit the original (not iihd which 
takes a different determinative). The vertical line after jutuf in 
the facsimile is wrong. 

(ya. ' Laden with herbs, etc., and milk and with wood (for burn- 
ing ?) [etc., of the?] fields.' ('Et voici ce qu'il faisait ! apres ! qu'il 
revenait des champs.') I cannot satisfactorily read the remains on 
the narrow tongue, they are more obscure than they are represented 
to be in the facsimile. 

7(7. ' In the place where his cattle were,' or some such sentence.* 

8«. '[He took cakes of bread?] already ? baked and laid them.' 

9^. The whole of the edge of the papyrus is broken away.* It is 
wrongly represented in the facsimile, in which the right hand edge of 
the page should be entirely white. A good deal seems to be lost from 

the commencement of the lines. ~^s i| ^ "^ was at first written, but 
the superfluous sign was erased. 

io<7. w, 7iti m, etc., are not possible. For ^aw>a alone the gap is 
rather wide, but there are examples of equal length, e.g. in II, 10. 
\ lIIIj ^ is strange, but is clear enough in the original.* 

* Vide Plate. 

Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

II. I. «//-/ n stimu nti st ahu I rfiT] \ [(^] ^ '^^'^^ ? «^^" ^ -^'''V 


Tr> SIC 111 '^ I I I 

— ^-^ S " sic SIC Ft^ I \-U /TH rr^ S- 1 1 J 

SIC SIC , w I SIC ? ^4^^/:^^/:<. I r I I <:zr> 1 

7. . . . ««„ k r j^ ^1 H rn 7™i iM Ik ~ 

s'c \_i/m _mJ ^'<: ^ic LI I I iJ =^ Ji-^ c=^ 

^^ <S r ^^ n ^ x^ ^'' '''^[x^ hrn^ 

sic sic sic sic sic \\\ ' rrx ^ ^ j~ 

9. .«.w;«/v •••/^-^fn'"-^[^^^£]-'s- 


10. ... A— D^ ^ n 

AAA/\AA <^" ^^^ vr~t 

^ \ I I I 


ifl. <n:> would be equally possible, the top of the sign being 
entirely cut off by a lacuna ; facsimile wrong. 

\l?. P ''j^^ not P 1^ is favoured by the space between P and the 
top of U and the general appearance. 1 1 1 is certain. 

ic. Space filled by the prolongation of \ ?, but it seems quite 

2a. The space seems quite blank, as if <i:r> were omitted. 

3^;. AAAw> is quite reasonable, and can hardly be doubted on the 
original, while <rz> is almost excluded. 



40. aarfsH ? thus did they ; certainly not rt'rusn. 

6a. I suppose l| (^ ^ 3rd person plural of f] (2 , cf. l\\ \, I, 8- 
Whether [<z:>] or [/vwwk] should be restored in the next sentence is 
perhaps doubtful, cf. IV, 2. 

-ja. x'^^ bakii is impossible owing to the determinative. If the 
proposed restoration is right, translate ' their hearts were joyful with 
their work in ? (or from ?) their beginning of labour.' The tops of 
nO are discernible. 

Za. ' They were waiting for seed-corn.' 

\oa. This is of course a mistake of the scribe. 

X ^/ww^(^ sic III W i Hi' <=> ± El sic SIC i 

1 21* /wwNA sic sic SIC SIC 1 l i '-■ I SIC 

3. '■' p7-t qnu auf hr 

/wrs^s \^ SIC 


SIC sic 

4. [I Pol ft nf I ^-^"—i saic nti hr 

^ L J ' • J I S J sic ■ SIC SIC SIC SIC SIC SIC 


sic sic J\ 

izc l^ lie '- -' SiC 

7. 1 ... aw [*v-=>- ] ^^^ ^^ fi^i [u/i] ut strii '^^ 

sic J\ -Ja I "^ I ^ ^ 

h.'>. A ">. -^ 2i' SIC SIC sic 


Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

8. ^ hbsu nfrirc-] ' ' ' l^r\^'^^^\^\ . . m qntt 2^^ 
(as facsimile). 

9- xr 


10. -xr pa aa '^ inntiif s^pW^ua . 

' 4-*- sic sic 


\a. '^'ZT is quite impossible ; so also are j ^-^^ and | <rr>."" 

6a. dftu agrees perfectly, and seems almost certain, ' with the 
passion of youth ? ' 

7fl. xu 7ik pai 7ia (Maspero) is I believe grammatically impossible. 
The space is uncertain ; pai perhaps is sufficient to fill the gap. 


IV. I at't ^ mar t'f ti/f nci an x^ ^^ ^'"' ^ <: — > 

sic '— -'- 

^^ Aww^A ud xf bn du \ ^ \ r tut, ' for so thou ? wilt not let it 

r"^:j\^ sic Lsic ?J 

come into ? the mouth of any one.' There seems to be a trace of 
the dot which accompanies ^, but perhaps ^ should be read. 
' For I will not, etc' 

2. mh gj^ (hardly 'www). 

3. x^«^^'''X^ ! r '^ M l (^^'X^ o^' l'^ perhaps superfluous) ••• 

sic L<IZ!>J «'<•' 1 

da uhdut <^^|^^ i^ M. 4 4. ^^"=^^ . 

sic ? sic V e r y f a i n t 

5. dha\jt «] ti m pa fmd . 


6. pa sfii T\ ^h • • ■ 7171 d7is st Jir \\ ^.wvaa * -ycx. <r^=~^ (2 

^ I P • • • « dim. One of the words has been wrongly read and 
interpreted in many ways : ddii qdi7'e "^"Tp ' graisse noire de salete,' 
or simply 'graisse:' <7^//! ^'^/re ' kessel-fett ' : why not c=^ «=z> 1 ^ 
TTQ ' fat ' ? but the determinative is really 5 • ^^ thus have the 
word ^^,1 (sometimes 2 <:^ X) = c^ <^ 1 ^ •+ 

* Vide Plate. 

t ptr, ' bandages,' ' lint,' for the supposed wounds ? or fir may be some 
' net, ' bag,' or other protection or ornament ? for the hair. Cf. V, 2, and III, 2. 



9- PS\^*----^^^^^^^>I^- 



•'ic L iJ tJ-c^^ _Ms^ Ls, QJ 


• : • /if?is (H J| . The stroke between and J\ (v. facsimile) 

^ -^^ sic 

cannot belong to J\ which it would convert into ^ {cf. VIII, 9). 
\\ is sufficiently clear and the commencement of ^^^ is traceable. 

2. unxu^^^^^pa'ii "^Jl Ul- Cover up (adorn?) thy 

sic sic sic 

hair (with the pfire which tlie woman required as evidence of the 
falsehood ? ). 

4. ^J/;;/<^ r§l ^^^ m$^^ the reading is very 
uncertain.! <:zr> is clear, but may be o or <=:^> , S superposed is 
very incomplete. There seems to be the tail of ^ or ^^^-^ (as 
written in ^^) beneath the ^^. /« ?^'^ ^?' ^ (not ^"q) ••• 

7. x^ arpa su.'\ 

8. ^z-// corrected to dusf, K^=^ being erased. ^^^ a ^ ^ . 

_cF^ sic 


In the succeeding pages of the facsimile some false signs are 
noted. The modern ink is easily distinguishable, being shiny. The 
facsimile marks only the extent of the lacunce that have been restored. 
But the signs before and after these lacunae have often been tampered 

VI. I. ft tdfm matt ; cannot be nf. 

* P ^^ 'h., written like IV, ij J ^ _^j l^"t no trace of C^ remains. 
(Fide Plate.) 

t Vide Plate. 

X I should be much inclined to correct this by an extremely slight alteration to 
1\ I ^^^— in order to explain lo/ii ciiif 7- iir f. | is a good reading, if not 
Ijetter than T, and the scribe was cjuitc capable of writing | for K^=^_ in 
this group, especially as he had so often written | T ^q\ • With nisf cf. 



Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

3. r sx sx ran, there is no dot, so not ^au ; no trace of modern 
ink; <n> has its usual form over q {cf. XV, 8).* 

4. nutf. 



5. vintk jy- . 


9- .^M ZIX. /^ m, ' ^^^ mark above ^ is not recognisably 
iCi , but a mere dot. 

VII. I. mtiif hr tut .... nituk l^^l^ r ;/////, the latter as facsimile, 


but the first l] in it is false, and so is \ ; ■ ^ . ? is genuine. 

9. dmam W . For a somewhat similar (but reversed) mistake, 
cf. VI, 4 nuifiox mn \ . 

VIII. , rl^^^e. 

3. aud r smt nd. 


4. dfnau. 


5. f c^ I 11}^ ^\ {(f- XIII, 5). The space left for the entry in 
red ink was too short, the signs are therefore crowded and 1 1 1 looks 
more like 1 1 . ^ ^^\. 

' ' /VW\/V\ SIC ^ • 

8. mxt as usual, no ligature. 

9. S v\ a white lacuna. Jiixf without J\ (at end). 

IX. 3. d/)is?i. [1 was begun following 1] but was altered to ^.* 
Yet it is hardly safe to draw a grammatical inference {cf. XIII, 8 for 
a similar error which has there caused confusion). 

X. 3. qefcKi. 

9- iJ P li § /!v!v!v ^^^ i erased and the succeeding signs partly 
written over it. 

XI. 7. I m no/ 

10. an du (1. 11) st hut. There seems to be no sign after du 
(such as I^t)- i'^'ie ei^d of A- is prolonged upwards and curled 

XII. 3. than. 

4. ^^not|. 

* Vide Plate. 


8. l| of Anpu omitted and (® of l] (S written more like ^. 
XIII. 6 and 9. ^q^^' 

XV. I. ^2^ *^^i^ "^iT^- The lacuna is wrongly placed and 
the reading is quite certain. 

4- ^^ lil no ® • 

5. aiif Jims 2^11 <^ and ^^-^ are completely false, but ^ ^^ may 
be the true reading. 

g. ^°1 H--^ . is perfectly distinct. In the facsimile 
might perhaps be read. 

XVI. 3. drqu \_na m ntr\ the three signs \A 1 are in moder 



4- iJb Vs. I '^ 1 • • • ^v \> I I *■ /rt mes is quite certain 

"^.M^ -1^ sic I 111 

6. ^O 



7. ^7\ /^/\/\/^yv\ , 

The latter pages are in bad condition, having evidently stuck 
together. From page XVII onwards the red ink has almost vanished, 
and is very difficult to trace on the dark papyrus. 

XVII. 3. f\ O^. 

_£H^ sic 

4. XX?" (no/). 

sic _ 

XVIII. 2. ^ (1 <^ 

zai an. [At the time (not ,^_^^ (| | '^j-') of a ceremony?] 
XVIII. 4. End ^^ [— vv i\ WAA.]. 

XVIII. 5. I^^^^S^^^V'k i^i ^ . This cannot be 

blC SIC SIC i/c ?? V " "Y g,j. 

* Fu/e riate. 

Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889, 

right, ' when the damsel ? had finished ....,' or ' when the [ceremony] 
was over.'* 

XVIII. 5. end f ^^ o^ ^^, no other sign. 

6. red almost illegible <=>M''^^ ^^ O 1 7\ [T] — 

s— i— c Pi^ SIC '(SOI— /v^^A^ 

XIX. I. formula as usual. 

2. formula just traceable. At end [| ^ I yj 

3. ^ - • • • i^ J \> <cr> i ^^ : D if correct is 

Laaa^/va (rJ i__^ :! L_] — SIC S!C'>. SIC SIC 

very obscure ; there was not space enough for ^^ ^ .f At end 
un dntu £1 


6. (1 S ^ (2 hr an fif. End r I J^ ^ 

^_ A (S 7^ |l D (2 seems quite possible. There is a trace of each 

« — i — c 


8. ZS "v^ 1 (^ ^ . _ , v^ had been written but VQi 

was erased and i^ written partly over it. 

Endorsements, etc. On the back of the last page the titles of the 
prince Seti Merenptah were begun but apparently left unfinished 
(PI. xix). They were written fully on the obverse of the last page 

The endorsement relating to bread is on the back of page i, in 
the top lefi hand corner when reversed, i.e., behind the right hand 
end of I, 8-10. 

* Harris 500 v. p. iv, I. 2, anst {hr sp aiii'ir'] ^ r I |^ | .^^T^ \ 
'^^^AAA m I II II ^ seems to give the key to the meaning, but I cannot yet 
decipher the signs. vg^ is perhaps preceded by ^ ^ , and the rest should 
be identifiable. ( Vide Plate. ) 

t Vide Plate. 


Mar. 5] 



With the above compare in Erman's Grammar — 

Page 18, example i. Page 160, example i. 

28, last example but one, Orb., 16, 4. ,, 163, last example. 

34, example 3. ,, l68, example 2. 

37, example I. ,, 179, last example. 

53, '^ Orb., I, 2, wrong. ,, 200, example I. 

66, last example. ,, 223, example 4. 

144, example 2. ,, 230, example 3. 

149, example 4. ,, 257, example 4. 

156, example 3. etc., etc. 

The Plate referred to in the above will be issued with 
the next (April) number of the Proceedings, 


Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


Dear Mr. Rylands, London, March 17M, 1889. 

Will you allow me to give you here, finally, the text of 
K. 2100, which I copied for you as early as October, 1887.* 

I have nothing to add to the edition of that celebrated docu- 
ment, thanks to the many scholarly notes which have been made 
about the few extracts from the text, which you kindly inserted into 
the Proceedings^ two years ago.* But, judging from some recent 
publications, not all of our Collahorateurs may have in mind all that 
has been written about it. So I append here a short enumeration of 
those different articles and remarks. 

Mr. Pinches stated once more his priority in respect of the 
"find" to which I had already drawn attention by quoting his 
discovery as published in my Zeitschr., 1885, p. 166.* At the same 
time, he set forth a new theory as to the identification of malahum 
with the Phoenician DD /t2, in a paper published by the Academy, 
1888, No. 816, p. 428. His view was not shared, however, by the 
Rev. W. Houghton, ibidefn, No. 817, p. 445, nor by Mr. Evetts, 
ibidem, No. 819, p. 30, who, for the first time, gave an exact idea of 
what the tablet in question is like. In the meanwhile. Dr. Halevy's 
first article upon the subject had appeared, Zeits., 1887, p. 399 ii., 
who pointed out, that " it is not absolutely necessary to suppose 
that the Assyrian malaJm was borrowed from the Phoenicians," and 
discussed the equivalence of digirii : hilibu. In a second article, 
Zeits., 1888, p. 193 ff., the same scholar treated the names of lands 
which appear on the tablet, and especially called attention to the 
fact, that Sufnir and Akkad are not to be found among them, which 
he takes as an argu?nentut?i ex silentio ; for, " the scribe could not 
mention a language which never existed." Also Prof. Delitzsch 
used our text in favour of the Anti-accadian theory, in his Assyrian 
Grammar, German Edition, p. 67 f., while, on the other hand, 
Prof. Oppert found in it the " absolute condemnation of the Anti- 
sumerian priniciple," Zeits., 1888, p. 106. 

* C/. our Proceedings, Vol. IX, p. 377. 


In the summer of last year, Mr. Pinches' opinion as to vialahum 
was taken up again by Dr. Hommel, and then by Dr. Haupt,* but 
was rejected once more by Dr. Halevy, who considers the result of 
the lengthy discussion to be, that "we still maintain, in spite of 
Mr. Haupt's disdainful note of exclamation, that the Assyrian 

malahian is the Semitic H^^, and by no means D^T'tD ; and we 
defy anyone to demonstrate the contrary": Zeits., 1889, p. 56. 

To Prof Oppert, we finally owe a new and most valuable 
elucidation of the word Kassn, partly derived from our tablet, Zeits., 
1888, p. 421 ff. 

You will see from these few bibliographical notes, how important 
this "List of Gods" is considered to be, and that it appears not to 
be superfluous to bring the entire original text unto the notice of 
scholars, — -even post festum. 

Yours, etc., 

C. Bezold. 

See also Delitzsch, W.B.^ p. 313. 

oO ' g g g^C->'"o 

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, 
Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 2nd 
April, 1889, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be 
read : — 

P. LE Page Renouf, President: — "Parallels in Folk Lore." 
Rev. a. Lowy : — " Jehovistic and Elohistic Proper Names." 











t^U ^ U ,, 



X k k 

*^ AA U A ^^•■^ 







M > 

























A A 















i| ^ 





























Mar. 5] PROCEEDINGS, [1889. 


BOTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850. 

Place, Ninive et 1' Assyria, 1866- 1869. 3 vols., folio. 

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegj'ptische Denkmaeler. Vols. 

I— III (Brugsch). 
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par H. 

Brugsch et J. Dlimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen 

of vols. 3 and 4.) 
DOmichen, Ilistorische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867. 

2nd series, 1869. 

Allaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 

GOLENISCHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877. 

Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880. 

De Roug]6, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. 

Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy. 

ScHROEDER, Die Phonizische .Sprache. 

Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze. 

Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 

BuRKHARDT, Eastern Travels. 

Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. 

Le Calendrierdes Jours Pastes et Nefastes de I'annee Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877. 

E. Gayet, Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre. 

Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 

Nos. I, 2, 3, Memoires de la Mission Archeologique Fran9ais au Caire. 

Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

Lefebure, Les Hypogees Royaux de Thebes, 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

Guimet, Annales du Musee Gumiet. Memoires d'figyptologie, 

Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris." 

Lepsius, Les Metaux dans les Inscriptions Egyptiennes, avec notes par W. Berend. 

D. G. Lyon, An Assyrian Manual. 

A. Amiaud and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 
2 parts, Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 
RoBIOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides. 

Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. 

IRecoibs of tbe past 





New Series. Edited by Professor Sayce, who will be assisted in the 
work by Mr. Le Page Renouf, Prof. Maspero, Mr. Budge, Mr. Pinches, 
Prof. Oppert, M. Amiaud, and other distinguished Egyptian and Assyrian 

The new series of volumes differs from its predecessor in several 
respects, more especially in the larger amount of historical, religious, and 
geographical information contained in the introductions and notes, as well 
as in references to points of contact between the monumental records and 
the Old Testament. Translations of Egyptian and Assyrian texts will be 
given in the same volume. 

Crown octavo ; Cloth. 4s. 6d. Volume I now ready. 

Samuel Bagster & Sons, Limited, 15, Paternoster Row, London. 


TLhc Bronse ©niaments of tbe 
IC^alace (Bates from Balawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.] 

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for 
each part is now raised to ;^i los.; to Members of the Society (the original 
price) £1 IS. 

Society of Biblical ARCHy^oLOGY. 

COUNCIL, 1889. 

President : — 
P. LE Page Renouf, 

Vice-Presidents : — 

Rev. Frederick Chari^es Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter. 

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c. 

The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., ike, Bishop of Durham. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D. C.L., M.D., &c., &c. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. 

Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury, 

Council : 

Rev. Charles James Ball. 
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. 
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. 
Arthur Gates. 
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 
Rev. R. Gwynne. 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy, 

Prof. A. Macalister, IM.D. 

Rev. James Marshall. 

F. D, Mocatta. 

Alexander Peckover, F.S.A. 

J. Pollard. 

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A. 

E. Towry Whyte, M.A. 

Rev. W. Wright, D.D. 

Honorary Treasurer — BERNARD T. BOSANQUET. 

Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Prof. A. H. S.^YCE, M.A. 

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 



Part 6. 






Sixth Meeting, 2nd April, 1889. 



P. LE Page Renouf {President). — Parallels in Folk-Lore 


Professor G. Maspero. — La Reine Sitra 


Rev. C. J. Ball. — Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

X. — The Cylinder A.H., 82-7-14, 1042, British Museum. 


Notes on the Cylinders 68-7-9, i (S R- 34), and A.Ii. 

82-7-14, 1042. [(A) and (B)] 


Professor Karl Piehl. — Notes de Philologie Egyptienne 


Dr. a. Wiedemann, — Stelae of Libyan Origin 


F. L. Griffith. — Notes on a Tour in Upper Egypt 








II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 

188 9. 



II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



I, Part I 
I, „ 2 

















Vol. I, I 


„ III, 

„ IV. 


„ VI, 

„ VII, 

„ VIII, 

„ IX, 



„ XI, 

To Members. 

To Non- 



s. d. 



12 6 



12 6 


10 6 


10 6 


10 6 


idj 6 



12 6 



12 6 






12 6 



12 6 



12 6 



10 6 



12 6 



12 6 



12 6 



12 6 



12 6 



12 6 

























. .*. 




per Part 




,, ,, 



Part 8, 10 

6 „ „ 

12 6 


in course of 


A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may be 
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Rylands, F.S.A., 11, Hart 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 







Sixth Meeting, 2iid April, 1889. 
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President. 


The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author : — Vocabolario Geroglifico Copto-Ebraico, del 
Dott. Simeone Levi. Volume Settimo, Supplemento. P'olio. 
Torino. 1889. 

From the Author : — Etudes Egyptiennes. Tome II. i*"' fascicule. 
Un manuel de hierarchie dgyptienne et la culture et les bestiaux 
dans les tableaux des tombeaux de I'ancien empire. Par 
G. Maspero. (Cours du College de France, 1887-1888.) 
Paris. 8vo. 1888. 

From the Author : — The evolution of the beautiful in Sound. 
By Henry Wylde, Mus. Doc. Manchester. 8vo. 1888. 

From the Author : — La Religion en Chine, i propos du dernier 
livre de M. A. Reville. Par Mgr. de Harlez. 8vo. Gand. 

Extrait du Magazin Litteraire et Scientifique, 

[No. Lxxxiii.] 175 p 


From the Author : — Les Croyances religieuses de premiers chinois. 
Par Ch. de Harlez. 8vo. Presente a la classe des lettres dans 
sa seance du 4 Juin, 1888. 

Extrait du Tome XLI des Mhnoires courojuus et mitres 
Mcmoires. Publics par I'academie royale de Belgique. 1888. 

From the Author : — La Trouvaille de Tell-el-Amarna. Par A. 
Delattre, S.J. Bruxelles. 8vo. 1889. 

Extrait de la Rev. des questions scieiitifiqiies. Janvier, 1889. 

From the Author : — Aus einem Briefe de Herrn Professor T. 
Epping an J. N. Strassmaier. 8vo. 1888. 

From the Author : — The True Name of the God of Israel. By 
the Rev. C. J. Ball. 8vo. 1889. 

From Miss H. M. Adair : — Materia Hieroglyphica : containing the 
Egyptian Pantheon and the succession of the Pharaohs from 
the earliest times to the conquest by Alexander, and other 
Hieroglyphical Subjects. With Plates and Notes explanatory 
of the same. By J. G. Wilkinson, Esq. Malta. 1828. 4to. 

From Miss H. M. Adair: — (In same Volume.) Extracts from 
several Hieroglyphical Subjects found at Thebes, and other 
parts of Egypt, with remarks on the same. By J. G. 
Wilkinson, Esq. Malta. 4to. 1830. 

Complete with the folding plates ; formerly belonged to the 
Rev. Henry Tattam. 

From Miss H. M. Adair : — A Grammar of the Arabic Language, 
translated from the German of Caspari, and edited, with 
numerous additions and corrections, by William Wright. 
London. 8vo. 1862. [ist Ed.] 

The following were nominated for election at the next 
Meeting on 7th May, 1889: — 

Miss B. Harvey, Icklebury, Biggleswade. 

The following were elected Members of the Society, 
having been nominated at the last Meeting on 5th March, 

Rev. Edward Huntingford, D.C.L., Valley End, Chobham, Woking. 
Miss Howarth, 73, Church Street, Kensington. 
Rev. W. H. Frere, 24, High Street, Stepney, E. 



P. LE Page Renouf {President). 

At the end of his admirahle Grammar of the modern Arabic 
language as spoken in Egypt, the late Spitta-Bey published a series 
of popular tales, and two or three years later he published a second 
series of these interesting stories. Four other tales in the same 
dialect have been published by M. Dulac. 

To some persons the chief interest in these publications is philo- 
logical. To the true student of the Science of Language these 
authentic specimens of a branch of speech actually in use present 
the same kind of interest as rare plants do to the botanist. 

Others will take more pleasure in the matter than in the form of 
the stories. They will rejoice in these additions to the existing stock 
of Folk-lore, they will note the many points of coincidence with the 
popular tales of other lands, and perhaps look for ' survivals ' of 
ancient ideas. Spitta-Bey himself considered the stories as evidence 
of the preservation of very ancient conceptions. He specially noted 
the Egyptian idea of the Scarabteus as signifying life, as appearing 
in one of these tales, and in another tale he recognised "a pretty 
solar myth " as not having yet disappeared from among the descen- 
dants of the worshippers of Ra. 

It will not, I believe, be uninstructive to examine somewhat 
closely into the accuracy of this view. I shall therefore select some 
of the most conspicuous features in Spilta's collection which admit 
in any way of identification with others in the tales which have come 
down to us from the Egypt of ancient days. 

The Scarabseus was not, as Spitta-Bey says, a symi)ol of Life in 
ancient Egypt, but of going round, turning and Becoming. But it 
is quite true that the beetle mentioned in the second story of the 
* Contes Arabes ' reminds one of an incident in the ' Tale of the Two 
Brothers.' So, however, do other things in the same story. The wily 
Mohammed being in the chamber of the slave, asked her what were 
he objects suspended under the ceiling. One of them, she told 
him, was a flask containing the soul or ' spirit " of her mistress, the 

177 P 2 


female Jinn who had become the wife of Mohammed's father the 
king, and who had put out his mother's eyes and reduced her to 
slavery : — diU qizcizi elly fyJia 'rriih beta sitty elly 'and elinelik. He 
afterwards saw a beetle crawling on the wall, and having no 
doubt very good reasons to suspect the nature of the insect, 
expressed his intention to kill it, but the slave said, " Stop ! do 
not kill it, for it is my spirit," erga^ ma-tmaiiihas, a/isan di ruhy. 
"All right, cousin," he said, but he continued looking at the 
insect till he saw it get into a crevice in the wall. And when 
the girl had fallen asleep, he killed it, and the girl died. And this 
was only the beginning of a series of successful feats. He finally 
came to the king, and said, " I am thy son, . . . the son of the queen 
whcse eyes the Jinn whom thou hast taken to thee has put out." 
They went up to the Jinn, and showing her the bottle he told her, 
'thy hfe is here in my hand, but 1 shall not kill thee till thou hast 
restored the eyes of all those thou hast blinded." When she had 
accomplished this he presented the bottle to her, saying, " take this, 
here is your soul," ruliik ahyje. In her fright she let the bottle fall 
from her hand. It broke, her soul escaped and she died. 

Here we have the notion which in fiction first meets us in the 
Tale of the Two Brothers, of a person's life or soul being detached 
from the body and hidden away at a distance. The person does not 
appear to suffer in the least from the absence of so essential a part 
of himself. He becomes, in fact, invulnerable until that vital part 
be destroyed whilst out of his body. 

We shall presently see tliat this notion was by no means 
peculiarly Egyptian. 

It is not necessary to specify all the places in Spitta's collection 
where this notion occurs, and in some cases it is impossible to 
distinguish between it and the notion of a simple transformation, as 
when in the first tale the wily Mohammed's life {ruh) was first in the 
bridle of a camel, and afterwards in the grain of a pomegranate.* 

About eighteen years agof I called the attention of Egyptologists 
to the coincidence in idea between certain portions of one of the 

* This is really taken from the Tale of the Second Royal Mendicant in 
the Thousand and One A7i,'///.f ; — 

^_y<^j]\ ^j U-0 ^j^\ 'ix^\ 
Vol. I, p. loi. Ed. Calcutta. 

t Zdtschriftf. Aegypt. Spy. 1871, f. 136. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Arabian Tales of the Thousand and One Nights and of the Tale of 
the Two Brothers. In the former story the younger brother Batau 
conceals his heart in the flower of a tree, and afterwards confides 
the secret to a woman by whom it is betrayed to her royal lover. 
On the tree being cut down the heart is thrown upon the ground, 
and Batau falls dead at the same moment. In the Arabian (or perhaps 
Persian) tale, Seifelmoluk, the hero of the story, offers to destroy a Jinn 
who had carried off a lady and detained her in captivity. But the lady 
says, " You cannot kill him unless you destroy his spirit or soul,"' ruh. 
She had many times asked him to tell her where it was deposited, 
till at last prevailed upon by her treacherous assurances of interest, 
he told her that in consequence of sinister predictions he had taken 
his spirit and placed it in the crop of a sparrow. This sparrow he 
put into a little box, and this again into another box, which was put 
into seven other small boxes, and these were shut up in seven chests 
enclosed within an alabaster vase sunk by the shore of a sea inac 
cessible to man. But these precautions were, of course, useless. 
By the help of the seal of Solomon's ring Seifelmoluk evoked the 
spirit of the Jinn, the sea was violently agitated, the alabaster vase 
came forth and was shattered by the prince upon the rocks. The 
chests and boxes were broken, each in its turn, and when the 
sparrow was strangled, the Jinn fell to the earth, a heap of ashes. 

I pointed out at the time that the Arabic ^^, which etymologi- 
cally signifies wind, breath, and has the derived meanings of spirit, 
soul and self might be taken as a fair equivalent of the Egyptian 
2^ O which was considered as the receptacle and organ of the 
breaths of life, as the seat of sense and thought, and in certain 
contexts as the personal self. 

It must not, however, be supposed that the Arabic story is more 
closely connected with the ancient Egyptian one than are numberless 
tales in all parts of the world. I begin with the neighbourhood of 
the White Sea. 

In one of the tales translated by Castren* from the Samoyede, 
seven brothers are in the habit of putting away their hearts before 
retiring to rest. Their sister used to take a dish and each brother 
in turn placed his heart upon it. The sister then hung each heart 
upon a pole, where it remained during the night. The man whose 

* Ethnologische Vorlcsungen iiber die Altaischen Vblkcr ncbst Samojcdischcii 
Miirchen und Tatarisclien Hcldensagen, p. 174, and following. 



mother they had slain obtains possession of the seven hearts, and by 
dashing them upon the ground kills the seven brothers. 

The Heldensagen of the Tatars, also translated by Castren and 
versified by Schiefner,* are full of the same idea. The soul of Bulat 
dwells as a little bird with nine others in a box, the brothers Molab 
Djiirek, and Timir Djiirek change their souls into a white plant with 
six stalks, the soul of Alten Kok's son is kept in a golden box. 
Ai-kyn's soul was not in his body,t but concealed in a serpent of 
twelve heads, which remained in a sack on the back of his horse, 
and it was only through the destruction of the serpent that Ai-kyn 
could lose his- life. 

In the Norse story of the " Giant who had no heart," \ the 
Princess is held captive by a monster from whom she extracted 
the secret about his heart. He had repeatedly mis-informed her on 
the subject, but at last in a moment of misplaced confidence he told 
her, " Far, far aw^ay in a lake lies an island, on that island stands a 
church, in that church there is a well, in that well swims a duck, and 
in the egg — well there is my heart." The hero of the story, of course, 
succeeds in obtaining possession of the egg, and when it was 
squeezed flat between his hands the giant burst. 

The same story occurs in various forms in the Russian tales 
about Koshchei the Deathless. § "My deaih" he said to the mother 
of Prince Ivan, " is in such and such a place. There stands an oak, 
and under the oak is a casket, and in the casket is a hare, and in the 
hare is a duck, and in the duck is an egg, and in the egg is my 
death." Prince Ivan went forth to look for Koshchei's death, and 
having at last secured the egg, smashed it, and Koshchei the Death- 
less died. 

" In another variant," Mr. Ralston || says, " Koshchei attempts 
to deceive his fair captive, pretending that his ' death ' resides in a 
besom, or in a fence, both of which she adorns with gold in token 
of her love. Then he confesses that his ' death ' really lies in an 
egg, inside a duck, inside a log which is floating on the sea. Prince 
Ivan gets hold of the egg and shifts it from one hand to the other. 
Koshchei rushes wildly from side to side of the room. At last the 
Prince breaks the egg, Koshchei falls on the floor and dies." 

* Heldensagen der Aliniissinschen Tatar en, p. x.w. t Castren, p. 187. 

X Asbjornsen, Round the Yule Log, p. 59. 

§ Ralston, Russian Folk-lalcs, p. 103. |1 p. 109. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

"Witch !" cried the hero of a Transylvanian tale,* "give me 
back my eleven brothers, or I will shoot you ! " But the witch 
laughed loud and said to him, "Shoot away, you silly earth-worm, as 
long as you like, that can do me no harm ; for know that my life 
dwells not in me, but far, far away in a mountain is a pond, and on 
that pond there swims a duck, and in that duck there is an egg, and 
in that egg there burneth a light, which is my life; if you could extin- 
guish that light my life would be at an end." 

"Six miles away from this place," said the Rakshas, in the 
Indian tale of the Brave Heralalbasa,t "is a. tree. Round the 
tree are tigers and bears and scorpions and snakes ; on the top 
of the tree is a very great fat snake ; on his head is a little cage ; 
in the cage is a bird ; and my soul is in that bird." 

" No one can kill my father," the |^demon's daughter said to 
the hero of another Indian story.:}: "Why not?" said the boy. 
" Listen," she answered ; " on the other side of the sea there is 
a great tree, in that tree is a nest, in the nest is a inaind. If any 
one kills that maind, then only will my father die." 

A Lapland Giant, in a tale published by M. V. Palumbo,§ confides 
to a lady the fact that in the midst of a sea of flame there is an 
island, in that island there is a barrel, in that barrel there is a sheep, 
in the sheep there is a hen, in the hen an egg, " and in that egg is 
my life." The hero obtained jXDssession of the egg, and threw it 
into the fire, and as it was consumed so was the giant's life. His 
last words were, " What folly was mine to entrust the secret of my 
life to a woman ! " 

Stories like this abound in Hungarian, Servian, German, Greek, 
Italian, and Sicilian.|| In the Gaelic tale of the Sea Maiden, the 
great beast with three heads which haunts the locli cannot be killed 
until an egg is broken, which is in the mouth of a trout, which 
springs out of a crow, which flies out of a bird living on an island in 
the middle of a loch. But this is not the only tale of the kind in 
Mr. Campbell's collection. In the very first, 'The Young King of 

* Hastrich, Volksmdrchen in Siebenbiirgen, p. 1S8. 

t Indiati Fairy Talcs, collected and translated by M. Stokes, p. 58. 

X lb., p. 187. § Museon I. 414. 

II Majldth, lilagyarische Sagen, JSIdrchm tind Erzdiiliingeu, II, J45. Karad- 
schitsch, Volksmdrchen der Serben, p. 68. Grimm, Kinder- uud JIausmdrchcn, 
No. 197. Gonzenbach, Sicilianische Aldrchcn, No. 6. 


Ensaidh Ruadh,' "the queen caught the egg, and she crushed it 
between her two hands. The giant was coming in the lateness, and 
when she crushed the egg, he fell down dead." * 

In all these stories, and numberless others, the fundamental 
notion is the same — a person's life depends upon something 
external to his body. In the oldest narratives, such as the Tale of 
the Two Brothers, or the Greek tale of Meleager, the sufferer 
excites interest. In the more recent narratives the victim is generally 
the fiendish obstacle to the hero's happiness. And round the funda- 
mental notion others have accumulated. The object upon which 
the life depends is concealed in a series of objects, one within the 
other. And the hero is assisted in his search by various animals, to 
each of which he has rendered some service. There is no trace in 
antiquity, as far as I am aware, of the latter feature of these stories. 
But the Egyptian Tale of Setna contains the first specimen of the 
complicated system of concealment. The object concealed is a 
magic book. 

Neferkaptah in this tale fought with a serpent and killed it over 
and over again, with as little success as Herakles in his first 
encounter with the heads of the Hydra, but at last he cut it in two, 
and prevented the reunion of the parts by putting sand between 
them. He then looked after the box, which was of iron. He 
opened it and found a coffer of bronze. This contained a coffer of 
sycamore wood, in which was a coffer of ebon and ivory. This 
contained a coffer of silver, and in this a coffer of gold containing 
the magic book. 

The tale in which Spitta Bey see a solar myth, which has come 
from ancient times, is that of Arab-Zandyq. 

A king and his Wezyr once went out by night and heard the 
conversation of some females, each of whom said what she would do 
in case the king married her. The king sent for them next da}', and 
married them. In due time, the youngest was brought to bed of a 
boy and a girl exactly corresponding to the predictions she had 
uttered, and which the king had overheard, before her marriage. But 
the midwife was bribed by the king's other wife to substitute for the 
babes a couple of blind puppies, and to declare that the young queen 
had given birth to them. The babes were put into a box and 
thrown into the river, from which they were rescued and adopted by 

* Popular Tales of the West Highlands, vol. I, p. 11. 

April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

a fisherman and his wife. Their mother was disgraced, daubed with 
tar and fastened to the staircase, where she was spat upon by every 
one who went up or came down. 

It is hardly necessary to say that the innocent queen and her two 
children triumph in the end, and are recognised by the king, whilst 
the wicked queen and the midwife are punished as they deserved. 

The readers of the " Contes des Fees" of Madame d'Aulnoy 
will at once recognize some of the incidents which occur in 
the story of La Princesse Belle Etoile. They will also be found in 
several German stories of Grimm's collection,* and in the household 
tales of many other lands. Of these tales two are particularly note- 
worthy. The first is Wallachian.f 

A woman gave birth to a couple of 'golden' twins. Her maid, 
who desired to become the mistress, killed the children, gave out 
that a pup was the offspring of the unfortunate lady, and thus caused 
her to be put away. But from the grave of the murdered children 
two trees sprung which produced golden apples. The wicked 
woman had the trees cut down, but a sheep which had fed upon the 
fruit produced golden lambs. The lambs were slaughtered, but out 
of their entrails, carried off by the stream, the children once more 
appeared, who sought out their mother, brought her to their father's 
house, and unmasked the murderess. 

But for the Egyptologists the Transylvanian form of the story ± 
is far more striking. 

The king as he passed heard two girls talking. One said what 
she would do if he took her to wife, and the other what she would 
do if he took her as a cook. He took them at their word, married 
the younger and made a cook of the elder. All went on smoothly 
for a time, but envy at last took possession of the cook. The queen 
was brought to bed of two lovely babes, a boy and a girl with golden 
hair. The wicked cook, who had succeeded in removing every one 
out of the way, buried the babes, and substituted for them a new 
born pup and a kitten. These were drowned by the king's order, 
and his wife was buried alive. And he afterwards married the cook. 

* Nos. II, 13, 60, and 96. Roiiniauian Stories, p. 33 (The Twins willi tlie 
Golden Star), Gonzenbach, Sicilianische ]\Iarchcn, No. 5, and the references to 
Tyrolese and modern Greek sources, Vol. II, p. 206. See also Indian Fairy 
Tales, No. 20. 

t Schott, IValachische Marchcii, p. 332, 
+ Haltrich, Volksiiuirchcn ans Sichenhurgcn, first story. 



But from the soil in which the babes had been interred, there 
sprung two golden fir trees, much to the delight of the king, but to 
the annoyance and terror of the wicked woman. And at her request 
the king sorrowfully gave orders that planks should be made out of 
the trees for the royal bridal bed. But during the night the planks 
begun to talk about their father and their wicked stepmother. The 
king slept so soundly that he heard nothing, but his wife next 
morning most earnestly requested him to have the planks burnt. 
The oven was heated and the planks thrown in and burnt, but two 
sparks from them fell unmarked into some barley which was given 
to the sheep. A sheep swallowed the two sparks, and gave birth to 
two lambs with golden wool. The king was greatly delighted ; not 
so the queen — who fell sick with grief, and declared that nothing 
could cure her but eating the hearts of the lambs. The lambs were 
slaughtered, and their hearts brought to the queen. The entrails had 
been thrown into the river, but two bits were carried to land, and 
out of them grew two children with golden hair, so lovely that the 
sun stood still for seven days in admiration. They came at last to 
the king, and all things were brought to light. The wicked one 
was punished, and the innocent queen brought back to life and 

Here we are directly reminded of the Tale of the Two Brothers. 
The wicked wife of Batau asked the king to eat the liver of the 
splendid bull in whom she recognized the man whose death she had 
brought about. The animal while dying spirted two drops of blood 
at the steps of the palace door, and from these drops, during the 
night, there sprung two noble persea trees, one on each side of the 
staircase. The wicked woman then asked that these fine trees 
should be cut down for planks. But whilst she stood looking at 
the operation a chip flew from one of the trees and entered her 
mouth. The child of whom she was in due time delivered, and 
who grew up in time to be his own avenger, was no other than her 
injured husband Batau. 

In the Hungarian story of Eisen Laczi,* the hero changes him- 
self into a horse, and the wife of the Twelve-headed Dragon declares 
that she will die if she does not eat the liver of that horse. The 
horse was killed, but from two drops of his blood which were thrown 
into the Dragon's garden there sprung a tree with golden apples. 

* Majlath, Magyarische Sagen, II, p. 195. 

April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

The Dragon's wife insisted that she was sure to die unless her break- 
fast were cooked with the wood of that tree. The tree was felled, 
but two chips from it were thrown into the Dragon's pond, in which 
next day a gold-fish was swimming. This gold-fish was Eisen Laczi, 
whose further adventures have nothing in common with those of 
Batau except the final triumph. 

I now pass on to another set of parallels. In one of the stories 
published by Spitta, a girl at the instigation of a wicked old hag 
sends her three brothers, one after the other, in the perilous search 
for " the Singing Bulbul." The eldest brother at his departure gave 
his rosary to the brother next in age to him, saying that in case of 
his being slain by the bulbul the rosary would contract itself upon 
the hand; a prediction which was verified by the event. The 
second brother on starting for the purpose of recovering his elder, 
gave his ring to the youngest, telling him that it would tighten upon 
the finger in the event of his death. The youngest brother in his 
turn gave his mother a rose which would fade if he should die. 

In the life of the Coptic saint Shnudi, written by his disciple 
Visa, Mar Thomas tells Shnudi that his own death would be an- 
nounced to the latter by the breaking in two of the stone upon 
which Shnudi used to sit and meditate. M. Amelineau who has 
edited this biography, sees in this anecdote a proof that Visa knew 
the Tale of the Two Brothers, and had imitated it in this place with 
reference to the sign by which the elder brother should know the 
death of Batau. But was the Tale of the Two Brothers known to 
those who wrote the legend of St. Elizabeth of Hungary ? Was it 
known in every part of the old and of the new world ? 

"There is in the popular traditions of Central America the story 
of two brothers who, starting on their dangerous journey to the land 
of Xibalba, where their father had perished, plant each a cone in 
the middle of their grandmother's house ; that she may know by its 
flourishing or withering whether they are alive or dead. Exactly the 
same conception occurs in Grimm's Miirchen. When the two gold- 
children wish to see the world and to leave their father, and when 
their father is sad and asks them how he shall have news of them, 
they tell him, ' We leave you the two golden lilies ; from them you 
can see how we fare. If they are fresh, we are well ; if they fade, we 
are ill ; if they fall we are dead.' Grimm traces the same idea in 
Indian stories." * 

* M, MUller, Chips, Vol. II, p. 270. 


Grimm would have found the idea in the Higliland tale of the 
Sea Maiden. Three trees grew behind the fisherman's house, and 
they were a sign that " when one of the sons dies, one of the trees 
will wither." 

In the Kath.i Sarit Sagara a jealous lady, Davasmita, and her 
husband performed a vow together and slept in the temple of Siva. 
" The god appeared to them in a vision, and giving them each a red 
lotus he said to them, ' take each of you one of these lotuses in your 
hand. And if either of you shall be unfaithful during your sepa- 
ration, the lotus in the hand of the other shall fade, but not other- 
wise.' " 

The late Professor H. H. Wilson * in reference to this tale 
pointed out several parallels in European romance. In Perceforest 
the lily is replaced by a rose. In Amadis de Gaula a garland 
blooms on the head of the faithful lover and fades on that of the 
inconstant one. The fiction also, he shows, occurs in the romances 
of Tristan, Perceval, and the Morte d' Arthur, besides many others. 

The closest resemblance to the ancient Egyptian tale is found in 
one of the Servian stories, f A fisherman has two boys, twins, and 
one of them, when on the point of starting on his adventures, after 
taking leave of his father, turns to his brother, and presents him 
with a flask full of water which he is always to have with him, and 
when he perceives that the water becomes troubled, death will have 
befallen the speaker. J 

It is unnecessary to cite other parallels. It is perfectly true that 
every incident in the Tale of the Two Brothers has its parallels in 
one or more of the popular tales current at the present day in Europe 
or Asia, and such is undoubtedly, the case with the tales published 
by Spitta Bey and by M. Dulac. But it is not true that any of the 
modern Egyptian tales or any portion of them can be traced to an 

* Essays on Saiish-it Literature, Vol. I, p. 218. 

t Karadschitcsh, p. 175. 

J M. Cosquin quotes an old French romance, Histoirc cT Olivier de Castille 
et d'Artus d'Almrhe, son loyal compagnon. When forced to leave his country, 
Olivier sends his friend a phial with the following note : " Mon frere pour ce que 
je ne scay quand je vous reverrai, je vous laisse cette petite fiole de voirre, laquelle 
est pleine d'eaux clere, comme vous pourrez voir. Si vous pric qu'elle soit tous 
les jours regardee de vous une fois pour I'amour de moi. Car se j'ai aucune 
mauvaise adventure, cette eaux qui dedans est se changera et dcviendra couleur 
noire, qui sera signe de mon despjaisir," &c. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

ancient Egyptian origin. Ancient and modern Egypt have here 
nothing in common except something which is not specially Egyp- 
tian. I can find nothing in Spitta's tales which is not to be traced 
to stories actually current in Mohammedan lands — Arabia, Persia, 
and Hindostan. And the evidence of actual borrowing could, if it 
were worth the while, be easily furnished. 

This, however, does not solve the question which is often asked, 
how the coincidences which are found between the popular tales of 
the most distant countries are to be accounted for. 

I do not believe that the direct solution of the problem is at 
present possible, but certain considerations may be borne in mind 
which may prevent us from accepting explanations which are un- 
questionably erroneous. These considerations are familiar to all 
who are engaged in historical research. 

In what do the coincidences consist ? Sometimes a story told in 
one country is identical in all essential points with a story told else- 
where. But in the great majority of cases the coincidences are 
limited to one or two striking incidents, and even here the identity 
is formal rather than material. We recognise the same actors under 
great differences of costume and scenery. The fisherman or peasant 
in one story is king or wezir in another. And the combinations in 
which these personages play a part are innumerable. One story is 
often really made out of incidents borrowed from ever so many 

While scientific analysis discovers the separate elements out of 
which the popular tales are compounded, historical evidence tells 
of the actual transmission of a large number of them. Sanskrit 
fables were brought from India to the Persian court of Khosru 
Nushirwan in the sixth century. These fables were first translated 
into Pahlavi, and afterwards into Arabic, Greek, Persian, Hebrew, 
and Latin, and translations of them into the popular languages of 
Europe were extremely popular in the sixteenth century. 

But besides the actual historical evidence of transmission, there 
is often internal evidence which is not less cogent. The fables of 
Phsedrus are centuries older than the time of Khosru, and yet are 
identical with Eastern fables. The eastern and western fables are 
not independent creations. There has certainly been transmission 
though we have no historical account of it. When we find the fable 
of The Head and Members in an Egyptian document anterior to the 
time of King Solomon, we may wonder how it came to the Romans 



and was ascribed to Menenius Agrippa. But the fable was not 
twice invented, though it may have been repeated in ever so many 

It is a most unwarrantable thing to assume tacitly, as is often 
done, that these popular tales are all of extreme antiquity. Some of 
them are demonstrably ancient, but most of them may be only one 
or two hundred years old, or at all events of so recent a date that 
their transmission from one country to another is easily explained by 
the intercourse between all nations since the time of the Crusades. 
A popular tale, or those portions of it which excite most interest, 
will travel with speed to the farthest limits of its own country, and 
every country borders upon some other country. Those who live 
on the two sides of the border, even when most hostile to each 
other, are in constant communication, and are just the people who 
enjoy popular tales. 

But, besides this, three well authenticated means of transmission 
are known to us. The missionaries of Buddhism have carried 
Indian stories over a great part of x-lsia. " The legends and fables " 
we are told, " which the late Professor Schiefner has translated from 
the Kah-gyur are merely Tibetan versions of Sanskrit writings." * 
The migrations of Jews have for ages carried nursery tales from 
country to country. And in every part of Europe gypsies have for 
centuries been actively engaged in propagating folk-lore. It is 
evident, therefore, that all speculations on the origin of popular tales 
which take no account of these means of transmission must be 
hopelessly unscientific. 

The stories which are common to many countries are not Ger- 
manic or even Indo-Germanic. Every race no doubt had its own 
stories, and the ancient Indo-European family had stories of its own. 
But so had other families, and the stories of the different families 
have been interchanged to such an extent that it is impossible, 
without the aid of a critical apparatus, which has not yet been dis- 
covered, to assign to each slory its own origin and date. The local 
colouring is absolutely delusive. The gods of paganism, the saints 
of Christendom, the Rakshasas, the Afrites, J inns and Ghouls, the 
giants and ogres are in these tales nothing more than dramatic 
costume. Before these can be cited in evidence, the exact chro- 

* Mr. Ralston's Introduction (p. viii) to Tibetan Tales, translated from the 
Tibetan of the Kah-gyiir by Y. Anton von Schiefner. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [i88g. 

nology of certain stories in comparison with all their rivals must be 
rigorously determined. And those who, before this necessary feat of 
criticism is performed, would draw inferences about the primitive 
notions of individual races or mankind in general, would be victims 
of their own credulity. 

To confound Folk-lore with Mythology in the sense which that 
word has had since K. O. Miiller attempted to draw up a scientific 
theory of it, is nearly as ridiculous as the attempt to derive Religion 
from Mythology — sunbeams from cucumbers. That popular tales 
have often made use of materials derived from ]\Iythology or 
Religion is most certain, but these materials have, through the pro- 
cess to which they have been subjected, become entirely divested 
of all mythological or religious significance. And those who imagine 
that their knowledge of Folk-lore entitles them to give authoritative 
opinions about either Mythology or Religion are ludicrously mis- 

[It was not till the above paper was completed, that I saw two 
important and excellent articles, one by the late Dr. Mannhardt, Das 
dltiste Mdrchen (the Tale of the Two Brothers), in the Zeitschrift fiir 
deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde of 1S59, and the other Un 
Problhne Historiqtie in the Retnie des Questions Hisioriques of 1877, 
.by M. Emmanuel Cosquin. I ought to have known the latter, 
because it is referred to and quoted in the introductions to M. 
Maspero's Contes Egyptiens. But if I had seen it sooner I should 
hardly have thought of writing my own paper. I have quoted it in 
one of my notes.] 

Remarks were added by Rev. J as. Marshall, Dr. Gaster, 
Rev. C. J. Ball, Mr. Walter Morrison, M.P., and I\Ir. Imbcr. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 



Par G. Maspero. 

Une des tombes de la Vallee des Reines a Thebes, decrite 
par ChampoUion,* appartient a une reine ^ y^ Sitra, dont la 
place et I'age n"ont pas encore ete determinees de fa^on certaine. 
Champollionf et Rosellini,^ qui lisaient son nom Tsire, la don- 
naient pour femme a Seti i^"^, avec cette difference que Champollion 
voyait en elle la plus ancienne en date des epouses de ce 
Pharaon, tandis que Rosellini preferait reconnaitre la plus recente. 
Les Egyptologues de la seconde generation accepterent d'abord 
I'opinion de Champollion, § sauf Lesueur, qui declara que Sitra 
etait la mere de Se'ti i"', par consequent la femme de Ramses i" ; || 
ils la rejeterent plus tard, sans que j'aie pu en savoir les raisons, 
et Lepsius classa le cartouche de Sitra parmi les incertains de 
la XX^ dynastie.^ Depuis lors la question n'a jamais ete traite'e, 
et les historiens de I'Egypte ou n'ont point meme nomme la reine, 
comme Brugsch,** ou, comme Wiedemann, evitent de la' 

Les textes relatifs a Sitra se rencontrent : 1°, dans son tombeau 
au Bab el-Harim ; 2°, dans le tombeau de Seti i'"'' au Bab el-Molouk; 
3°, dans le temple de Seti i'"' a Abydos. 

1° Dans son tombeau elle prend les titres de I o V\ "^r=f a 
(IM]. —Oe n^^^e de .o, da, J <,es ae^p^ 

* Champollion, Notices, T. I, p. 394 — 395, ou elle porte le No. 70. 

t ChampoUion-Figeac, L Egypte Ancicnue, p. 328/;, qui, la comme partout 
a reproduit les notes manuscrites de son frere. 

X Rosellini, Monumeiiti Storici, T. I, p. 250—251. 

§ Ainsi, Lepsius, Notice sur deux statues egyptiennes rcprescntant Fuiie la mere 
dii roi Ramsh-Sesostris, Paiitre le roi Amasis (Extrait des Atmales de riiistitut 
Archeologique), Rome, 1838, p. 5 ; Osburn, The Alonumental History of Egypt, 
T. II, p. 426. 

II Lesueur, Chronologie des Rois d'Egypte, p. 166. 

^ Lepsius, Konigsbuch, pi. XLi, No. 528. 

** Brugsch, Geschichte Aegyptens, p. 469, ne donne que TouiA pour femme 
k Seti I". 

tt Wiedemann, Aegyptische Geschichte, jx 525, note 14. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

^_o I ^ ^v\ Q ( c, 5^^ ^ \ " Mere de dieu, dame des deux 

" femme de roi, femme de dieu, grande mere de dieu, dame des deux 
pays, regente du midi et du nord," f I ^^ ] ^ I \\ ^ X ^ 

'W Oofio^-ofc* 5^ P^ \ " femme de roi, femme de dieu, 

mere de dieu, dame des deux pays, regente du Sud et du Nord, 
dame de grace, douce en amour, Sitra." J Le reste des legendes 
se rapporte a des representations religieuses sans interet pour la 
question qui nous occupe. Aucun indice ne nous permet de 
conjecturer de quel roi Sitra etait la mere, duquel elle etait la 
femme. Toutefois le dessin des figures, le contour des hieroglyph es, 
les details techniques de la decoration rappellent invinciblemcnt 
ce qu'on voit au tombeau de Seti !•"■, et nous obligent a placer 
le creusement de I'hypoge'e sous le regne de ce Pharaon. Sitra 
n'est done pas, comme le veulent Lepsius et ceux des Egyptologues 
qui ont adopte son opinion, contemporaine de la XX"^ dynastie : 
elle appartient aux premiers regnes de la XIX'^, comme I'avaient 
pense ChampoUion et Rosellini. 

2". Elle n'est mentionnee qu'une fois au tombeau de Seti i", 
mais longuement. C'est au milieu du Zwre de VOuverture de la 
Bouche, sur la parol de droite du quatrieme couloir descendant : 
apres une ligne qui renferme le protocole de Seti i'''', on en rencontre 
trois qui sont consacrees entierement a notre reine. Elles ont 
ete publie'es trois fois a ma connaissance, par ChampoUion, § par 
Schiaparelli d'apres les manuscrits de Rosellini,|| par Lefe'bure. % 

* ChampoUion, Notices, T. I, p. 394. 

t Rosellini, Mominienti Stofici, T. I, pi. IX, No. m, 

X Lepsius, Konigslnich, pi. XLi, No. 528. 

§ ChampoUion, Notices, T. I, p. 791. 

II Schiaparelli, II libra del Funerali, Tavole III, pi. LXiil, p. 6 — 8. 

1" Lefebure, Le Tombeau de Siti ler, dans les Me/mires de la Mission du Caire, 
T. II, 32 partie, pi. xi, 1. 17S— iSo. 

191 Q 

ApRfL 2] 



A,-^ ra 
^ III <= 

1 1 1 

D c^ 


Q Q 



I n A D-^ 

^ Y> o fl 3. n o "^ 

^w i\\ 


^ [ I I I o ^ Jf — ' 

" La princesse la plus favorisee, la favorite de VHorou maltre du 
palais, — qui est la sultane parfaite en ses membres comme ce qu'Isis 
a cree, — qui, lorsqu'on la voit est adoree comme la Majeste de la 
Dame du Ciel,:f — cadeau que la deesse Mait fait tout le long du jour 
a X Horou taiiremi rohuste § — elleque \3.AIere divitie a enfantee a I'image 
de sa grace, et derriere qui elle a mis ses deux bras en protection || 
pour proteger sa figure chaque jour, — a qui on fait tout ce qu'elle 
dit, — la grande epouse du roi qui I'aime Sitra, cherie d'Isis, dame 
du ciel, regente des deux terres, vivante, rajeunissante, saine a tou- 
jours et a jamais." On comprend maintenant pourquoi Champollion 
et Rosellini faisaient de Sitra une femnie de Seti I". Sans examiner 
encore s'ils ont eu raison sur ce point spe^cial, on voit qu'en tout cas 

* L'hieroglyphe de la femme devrait porter rurreus au font et etre coiffe du 
vautour aux ailes retombantes. 

t Ce texte est public ici d'apres une copie que j 'en ai faite. 

X Litt. : " Elle a ete vue, adorations comme a la Majeste de la Dame du 
Ciel," Isis. 

§ U Horou taureaii robiiste est, comme plus haut, X IIoi-ou tnaitre du palais, 
une periphrase officielle designant le Pharaon. 

|| Allusion aux tableaux oil Ton voit Isis ou une autre divinite, placee derriere 
un roi ou une reine, et I'envfloiipant de ses bras ailes ou lui imposant les mains 
sur la nuque pour lui transmettre le sa, Ic fluide divin. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Lepsius a eu tort de placer notre reine parmi les incertains de la XX^ 
dynasties, et qu'il aurait mieux fait de la laisser au temps de Seti I", 
meme s'il n'admettait pas comme ses predecesseurs qu'elle eut ete 
una des epouses de ce Pharaon. 

2°. Un grand tableau de la Salle du Roi a Abydos, decouvert et 
public par Mariette,* nous montre le dieu Thot et le pretre Anou- 
luoutif, presentant une offrande a Seti divinise. La barque sacree 
est dans un naos richement decore et au-dessous d'elle, trois statues 
en pied representent une sorte de triade formee de | T 

Tg"^^^! Seti 1% de T T ^~^ (o^^^^j Ramses I^r 
debout, tenant la 'grande canne a la main gauche, et un encensoir 
fumant a la main droite, enfin de I ^ f O ^^ ^ 1 T" ll " I'epouse 

royale Sitra vivante," la double uraeus au front, les deux plumes sur 
la tete, une grande fleur a la main droite, le signe de vie a la main 
gauche. La position qu'elle occupe ici derriere Ramses P'' favori- 
;erait I'opinion de Lesueur, d'apres laquelle elle serait la femme de 
ce prince et la m^re de Seti I''''. 

Tels sont les documents; quelle conclusion faut-il en tirer? Un 
point est certain tout d'abord : les premiers Egyptologues, Champol- 
lion et Rosellini, avaient raison de faire Sitra contemporaine de 
Seti I", et nous devons refonner sans crainte le jugement de Lepsius 
sur ce point. Mais doit-on penser comme eux qu'elle etait la femme 
de Seti, ou, comme Lesueur, qu'elle etait sa mere? Les temies 
meme qu'emploie I'inscription du Bab el-Molouk et la facon dont elle 
est conyue me paraissent mettre hors de doute qu'elle etait la femme 
et non la mere. Son protocole y est pre'cede de celui de S^ti : c'est 
done a Seti que se rapportent les expressions Horoii ma'itre du 
palais, Horou taureaic robuste, et, le titre de I ^ "^=5 ^ " la 
grande epouse de roi qui I'aime " nous montre le lien qui unissait 
Sitra a Seti P"". Les arguments qu'on pourrait tirer de I'epithete 
de mere de roi, que Sitra prend dans son propre tombeau, contre 
cette maniere d'envisager son role, ne sauraient prevaloir contre le 
temoignage du texte du Bab el-Moulouk. Nous savons par des 
exemples certains que les princesses de sang royal et les reines 
recevaient souvent d^s leur naissance, un protocole complet, ou le 
titre de Royale mere, mire de roi, figurait a cote de ccux do Royale 

* Mariette, Abydos, T. I, pi. xxxii. 

i93 Q 2 


fille et de Royale ep07ise : ainsi la petite Moutemhit, fille de Makeri, 
qui vecut quelques jours au plus, si elle vecut, est appelee sur son 

cercueil 1^'^^^S^l^f^SS" ^^""^ 
cherie de dieu, fille legitime du roi, grande dpouse de roi, dame des 
deux pays." * De ce que Sitra est mere de roi il ne resulte pas 
necessairement qu'elle ait eu un fils roi, ce qui nous obligerait a 
I'attribuer pour femme a Ramses P"" et pour mbre a Seti P : nous 
devons seulement en conclure qu'elle eut le protocole complet des 
reines egyptiennes, quand meme tous les termes de ce protocole 
n'etaient pas rigoureusement exacts sur certains points en ce qui la 

Son origine est inconnue : pourtant, comme elle n'est appelee nulle 
part dans son tombeau \ ^^ , fille de roi, je pense qu'elle n'appar- 
tenait pas directement a la famille royale. Son role a la cour pha- 
raonique parait avoir ete important, car elle est seule mentionn^e au 
Bab el-Molouk et a Abydos a cote de Seti I^'', et son tombeau aurait 
ete fort bon si I'on eiit pris la peine de I'achever.f Je ne saurais 
dire quelle position elle avait vis-a-vis de sa compagne ^ _^ ij ^ 
Tou'iA, qui partageait avec elle la faveur du Pharaon. Touia etait 
deja mariee a Seti avant que Seti fiit roi : son fils Ramses II figure 
en effet comme combattant dans une campagne de son pbre contre 
les Tahennou, ce qui lui suppose deja un certain age.J Touia 
survecut a Seti, et on la trouve regente pendant les guerres de 
Ramses II contre les Khiti. D'autre part, Sitra est seule nommee 
au Bab el-Molouk et seule figuree a Abydos, c'est-a-dire, dans des 
ouvrages qui datent de la seconde partie du regne de Seti i" 
J'inclinerai done a penser, comme Rosellini, qu'elle devint reine 
apres Touia : elle fut la favorite du roi pendant I'age mur ou la 
vieillesse, et mourut probablement avant son mari, sans laisser de 
posterite connue. 

Paris, le 20 Mars, 1889. 

* Maspero, Les Monties Royalcs de Dcir el-Bahari, dans les Memoires de la 
Mission Fran^aise, T. I, p. 377. 

t Champollion, Notices, T. I, p. 394, avait remarque deja le soin avec lequel 
un artiste habile a corrige i I'encre rouge I'esfiuisse des scenes qui le couvraient : 
malheureusement la salle du Sarcophage a ete a peine ebauchee. 

X Champollion, Monuments, pi. ccxcvii, No. 2 ; Rosellini, Mon. Stor., 
pl- 54- 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

By Rev. C. J. Ball. 

X. — The Cylinder A.H. 82-7-14, 1042, British Museum. 

The cylinder-inscription here transcribed and translated was 
published in the Proceedings of May, 1888 (eight plates). The 
cylinder itself has been put together from fragments, but it has not 
been difficult to fill up the numerous gaps by reference especially 
to that numbered 68-7-9, ^ (= 5 R 34)) ^^i*^^ which it largely 
coincides, the cylinders marked 82-7-14,817, etc., and a cylinder 
whose readings I have registered below, so far as I succeeded in 
ascertaining them. The following is a table of parallel passages : — 

68-7-9. I- 

A.H. 82 

;-7-i4, 1042, 

Col. I, I — 3 










loa, \\a. 









21 — 26. 

46-11, 7 



11, 8— II 





54—11, 8a. 





12 — 27 


















47-III, 4 



I — II. 

III, 5-8 




The greater part of the third columns of both cylinders (III, 
5-37; III, 12-49) is concerned with the restoration of temples of 
the goddess Ninkarraka (Gula) ; in the one case, that called Ehar- 
sagella, 'the house of the bright mountain,' at Babylon, in the 



other, EuUa, ' the house of rejoicing,' at Sepharvaim. Though a 
few customary phrases are common to both, these two accounts are 
in the main quite different. Col. I, 4-9, Col. II, 41-58, and, above 
all, the important passage, Col. 11, 19-24, are peculiar to Cylinder 
A.H. 82-7-14, 1042. The variations in the concluding prayers do 
not call for special notice. 

Last autumn I had an opportunity of partially collating a fine 
cylinder of the same class, but in much better preservation. It was 
afterwards purchased for America. I give the various readings and 
peculiar passages, so far as I was allowed to ascertain them. 

Column I. 

1. tin-tir-ki. 

2. mi-gir. 

3. is-sak-ku ; na-ram dingir aka. 

4. ri-e-a-um ; {J ^y ; u-ru-"^! ; su-lum ; D. utuki ^ D. mermeri. 

6. ir-si it-pi-su. 

7. e-mu-Jpy ; sag-ga-bu-ru ; ^j^ 1^. t]. 

8. ta-sim-tu (^J). 

9- i^H^ "4*^1 ^>^ '^ ^ "^LI It "^T mus-te-'-u as-ra-a-tu ; 
^^T K^K^I = D. is-tar, 85, 4-30, I, Col. I, 19; a.h. 82-7-14, 
1042, Col. I, 9; (f. E.I.H. I, 50 ; V, 47, 55 ; III, 46. 

1 1, y a-na d. marduk en ra-ba-a D. en-lil "-f «-{ >^ Wl^ '^'"'^1^ 

12. < v^y ^-y-y gy :^} ^-. 

15- v, ^>-'m> < for i^m- 

16. za-na-a-jn^. 

17. ba-^I^ty-il i-gi-'+y-e gal-y^v^ 

1 8. na-a-du mus-te-y>- ^] i-tu-ut ku-un lib-bi dingir dingir gal gal. 

* * * * 

45- ^^T ^-I-T- sa-ha-ri-^][ . 

46. 2f^y **-] •"^'^ "^y*^ for e-kis-nu-gal, an important variant. 

48. /3^m kiwiariki omitted. 

50. tu-ub-ga-at bada. 

51. tin-tir-ki ab-ni-ma. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

After Col. I, 52, follows : 

a-na ma-ag-^ar-tim tin-tir-ki du-un-nu-nim 
sa ma-na-ma sar mah-ri la i-pu-su 
IV, M. u ga-ga-ri i-ta-at eri ki 
etc. etc. 

a passage corresponding to Col. II, 25 sqq. of our cylinder. For the 
strange u-sa-ar-'-im-ma of II, 23, the American cylinder has the usual 
usarsid (u-sar-sid-ma). 

In the next line ri-e-si-i'w hu-][f'^y-sa-<^^. 

Our II, 29 appears as tin-tir-ki u-sal-mu. In 30 we have hi-ri-/V- 

su su-bu-ul; 31, ki-bi-^r-su • . ^ •^ z.-gur-ru ; 32, ka-/7-ri ; 

33, k\i-\i]i-ru ^ di-gur-ru; and in 34, ab-nim. Then follows the 

important passage : 

a-na ni-c^ir-tim e-sag-illa u (^) tin-tir-ki 
la na-as-ku-un na-ba-lum ki-ri-ib id ut-kip-nun-ki 
ha-al-gu ra-bi-ti i-na id (fj >-]H) ^"'^^ ku-up-ri 
^ a-gur-ru u-se-bi-is i-si-id-su ap-sa-a 

etc. as in our cylinder, Col. II. 19 — 24; cf. Cylinder 85, 4-30, i, 

Col. Ill, 17 sqq. {Proceedings, March, 1S89) ; Bab. II, 15, sqq. 

For Col. II, 35 — 58, I noted the following variants : — 

35. tabi-su-/^z/r-su . . . ^J^ ^T^-ki. 

36. e-bu-us. 

3 7 . ka-«-r/ .... a.-gur-icu. 

38. ERI KI a-na ki-da->^. So also 58 in/ra. 

39. ka-ak-ku. 

40. e-es-sis e-l>u-us. 

41. nin-kar-ra-ak-a for gu-la (the goddess of Nisin or Karrak). 

42. na-bis-ti. 

43. E-sii for E-sa ; bar-sib {iiit supra) ; Q-bu-xis. 

44. nin-kar-ra-ak-a for gu-la ; ru-ba-a-rt/ (^n-ir-Zm. 

45. xnu-sar-h^.-a-Xi (note the long vowel of the participle fcni. 
of the weak verb n'S)- 

47. E-sii for E-sa ; e-l>u-us. 

48. Ninkarraka for Quia, as before ; ra-^-ti. 

49. mu^rt/-li-ta-at na-^/i-ti. 

51. e-zi-ba-ti written twice by inadvertence; E-su again; e-/'//-us. 



54. u ^y ^y ^y ^y4 ^ M <51 ^^"''^'^ labirimma, etc. 

56. ka-a-ri. 

57. i-na ku-up-ri ^y*-^ a-gur-ru. 

58. eri ki . . . ki-da-;/«. 

From this point the American cylinder continues thus : — 

* * * ■)(■ * * * yy ^^ 

T^f <r- H ^ir j^T -ihl IT- 
^14 ?? ^? -TH ^r? 
-ly -iu ^- ^ <^^ ^T? E^ ^ >:cL^ ^^ « 

Column III. 

- "^ m ^w --^ ^IFI IT- 

^y ^yy ^ A sa ^ii T? ^ 
^? <« <T- :<rT J4:? Sf ^T 

:t^T 4 -iU ^T -T 4 ^T4 4 ^? m ^ 
5 :^T <^T-^ -IT ^T -T tMil ^TT? -iU -^T^T^: T? 

^T 'm -TT^ .4 :ffT -T ^^>fe T? tIT ^^^^ ^ 

%]^ >^TT :By g^ 4^ 

:^y ^ jr;^^y h .4 ;^y h hi 

lo ^y4 * — ^ jpy 

j^y <y^ ^y, ^y :^y h ^^ c: H<T 

^T^ <:^ "^T^T ^ 

-?? ^T :?^T 

-T ^ 



. a-na 

D. nin-ki-gal ru-ba-a-at gi-ir-tim 

a-si-ba-at e-uru-gal 

sa za-e-ri-ia 

la ra-'-i-mi-ia i-di-iq-qu-u 

Column III. 

bi-i-di-ia es-uru-gal 
e-su i-na gu-du-a-ki 
e-es-si-is e-pu-us 
e-babbar-ra e d. utu sa ut-kip-nun-ki 

April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

5 e-ul-la e d. nin-kar-ra-ak-a 
sa ut-kip-nun-ki 
e-ku-gi-na e d. gis-a-tu-gab-li§ 
sa eri ba-az-ki 
e-i-de-an-na e d. uras 
10 sa dil-bad-ki 

e-igi-kalam-ma e D. lugal amar-da 

sa amar-da-ki 

etc. etc. (compare Col. II, 59 sqq.). 

" For Ninkigal, the exalted lady, that inhabiteth Eurugal, who 
crusheth (pp"T see 2 R 36, No. 2, Obv. a.b.) my enemies that love 
me not, my Fear ("TllS ? compare the proper name Yahu-bi'di) ; 
Esurugal, her house m Gudlia, anew I made," etc. 

In the line answering to II, 65 of our cylinder, the American 
cylinder repeats e-gis-sir-gal for e-kis-nu-gal ; in the next line it has 
-tim for -//, repeats dingir as before (>->-y *->^ |y>- 11"^)) ^^e usual 
expression being simply dingir-gal-gal, and ends with Q-bu-v&-»ia. 
At the end of the following line it has si-bi-dfr-si-in ; in the next, 
.-.-y .->-y ||.- |y>- y^ y^ (a-sib), and at the end -si-in. The line 
answering to II, 69 has ^ ri-sa-a-^^ ; and the next has kirba-su-un 
(for -si-in) and u-sar-n\di-a.. After our II, 71, the following passage 
occurs : — 

-T -T %y %^- 2< ^ 3TT 
-y^y;: -^ ^y c^-yy ^yy-<y ^ tM IH 

i^ ^} -r -gn ^ >^ ^ iru 
- vj V, m -T >-4 t^ ^n 

^4 -iU -T4 #n ^ -<M ^T? T? ^4 "^T ^} 
^y ^y;:y :^^m <Mir ^^ 4f^ ^rt 

^T 3T ^IT ^il -ill <^^ ^T 5.?? 
t^ ^^ SrTT^ ^^T ^t >^r >^^ TT JL.^ -^> 

^T ^i ^ ^ -^> ^w^ T«« 5^ -^y^i £i ^ -^> 



dimmer-dimmer gal-gal ha-di-is 


i-kar-ra-bu a-na sar-ru-ti-ia 

D. aka-ku-du-ur-ri-u-^u-ur 

lugal ka-dimmer-ra-ki mu-ti-ib 

lib-bi D. marduk be-ili-ia mus-te-'-u 

as-ra-a-at D. na-bi-um 

na-ra-am sar-ru-ti-ia a-na-ku-ma 

e-sag-illa u e-zi-da 

ad-ma-num be-lu-ti-su-un 

su-ba-at na-ra-mi-su-un 

i-na guskin kubabbar na-na ni-si-iq-tim 

su-ku-ru-u-tim erin-me§ pa-ak-lu-u-tim 

"The great gods will joyfully regard me and draw nigh to my 
majesty. Nebuchadrezzar the king of Babylon, the gladdener of 
the heart of Merodach my lord, the seeker of the (holy) places of 
Nebo, the darling of my majesty, am I. Esagilla and Ezida, the 
dwelling of their lordship^ the abode of their delight, with gold, 
silver, stones of brilliancy, precious, huge cedars," etc. 

At this point my examination of the American cylinder was 
interrupted, to my keen regret. I had, however, proceeded far 
enough to secure many valuable illustrations of the two cylinders 
dealt with in the Proceedings of May, 1888. 

Col. I. 

D. na-bi-um-ku-du-ur-ri-u-^u-ur lugal ka-dimmer-ra-ki 
ru-ba-a-am na-a-dam mi-gi-ir d. (marduk) 
pa-te-si gi-i-ri na-ra-am d. na-bi-um 

sib ki-i-num ga-bi-it u-ru-uh su-ul-mu sa d. utu u(d.) mermeri 
5 e-ir-su it-pi-(e)-su 

sa a-na e-mu-qu D. ur-ra sa-ga-bu-ru ba-sa-a u-zu-na-su 
mu-di-e ta-si-im-ti 

mu-us-te-'u a-as-ra-a-ti d. za-ga-ga u d. is-tar 
a-as-ru sa-(an)-ga 

10 sa a-na d. marduk en ra-bi-u d. en-lil (dimmer dimmer mu-sar- 
bu)-u sar-ru-ti-su 
u D. na-bi-um su-ka-al-lam gi-i-ri 
mu-sa-ri-ku u-um (ba-la-t:i)-su 

ki-it-nu-su-ma ib-bu-su ri-e-(su-su)-un 
ne-eri la a-ne-ha za-ni-in e-sag-illa u ezi-(da) 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

15 i-da-an za-na-a-tim 

ba-bi-il i-gi-si-e gal-gal a-na e-sag-ilk 

na-a-dam mu-us-te-mi-qu i-tu-ti ku-un libbi dimmer gal-gal 

tig-gal-lum ga-ar-dam mu-ba-ak-ki-ir ga-ar-ba-a-tim 

ik-ka-ri ba-ab-bi-i-lu mu-da(m)-ah-hi-id e-es-ri-e-tim 
20 mu-ki-in sa-at-tu-uk-ku 

ibila sag-kala (sa d. aka-ib)ila-u-9U-ur lugal tin-tir-ki a-na-ku 

i-nu-um d. marduk en ra-bi-u ki-ni-is ib-ba-an-ni-ma 

ma-da su-te-su-ru ni-sim ri-e-a-am 

za-na-nam ma-ha-zi ud-du-su e-es-ri-e-tim 
25 ra-bi-is u-me-'-ir-an-ni 

a-na-ku a-na d. marduk en-ia pa-al-hi-is u-ta-qu 

i-na e-sag-illa ki-iz-zi ra-as-bu 

e-gal sa-mi-e u ir-zi-tim ad-ma-nim sar-ru-tim 

e-ku-a pa-pa-ha d. en-lil dimmer dimmer (d. marduk) 
30 ka hi-li-sud su-ba-at D. (zir-pa-ni-tum) 

e-zi-da sa e-sag-illa pa-pa-ha d. (na-bi-um) 

guskin na-am-ra u-(sa-al-bi-is)-su 

u-na-am-mi-ir ki-ma u-um 

e-temen-ana-ki zi-ku-ra-at ba-(bi)-lam-ki 
35 e-es-si-is e-pu-us 

e-zi-da e ki-i-num na-ra-am d. na-bi-um 

i-na ba-ar-zi-pa e-es-si-is ab-ni-ma 

i-na guskm u ne-si-ik-tim na-na 

ki-ma si-de-er-ti sa-ma-mi u-ba-an-nim 
40 gis-erin gis-erin da-Ium-tim guskin u-sa-al-bi-is-ma 

a-na zu-lu-ul e-mah-ti-la pa-pa-ha (d. aka) 

pa-nim se-lal-ti-su-nu u-sa-at-ri-ig 

e-mah e d. nin-mah lib-ba ka-dimmer-ra-ki 

e-gis-sa-pa-kala-ma-sim-ma e D. na-bi-um sa-ha-ri-ri 
45 e-kis-nu-gal e d. en-zu 

e-(l)ar)-sag-el-la e d. nin-kar-ra-ak-(a) 

e-(nam)-he e d. ni lib-ba ku-ma-ri-ki 

e-sa-kud-kalama e d. utu 

e-ki-ku-kus e d. nin-e-an-na tu-ub-(ga-at bada) 
50 i-na ba-bi-lam-ki e-es-si-i§ (ab-ni-ma) 

u-ul-la-a ri-e-sa-si-in 

dimmer-gal-gal a-si-ib ki-ri-ib-bi-§i-na 

u-sa-ar-ma-a ki-ri-ib-§i-in 

ba-bi-lam-ki ma-ha-zi en ra-bi-im d. marduk 



55 eri ta-na-da-a-tu-su 

im-gu-ur-D. en-lil u ni-mi-it-ti-D. en-lil 

bada-bada-su gal-gal u-sa-ak-li-il 

i-na (zag-gab) ka-gal-ka-gal-su 

ama-ama urudu e-iq-du-tim u gir-rus-gir-rus (se-zu-zu-tim) 
60 ab-ni-ma us-zi-(iz-ma) 

sa sar ma-ah-ri-im la i-pu-us 

ka-ar hi-ri-ti-su i-na ku-up-ri u a-gu-ur-ri 

a-ti si-ni-su a-ba-am a-li-tu eri u-sa-al-am 

ia-ti ka-ar da-lum-a-ti se-la-si-su 

Nebuchadrezzar, king of Babylon, 
The exalted prince, the favourite of Merodach, 
The pontiff supreme, the beloved of Nebo, 

The righteous shepherd, that taketh the path of the peace of 
Shamash and Rimmon, 
5 The wise, the prudent, 

Whose ears 7vere toivard the wisdom of the god Nergal the leader. 
The k?iowing in counsel. 

That seeketh unto the places of Zagaga and Is tar. 
The hu?nble, the obediefit, 
I o Who to Merodach the great lord, the lord of the gods that enlargeth 
his kingdom, 
And Nebo, the lofty fnessenger. 
That prolongeth the days of his life. 
Submitted himself, and (whom) they summoned to their chief- 

taitiship ; 
The ruler unresting, the replenisher of Esagilla afid Ezida, 
15 The wise in adornmetits. 

The bringer of great presents to Esagilla, 

The exalted, the supplicating, the called of the true-heartedness 

of the great gods, 
The leader, the strong, that carethfor the offeritigs. 
The gardener of Babylon, that abicndantly supplieth the temples, 
20 That establisheth the regular oblation, 

The foremost son of Nabopalassar, king of Babylon, am /. 
When Merodach, the great lord, had faithfully called me, and 
The country to order aright, the people to shepherd. 
To complete the towns, to renew the temples, 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

25 Had niiglitily charged me ; 

J to Merodach my lord was reverently obedient^ 

In Esagilla, the vast haram, 

The palace of heaven and earth, the abode of majesty, 

Ekua, the sanctum of the lord of the gods, Merodach, 
30 Ka-hilisu, the dwelling of Zirpanit, 

Ezida of Esagilla, the sanctum of Neb 0, 

With shining gold I overlaid it ; 

1 77iade it shine like day. 

Etenujianaki, the tower of Babylon, 
35 Aneiv I made. 

Ezida, " the Eternal Jloiese," the beloved of Nebo, 

In Borsippa anetv I built, and 

With gold and brilliaftcy of stones 

Like the host of heaven I made bright 
40 Huge cedars ivith gold I overlaid, and 

For the roofing of Emahtila the sancttim of Nebo 

The face of three of them I laid on. 

Email the house of Nin-mah within Kadimmerra, 

Egissapakalamasiina the house of Nebo of Shachariru, 
45 Ekisnugal the house of Sin, 

Eharsagella the house of Ninkarraka, 

Enamhe the house of Rimmon within Ku7nari, 

Esakudkalania the house of Shamash, 

Ekikukus the house of Nitiea)ina in the region of the wall, 
50 In Babylon anew I built, and 

Reared their heads. 

The great gods that dtvell ivithin thejn 

I settled withiri them. 

As for Babylon, the towti of the great lord Merodach^ 
55 The city of his glories, 

Imgurbel and Nimittibel 

Its great walls I finished. 

On the thresholds of its great gates 

Massy bulls of bronze, and huge serpents mighty, 
60 / built and set up. And 

What no former king had done, 

The jualls of its moat in bitumen and burnt brick. 
With the ttvain of them which the father that begot {me) had 
throwfi around the city, — 

/ the huge walls, the third of them, 



Column II. 
is-te-e(n)-i-ti sa-ni-i 

i-na esir-e-a u seg-al-ur-ra ab-ni-ma 
it-ti ka-ar a-ba-am iq-zu-ru e-(si-ni-i)q-ma 
i-si-su i-na i-ra-at ki-gal-l(um u-sa-ai"-si)-id-ma 
5 ri-e-si-su sa-da ni-is u-za-ak-(ki)-ir 
ka-ar seg-al-ur-ra bal-ri d. utu-(su)-a 
bada ba-bi-lam-ki u-sa-al-am 

ka-ar a-ra-ah-ti bal-ri d. utu-e 
is-tu ka-gal d. is-tar a-ti ka-gal d. u-ra-as 
10 i-na ku-up-ri u a-gu-ur-ri 
a-ba-am a-li-tu iq-zu-ur-ma 
ma-ka-a-at a-gur-ru a-bar-ti id-ut-kip-nun-ki 
u - ra - ak - ki - is - ma 
la u-sa-ak-li-il si-ta-at-ta-a-tim 
15 ia-ti a-bi-il-su ri-e-es-ta-a na-ra-am li-ib-bi-su 
ka-ar id a-ra-ah-tim 

i-na esir-e-a u seg-al-ur-ra ab-ni-ma 
it-ti ka-ar a-baam iq-zu-ru u-da-an-ni-in 
a-na ma-a^-^a-ar-ti e-sag-illa u ba-bi-lam-ki 
20 la na-as-ku-nu pa-ri-im ki-ri-ib id ut-kip-nun-ki 
ha-al-zi ra-bi-tim i-na id 

i-na esir-e-a u seg-al-ur-ra u-se-bi-is 

i-si-su ap-sa-a u-sa-ar-'-im-ma 
ri-e-si-sa u-za-ak-ki-ir hu-ur-sa-ni-is 
25 sa ma-na-ma sar ma-ah-ri la i-pu-us 
IV, M. u ga-ga-ri i-ta-a-at eri 

ni-si-is la da-hi-e 

bada da-lum bal-ri d. utu-e 
ba-bi-lam-ki u-sa-as-hi-ir 
30 hi-ri-su ah-ri-e-ma (su-pu-ul) me-e ak-su-ud 
ki-bi-ir-su i-na ku-up-ri u a-gu-ur-ri ab-ni-ma 
it-ti ka-ar a-ba-am iq-zu-ru e-si-ni-iq-ma 
bada da-lum i-na ku-up-ri u a-gu-ur-ri 
i-na ki-sa-di-su sa-da-ni-is ab-ni 
35 ta-a-bi-su-bu-ur-su bada ba-ar-zi-pa-ki 
e-es-si-is e-pu-us 

ka-ar hi-ri-ti-su i-na ku-up-ri u a-gu-ur-ru 
eri a-na ki-da-nim u-sa-as-hi-ir 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

(a-na) d. tur-e en mu-sa-ab-bi-ir gis-ku na-ki-ri-ia 
40 e-su i-na bar-sib-ki e-es-si-is e-pu-us 

a-na d. gu-la su-'-e-ti ba-la-tam 

ga-mi-la-at na-bi-is-ti-ia (a)-si-ba-at (e)-ti-la 

e-ti-la e-sa i-na bar-zi-pa-ki (e-es-si-is) e-pu-us 

a-na d. gu-la ru-ba-a-ti (oi)-ir-ti 

45 mu-sa-ar-ba-ti zi-ki-ir sar-(ru)-ti-ia 

a-si-ba-at e-gu-la 

e-gu-la e-sa i-na bar-sib-ki e-es-si-is e-(pu)-us 

a-na D. gu-la be-el-ti ra-bi-(ti) 

mu-ba-al-li-ta-at na-bi-is-ti-(ia) 
50 a-si-ba-at e-zi-ba-ti-(la) 

e-zi-ba-ti-la e-sa i-na bar-sib-ki e-es-si-is (e-pu-us) 

ma-a9-9a-ar-ti e-mis-lam a-na du-un-nu-nim 

i-ga-ar si-hi-ir-ti e-mis-lam 

u e e-su-§a-pa d. istar ki-ma la-bi-ri-im-ma 
55 e-es-si-is e-pu-us 

ka-ar hi-ri-ti gu-du-a-ki 

i-na esir-e-a u seg-al-ur-ra 

eri a-na ki-da-nim u-sa-as-hi-ir 

e-babbar-ra e d. utu sa ut-kip-nun-ki 
60 e-(ku)-gi-na e d. lugal-gis-a-tu-gab-lis sa uru ba-az 

e-(i)-de-D.-a-nim e d. ib sa dil-bat-ki 

(e-igi)-kalam-ma e d. lugal-amar-da sa amar-da-ki 

(e-an-na e D. is-tar) sa unu-ki 

e-babbar-ra e D. utu sa utu-unu-ki 
65 e-kis-nu-gal e d. en-zu sa sis-unu-(ki) 

e-es-ri-e-ti dimmer-gal-gal e-es-si-is e-(pu-us) 

u-sa-ak-li-il si-bi-ir-si-(in) 

dimmer-gal-gal a-si-ib li-ib-bi-si-(na) 

i-na hi-da-a-ti u ri-sa-(a-ti) 
70 ki-ir-ba-si-in u-sa-ar-ma-a 

su-ba-at-su-un ^i-ir-tim 

zi-in-na-a-ti e-sag-illa u e-zi-da 

te-di-is-ti ba-bi-lam-ki u bar-zi-pa-ki 

sa e-li sa ma-ah-ri u-sa-ti-qu-ma 
75 as-ku-nam a-na ri-se-e-tim 

za-na-nam e-es-ri-e-tim dimmer-gal-gal 

sa e-pu-su lugal-lugal ab-bi-e u-sa-ti-ru 

ka-la e-ip-se-e-ti-ia su-ku-ra-a-ti 



The first, the second, 
In bitumen and burnt brick built, and 

With the walls my father had constructed I joined them and 
The foundation of it in the bosom of broad earth I laid, and 
5 The top thereof like the mountains I raised ofi high. 
A wall of burnt brick at the ford of the sunset 
The rampart of Babylon I threT.v arouftd. 
The efnbankments of the A raxes at the ford of the sunrising 
From the great gate of Ishtar unto the gate of Urash 
10 With bitumen and biirtit brick 

The father that begot me had constructed and 
A fence of burnt brick along the bank of the river of Sepharvaim 
Had built ajid 
Not finished the remainder. 
15 I his eldest son, the darling of his heart. 
The scarps of the river Araxes 
In bitumen and burnt brick built and 
With the scarps my father had constructed I strejigthened it. 
For the protection of Esagilla a?id Babylon 
20 That there might not happen a burst in the midst of the river of 
A great barrier in the river 

With bitumen and burnt brick I caused to be made. 
Its fotindation I laid, made firm, and 
Its top I raised high as the wooded hills. 
25 What no former king had done, 

At 4,000 cubits'' distance, that the sides of the city 
From afar might not be approached, 
A huge wall at the ford of the sunrising 
I threiv aroufid Babylon. 
30 Its moat I dug and the bottom of the water I reached ; 
Its bank with bitumen and burnt brick I made, and 
With the scarps my father had constructed I Joined it, and 
A huge wall i?i bitumen and burnt brick 
On the 7ieck of it like the motintains I built. 
35 Tabisubursu the wall of Borsippa 
Ane7zi I made. 

The scarps of its moat in bitumen and burnt brick 
The city for cover I carried round. 


April 2] ' PROCEEDINGS. [1S89. 

For the Divine Son of the house, the Lord that shaitereth the weapon 
40 His house in Borsippa aiiew I made. \of my foe, 

For Gula the Lady of Life, 

That favojireth my soul, that dwelkth in Ftila, 

Etila, her house in Borsippa, aneio L made. 

For Gula, the supreme princess, 
45 That maketh great the name of my majesty., 

That divelleth in Egula, 

Egula, her house in Borsippa, anew I made. 

For Gula, the great lady, 

That qiiickoicth my soul, 
50 That dwelleth in Fzibatila, 

Ezibatila, her house in Borsippa, aneiv L made. 

The defence of Emislam to strengthen, 

The luall of the circumferefice of Emislam, 

And the house Esusapa (?) Lstar like the old one 
55 Anezu I made. 

The scarps of the moat of Gudua 

In bitumen and bm-nt brick 

The city for cover L carried round. 

Ebabbara the house of Shamash of Sepharvaim, 
60 Ekugina the house ofn. Lugal-gis-a-tu-gab-lis of the city Baz, 

E-i-de-Anim, the house ofv). Uras of Dilbat, 

Eigikalamma, the house ofV). Lugal-Amarda of Amarda, 

Eanna, the house of Lstar of Erech, 

Ebabbara, the house of Shamash of Larsa, 
65 Ekisnugal, the house of Sin of Ur, 

Temples of the great gods anew L built ; 

L finished the work of them. 

The great gods, that dtvell within thcin, 

With rejoicings and festivities 
70 lVithi?i them L settled 

Ln their lofty abode. 

The restorations of Esagilla afid Ezida, 

The renovation of Babylon and Borsippa, 

Which above 7C'hat was before L beautified a fid 
75 Made into capitals ; 

The restoring the temples of the great gods ; 

( Jlliat the kings my fathers had done L excelled ;) 

All my costly works, 

207 R 


Column III. 

i-na na na-ra-a as-tu-ur-ma 
u-ki-in ah-ra-ta-as 

ka-li e-ip-se-e-ti ia 

sa i-na na na-ra-a as-lu-ru 
5 mu-da-a li-ta-am-ma-ar-nia 

ta-ni-it-ti dimmer-dimmer li-ih-ta-as-sa-(as) 
e-bi-su ma-ha-zi dimmer-dimmer u d. is-tar 
sa be-ili ra-bi-u d. marduk 

ia-ti u-ma-ra-an-ni-ma 
10 u-sa-at-ka-an-ni li-ib-(ba-am) 

pa-al-hi-is la a-ba-at-ti-(il) 

u-sa-al-la-am si-bi-(ir-su) 
i-nu-mi-su e-ul-Li e D. nin-kar-(ra-ak-a) 
sa ki-ri-ib ut-kip-nun-(ki) 

sa is-tu u-um u-ul-lu-u-(tim) 
15 sa-na-a-tim ru-ga-a-(tim) 

e la su-te-su-ru-(u) 
na-ma-a-tu gis-ra-at— (sa) 
ki-su-ra-a-sa la su-du-(u) 

e-bi-ri ka-at-(mu) 

20 it-ti e-es-ri-e-tim dingir-dingir la in-na-an-am-bu 
bi-it-ru-su sa-at-tu-ku 

i-na bi-i ip-pa-ar-ku-u 

ba-at-lu ni-id-ba-a-sa 

as-sum si-is-si-ik-ti d. marduk en-ia 
25 ga-ab-ta-ku-u-ma 

D. marduk be-ili-ia-ti i-ra-ma-an-ni-ma 
ud-du-su e-es-ri-e-tim 
ki-se-ri ab-ta-a-tim 
u-ma-al-lu-u ga-tu-u-a 
30 i-na pa-li-e-a ki-i-nim a-na e su-a-ti 
ri-mi-nu-u D. marduk ir-ta-si sa-li-mi 
u D. utu da-a-a-nam ^i-i-ri 
e-di-es-sa it-ta-bi 

a-na ia-ti ri-e-a-um pa-li-hi-su-nu 
35 e-bi-e-su iq-bi-u 

(te-me)-en-sa la-bi-ri a-hi-it ab-ri-e-ma 
(zi-ki-er su}-um sa D. nin-kar-ra-ak-a (a-si-ba-at) e-ul-la 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89. 

(gi-e-ri) lik-ku ha-ag-ba sa-ti-ir-ma 

(i-na) ki-er-bi-su in-na-mi-ir-ma 
40 e-]i te-me-en-ni-su la-bi-ri 

us-su-su u-ki-in-ma 

a-na d. nin-kar-ra-ak-a 

be-el-ti ra-'-im-ti ia 

na-gi-ra-at na-bi-is-ti-ia 

45 mu-sa-al-li-ma-at pi-ir-'-ia 

(e)-ul-la e-sa sa ki-ri-ib ut-kip-nun-ki 

(e-es-si-is) e-pu-us 

(sa-at-tu-ku-u-sa) u-da-ah-hi-id-ma 

(u-ki-in) ni-id-ba-a-sa 

50 (d. nin-kar ra-ak-a be)-el-ti ^i-ir-ti 

(li-bi-it ga-ti-ia) ha-di-is na-ap-li-si-(ma) 

da-am-(ga-tu-u-a l)i-is-sa-ak-na sa-ap-tu-(uk-ki) 

ba-la-(at u-um ri-e)-ku-u-tim se-bi-e li-it-tu-u-(tim) 

tu-u-(bu si)-i-ri u hu-ud li-ib-bi 
55 a-na si-(ri)-ik-ti su-ur-ki-im 

ma-ha-ar D. utu u D. marduk 

su-um-gi-ri e-ip-se-tu-u-a ki-bi-im du-um-ku-u-a 


On tables of stone I unvte, and 

Laid them up for hereafter. 

All my works 

Which on tables of stone I wrote, 
5 Afay the luise contemplate, and 

The praise of the gods may he consider ! 

To build the town of the gods and Isfar, 

Which the great lord Merodach 

Me did charge, and 
10 Caused me to lift up the heart {thereto). 

In awe I Jieglected not ; 

1 accomplished his work. 

In that day Eulla, the house of Ninkarraka 

That is within Sephan'aim, 
i^ A house wiiich from distant days^ 

Years remote, 

They had not put in order ; 

Whose beams had fallen doiun, 

Whose walls showed not, 

209 R 2 


20 Earth hid them ; 

Which was not mentioned with the temples of the gods, 
Whose regular sacrifice was cut off. 

In the mouth it had ceased ; 
Whose offerings were omitted : 
25 When the robe of Merodach ?ny lord 

I had assumed, and 

Merodach the lord me loved, aiid 

To reneiv the temples 

To restore the ruins 
30 Had commissioned me ; 

In my righteous reign tmto that house 

The merciful o?ie Merodach accorded grace, 

And Shamash the supreine Judge 

To rebuild it conwianded : 
35 Me, the shepherd that feareth them. 

To restore it they ordered : 

Its old record I looked for, I saw, and 

The mention of the name of '''' Ninkarraka 
that inhabiteth Eulla" 
40 Upon the length of an earthenware box was written, and 

In the midst of it appeared. 

Over its ancient record 

Its foundation I laid, and 

For Ninkarraka 
45 The lady that loveth me 

That kcepeih my life. 

That perfecteth my offspring, 

Eulla, her house that is within Sepharvaim, 

Anew I made. 
50 Its regular sacrifices I made abundant, 

I established its offerings. 

Ninkarraka, lady supieme ! 

The work of my hatids 

Joyfully behold thou, and 
55 let favours for me be brought to pass by thy lip / 

A life of distant days, plenty of children. 

Health of body and joy of heart. 

For a boon bestoiu thou I 

Before Shamash and Merodach bring favour on my 7ciorks, 
Command good fortujie for me t 

April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Notes on the Cylinders 68-7-9, I- (5 ^- 34)) 

AND A.H. 82-7-14, 1042 [(A) AND (B)j. 

Column I. 

2. mi-gi-er, mi-gi-ir, st. constr. of tnigni, from magaru, " to 
incline toward . . . ," " hearken to," " obey," a syn. of semfi : cf. Heb. 
phrase "1^ '"[^^^^"1:3)1, Ps. xvii, 6. See note on (B) Col. Ill, 59. 

7. ibbiim resusun, "whom they called to their chieftainship;" 
ana is not necessary, being omitted in both places (Cyl. (B) I, 13) : 
see February Proceedings, p. 125, note on Col. 1, 24, of Cyl. A. H. 
82, 7—14, 631. 

8. miiUemiqu: participle III, 2, of eniiqii, p^V- Sutemiiqu is 
a syn. oi suppu, "to pray," 2 R. 39, No. 7, 65 sqq. 

itfiti : I explained this word last month as a byform of ututu^ 
"calling" (February Proceedings, p. 119). It is an abstr. for concr. 
like binidu, " creature," from banu. 

II. khiis ibbamii, not Iftbannl, which should be corrected in the 

13. zchian : this inf constr., which contrasts awkwardly with the 
ream and the other abs. forms, is represented by the abs. zananam 
in the parallel cylinder (I, 25 ; where read ^][ ^i^ *^S^)' ^ "°^^ 
think zanan or zananam maJiazi means " to restore the towns " 
(maMzu, plur. mahazi and mahazani). 

14. uma'iranni: (B) u-me-'-ir-an-ni : X^kt iikinis ■= ukannis. 
utaqu: both (A) and (B). E.I.H. II, 61, utaqqu. 

16. eri ki tanaddtusu .... bada-bada-su gal-gal. (B) eri 
tanaddlusu, etc. In this cylinder we find eri alone everywhere. It 
seems, therefore, that ki was simply added as a local determinative, 
as in the expression ka-dimmerra-ki. The pronoun su refers not 
to the town but to Merodach : render " Babylon . . . the town of 
his glories," etc. 

21. sezuzu : prob. not "erect," though there is a paronomasia 
with iisziz. The term, which is a by-form of siizuzu, Tigl., V, 43, 
is formed from the same root as ezzu, "strong," ^r^, like suquru 
from aqaru, "^p"', siduku from alaku, etc. The c is due to the 



24. hiritisii : the su may be collective, and refer to the walls ; 
cf. line 26. With the whole passage 16 — 45, compare E.I.H. IV, 
66— V, II ; V, 21—37. 

26. The orthography is peculiar; ati ■=■ adi ; alitu ^ alidu : 
abam =^ abi ; ikzuru = iqcuru ; usalam {jisaFaiii) = usalma-m = usalmi 
of E.I.H. V, 33, etc. 

27. DALUM-a-ti : indicating that Jzari is fern. The term is spelled 
ka-ri-e in 2 R. 62, 75 g.h. (ka-ri-e e-lap-pi "the walls or sides of 
a ship"); while qardti occurs in Sarg. Cyl. The Heb. "^"^j^, Hi'^^pi 
is masc. 

30. ik-zu-ru = ik-zu-ur-ru 45, which illustrates the inexactness of 
the cuneiform writing. 

31. For "a great mound" read "broad Earth:" see note on 
E.I.H. VIII, 60. 

46. ralbain: i-asbu — kuiiunusii, 2 R. 35, 18, e.f, and mi-it-rum, 
"extended," 5 R. 41, i Obv. 2,2) ^-b. 

Column II. 

2. kiina sidirti . . . vbaimim : from this and other passages we 
see that in Bab. II. 2, the scribe has omitted two syllables, and 
the last word should be read [u-ba-]-an-nim. Proceedings, March, 
1888, p. 294. In the same place (II, 13) ina tm-ri eli sa ka gal 
d. Istar should be rendered, "At the high barrier of the gate of 
Ishtar:" see 2 R. 23, 44 c.d. tu-ur-ru = e-di-lu, and syn. with 
sa-na-qu, si-ki-ru, and ku-un da-al-tum. 

7. sa-ha-ri-e : (B) I, 45, sa-ha-ri-ri. 

8. KU-i\LA.-Ri-Ki : the parallels E.I.H. IV, 37, etc., show that this 
is one of the many names of Babylon. 

17. hirisu : = hirissu = hiritsit = Mr it + su. So I, 31, isisu = 
isissu = isidsu = isid -\- su. 

28. For Ebarra read Ebabbarra, " the House of the Sun." 

29. gisatugablis : see 5 R 26, 3 Rev., 55 sq. 

gis-a-tu-gab-lis lu-lap-pi 
gis-a-tu-kur-ra yy sa-di-i 

^^7^^, "palm branch," pi. 'j^'l^^, is a well-known Jewish- 
Aramaean word. The Assyrian term seems to mean " palm trees" 
as sadl, " of the mountains," is added in the second instance. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

40. tedisti : so we have the qal form edisum, "to renew," instead 
of the more usual pael uddusii, in Cyl. 82-7-14, 818, Col. II, 15. 

42. uSatiqu : "I carried forward," "advanced"; aor. Ill, i, of 
etiqic, pili^, instead oi usctiqu (Tigl., IV, 57) ; cf uscln and usapa. 

43. reseti : plur. o( rcSii, "head"; capita, "capitals." 

48. ahratas : adverbial form of ah-ra-a-tu (2 R 35, 11 b), ahrdtu, 
a syn. of arkdtu, "the future"; strictly, "that which lies behind," 
^Int^. I believe the -s termination of adverbs is to be explained as an 


abbreviation of the pronoun su, after the analogy of the Heb. VIH^ •, 
"(in) his unions," " together"; cf. 'i'117 "alone" ("in his sepa- 
ration "). The accusative being the adverbial case, in umisam, 
arhisani, sattisa/n, we have the accusative of the pronoun with 
mimmation ; the ordinary shortened form may be compared with 
sallaris for sallarisii. Ahratas, then, is strictly " with a view to its 
hereafter." Like the Heb. Q3n (accusative of in), it came to be 
used just like a noun, and ahratas mjit, " for future days," 
might be said, as well as ahrdt timi. The adv. use of the abstract 
ballutu, " life," " living state," in the phrase, Abp. ii, 6, baltussunu 
tibiluni, " they brought them alive," lit. " in their living state," is 
exactly similar to the Heb. idiom cited above. But when once such 
phrases became established, analogy would extend the application 
of the termination -i' to the formation of adverbs generally. 

51. litammar : = littammar, precative I, 2, oi amdru, "to see." 

52. tatiitti : ^= ta?irdti ; root ncidu, 7iaWdu, "to be exalted." 
2 R 35) 36 a-b. 

53. lihtassas : prec. I, 2, of hasdsu, "to think," impf ihsus, 
Abp. VII^55. 

Column III. 

I. umdranni : =^ umd^ iranni, q\s,^vA\qxq.. Translate: "The making 
of the towns of the gods and goddesses, whereto the great lord 
Merodach sent me and made me lift up the heart." 

8. bi-er-'-ia:=//>'/(r, from/////, niS "shoot," nn"^5 "brood," 

of birds; Arab. ^ j, "young one," of a bird, and of animals gene- 

13. This passage seems to speak of the finding of the old records, 
three in number, buried under the foundation of the temple. 



" Three bricks " (iii seb-hi-a = in libiiati) they are called ; but I do 
not know what zahirtiin means, for " i ell 3 fingers " does not seem 
" small." nihil usse (1. 14) is a very uncertain reading, and perhaps 
it would have been better to have left a blank here. 

14. tninddti : plur. o{ inindatu^'p^"r\y^ Cf. Chald. n'li?^. 

T * * T ; • * 

15. aptih: aor. I, 2, oi pehu, "to close"; E.I.H., II, 18, note. 

21. usstiiii : permansive (pf.), II, i (pael), of asamii : E.I.H., 

III, 37, note. 

22. arkatim : prob. not " hereafter," but " the inner shrine," as 
in the inscr. (II, 13), translated. Proceedings, February 1889, p. 126. 
The present passage is too mutilated to admit of more than a 
tentative rendering, and I do not pretend to be satisfied with that 
which I gave last year. 

25. mislii, "a half," and mnssuiu, "to halve," are known deriva- 
tives of 7^^ in Assyro-Bab. I rendered tubalu "line," with 
reference to Aram. i^'^S^'^iri "cord," "line," but (?). 

30. Perhaps: "shewed sure grace in a command to me." For 
tertu, ^ 5 R 20, I Obv. 20 sqq. te-ir-tum, u-ur-tum, tak-lim-tum, 
tir-tum ka-bit-tum. Is the root "^b^l, Arab. J,, pavore affecit quern, 

IV, docuit quern ? 

37. erti: the qal aor. of ritu, for which pael uratti, uratta, is 

43. uriki, imperat. I, i, sing. fem. of ardku, "V'y'i^ ; sumidi, 
imperat. Ill, i, sing. fem. of ancdu, "Tt^^. Umfia seems to be a 
real plur. in -u. 

44. a-ar-ka = drika ptcp. of ardku, which is both trans, and 

46. sullini .... ugur (masc.) are curious side by side with 
tibbi kinni (fem.). These last are 11, i, imperat. of tabu, kdnu. 

52. sattakka : a term of Accadian origin = ^ IZT^T ^^■^'^(g)' 
which in the form satfukku often occurs in the sense of " offering," 
"sacrifice," especially a fixed or perpetual oblation. It thus 
resembles the Heb. T^n. See Phillipps' Cyl. I, 13 {Proceedings^ 
February, 1888). 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

NOTES ON CYLINDER A.H. 82-7-14, 1042. 
{Proceedings, May, 1888. Plates.) 
Column I. 
8. tasimtu : 5 R. 17, 2, 4 sqq. has ta-sim-tum as a syn. of te-e-mu. 
mil-ku, and si-dul-tum. See also 5 R. 39, i, 26 e.f. 

10. a-as-ru : ptcp. qal of ai<Trz<; = "^tlj'l, which we see also in 
tusdru, tisdris, susurtum : Proceedings, February, p. 126. In 2 R. 
34, No. 3, 33, a-sa-ru is equated with ga-ra-hu ("to be sad," "down- 
cast;" as in the word /7>//rz "sorrow," "disquietude," 4 R. 21, No. 2, 
Rev. 6). 

16. \T)K^ = anqu, "strong," "wise." 2 R. 36, No. 3 Obv. 55, 
id-dan | e-mu-qu. 

za-na-a-tim : this seems to be the plur. of zanitu, so that za-ni-te, 
E.I.H. IX, 60, may, after all, be correct. 

17. bdbil, ptcp. qal. est. oi \babdlu {babihi) "to bring," which 
is a secondary form from obdhi. The phrase libbam ubla, " I brought 
the heart," " desired," or " resolved," to do something, explains biblu^ 
bibil, "wish." 

19. tig-gal-lum : 5 R. 16 8 sqq. c-d. tig-gal a-sa-ri-du 

sag-zi a-sa-ri-du 
a-ga-zi a-lik mah-ri 
mubakkir : i.e., imibaqqir ; cf. Heb. *1p3,. 
garbdtim = qarbdtim ; a word cognate with qurbannu, 'IH^p. 

20. ik-ka-ri ba-ab-bi-i-lu ; an interesting reference to Nebuchad- 
rezzar's planting the squares of the city with trees, and perhaps to 
his famous hanging gardens. The term = Heb. ^3^' ^y^- liol* 
"plowman," "husbandman." Ba-ab-bi .... is like ab-bi-e for a-bi. 

25. za-na-nam : corn two mis[)rints, and read ][^ ^j^ •"11^ • 
29. adindnuni : perhaps from the root daman, "to cover" 
(Ethiop.) ; cf. the Hebrew town-names Madmen, Madmenah, Mad- 
mannah, which may all mean " dwelling," " dwelling-place," and 
are hardly likely to mean " Diingerstatte." 

35. zikurat : 5 R. 29, No. 4, 39: S^fiyf bi-i-tum. 

<y- ^\\\\ t\\\\ zig-gur-ra-tum. 
50. EKiKUKUs : 5 R. 19, ■^Ti c — d. ^ >->-y ku-us pargu §a ili 

^ >->-| gar-za Jf §a sarri 
This shows that -kus should be read for -garza in this temple-name. 



53. sq. kiribbisina-kiribsin. I have not met kiribbi elsewhere. 
55. rabtm: gen. sing, with mimmation : so sarru mahrim, as 
nomin., 1. 62 infra. 

59. ZAG-GAB : sippi, "thresholds." 

Column II. 

13. From this point to the end, the inscription is parallel to that 
of the cylinders numbered S2-7-14, 817, 818, 819, 820. 

14. si-ta-at-ta-a-tim : E.I.H. V, 11, si-it-ta-a-ti. 

20. fiaskitnu ; infin. IV, i, of sakd)U(, depending on mm, to 
be repeated from the previous line. 

parim : paru (?) I have not met with elsewhere. It seems equi- 
valent to butuqtii, E.I.H. VI, 47. In Heb. the roots "i^^n, -^IQ 
mean "to split," "break," and PT^D is primarily "to break forth." 

21. The "great bulwark in the river" (see Bab. II, 16) is called 
a 7iabalu apparently, in the cylinder which I published last month. 

41. su'eti : 5 R. 41, 1 Ob v. 9 a-b. su-i (var. e)-tum | be-el-tum. 

62. Corr. thus: :^y <{- ^\\ ^^. 

75. Corr. as-ku— y^^. 

77. Cyl. (A) has e-li, which seems better that e-pu-su. 

Column III. 

18. namaiu : pf. I, i, 3 pi. f. oi 7iamu {nawfi^. 

gisrdtu : cf. ^^Itpil, Syr. (;<^i, lr*^\\5 "beam" of a house. 

19. kisurdsa la sudii is, I think, to be compared with Senk. I. 16 : 
la uddd ugurdti. For uddu, see 2 R. 48, 43 sqq. g-h. 

sag-ga-ga a-rum 
ki-sag-ga-ga-nam-me a-sar la a-ri 
ki-pa(d)-da-nam-me a-sar la ud-di-i 

kisfiru would seem to be one of the many words for " wall ; " cf. Ar. 

jJls "outer covering" of a thing: skin, hide, bark, shell, etc. So 

sallm, " outer wall " = . _i^ , " skin," etc. sudii is shaphel permans. 

3 pi. masc. o{ idu, "to see" and "know," \;T>i. 

20. ebiri =^ cpiri, pi. o{ cprii, "dust," "earth ;" E.I.H. VI, 49. 
katmu: permans. I, i oi katdmu, " to close," "cover." 

21. in-na-an-am-bu : the parallel cylinders have in-na-am-bu-u ( = 
in-na-an-bu), which is doubtless correct. Aor. IV. i, 3 pi. of nabfi. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

22. bitrusu : =. pitrusu^ permans. (pf.) I, 2 oi parasu. 

23. ipparkii: cf. the common adv. phrase la naparka, "without 

24. nidbasa : tiidbn^ a contracted form of fiidabu — Phillipps, I, 15. 
nidabasu ell fitim{ Proceedings, February, 1888) — and ni)idalni, 5 R. 11, 

25. sissikti : 5 R. 15, 23 sq., c-d. tu sar-da sik-ka-tum 

tu sik sis-sik-tum 
tu (]^) is the common ideogr. of clothing, 5 R. 14, 32 c-d. 
tu-u=(^u-ba-a-tum : and si'k (T_ -^Ug ) is defined lubustiim "clothing." 
See also 5 R. 28, i Rev. 57 : 

e-da-pa-tum si-sik-tum 
tu hi-a lu-bu-sum 
With edapatu'" cf. Heb. fjI^V; used of clothing, covering. 
The root ol sissiktu is *T2D, ^D3D) texit. 

26. cabtaku : permansive I, i, ist pers. sing, oi ^abatii, "to take" 
or "put on" clothes {pibatu). 

The " robe of Merodach " assumed by Nebuchadrezzar would 
naturally be the royal dress, the king being the god's vicegerent and 
earthly representative, as well as " chief pontiff." 

29. ki-se-ri : an infin. with middle e or /, like babll. The root is 
ltl?p " to bind," used of building. We speak of a binding cement. 

30. Exod. xxviii, 41 ; Lev. xxi, 19. 

32. irtasl: aor. (impf) I, 2, of rasfi, "to have." Senk. I, 17 
5^^., " Merodach to that house irtasu sallmu had grace" {Proceedings, 
March, 1888, p. 297). For the qal, see Abp. II, 8 : a7ia Niku rhnu 
ars'isu, "To Necho — compassion I granted him," or "had for him"; 
E.I.H. X, 16; Bab. II, 31. Cf. S^tLh, and ]Vt2J-] Ezr. Ill, 7. 

sallmu: 5 R. 21, 59 a-b. a-ni-mu-u 



64. nap-lu-su 

I think the old royal name usually transcribed Samsu-satana or 
Samsu-ditana ought to be read Samsu-salimtana, " Shamash is our 
weal;" comp. S*" 186, silim | ^f^ | sulmu ; and I may add that, 
to my mind, Ammizaduga is quite obviously pT\Ty^^, Ammizadok ; 
cp. Amminadab, Ammishaddai, Ammizabad. In 5 R 44, I, 22, it is 
actually explained by kimtum kittiun, " righteous clan." In the same 


un-ni-nu (pp) 
ri-e-mu (Dn")) 


place, Hammurabi is perhaps l"^1^i7, " His tribe is numerous ;" the 
initial }} being sounded more emphatically. This, at all events, 
agrees with the gloss kiinta rapastii//i, " widespread, numerous clan." 
The names seem to be those of princes of foreign {i.e. Western 
Semitic) extraction. 

34. e-di-es-sa : edesji is qal. infin., for which pael iiddusii is more 
usual. So e-di-sum in the parallel cylinders. 

edes-sa, like usa/bis-sa. 

itiabi : = *intabi ; aor. I, 2, oi 7iabu. Cf. Senk. I, 25 sqq. 

36. e-bi-e-su : infin. scriptio plena ; ebcsn. 

40. ^cri : usu. //>, "upon." 

jirku., var. urki, seems identical with ^^51'^^^, l^'o], "length," 
i.e.., longer side, as in 2 Chron. iii, 8. The variant 2ir-ki as well as 
the sense is against the transcription lik-ku =. kalbu, ^75 . 

ha-as-ba {i.e., ha-as-pa); ^IDH "pottery," Dan. ii, 2)c>') or ha-ag-ba 
Chald. ^^2ll^n "pitcher," "jug," etc. The parallel cylinders omit 

this important word. The inscription on the earthenware box was 
'■^Ninkarraka asibat £ulla ;" an interesting parallel to that of the 
clay coffer now in the British Museum, on the long side of which 
we read : " Image of Shamash, lord of Sepharvaim, that dwelleth in 
Ebabbarra" (a-sib-bi e-babbar-ra), and which contained the beautiful 
stone tablet of 5 R 60 sq. 

59. ki-bi-im = ki-bi-i of the preceding cylinder. 

sumgirl : 5 R. 39, 3 Obv. 32 g-h. gis-tuk 
sumgiri = "^;i^"'ptJ^n, ("to hear") 

and the last two lines may perhaps be rendered 
" Before Shamash .... proclaim my works, 
Declare my goodness !" 

ma-ga-ru ; therefore 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Par Karl Piehl, 

I. Le nom foPP^^j; 2. Rhodopis; 3. cyAy]; 4. ^^^ ; 

5. Passage de la stble de Mentouhotep; 6. Le signe ^?^ des 
textes ptolemaiques. 

I. On connait la forme egyptienne ( O P 1 :: _p 1 du nom royal 

que les Grecs nous ont conserves sous la forme 2fc'c-wo-7/j(v. En 
realite, la concordance qu'il y a entre les deux formes est fort 
remarquable. Toutes les consonnes du nom egyptien sont tres- 
exactement rendues dans le nom grec, et le / qui a ete intercale au 
milieu du dernier, s'explique fort bien par les lois propres a la 
langue des Hellenes. Comparez, par exemple, le nom du fleuve 
'S.Tpvfiwv, qui derive* de la racine ffpe-,"^ apparentee a la racine /Je-* 
(pew), etc. 

Ce qu'on n'a jusqu'ici pas a ma connaissance explique, c'est 
I'origine de la forme egyptienne ( O P P ]: _p | et celle du doublet 

que nous en connaissons, a savoir le nom ( P ]: _v ] • Cette dernicre 

forme, suivant nous, resulte d'une ellipse ou, comme on pourrait 
I'appeler, d'une ablation de la premiere syllabe. Toutes les langues 
nous fournissent des exemples d'un pareil procede phonetico-gram- 
matical, et ce sont surtout les noms propres qui a cet egard sont 
instructifs. En anglais, nous rencontrons, par exemple, a cotd de 
formes pleines, comme Arabella, Isabella, Beatrice, Elisabeth, d'autres 
qui resultent d'une ablation des lettres initiales, comme Bella, Trice 
(Trissie), Betsie (Bessie, Bess), etc. Des exemples allemands du 
meme phenomene sont, entre autre, Johannes, Margareta, Carolina, 
a cote de Hans, Greta, Lina. Le mot grec TpaTre^a " table " a ete 
forme de la meme maniere, et a du originairement se prononcer 
TCT/saTTe^tt = litt. "ayant quatre pieds." En italien, Tonio ou Toni 

* CuRTius, Griechischc Etyviologic, 1873, p. 354. 


provient de Antonio, selon le meme procede. En fran^ais Fifine, 
forme reduplicative de Fine, derive de Josephine, de la meme 
maniere, etc., etc 

La langue egyptienne a dil subir la meme loi, dans une mesure, 

plus ou moins etendue, et le nom royal ( P ^ p ] j abreviation de 
(o[|iP^p|, est un bon exemple sous ce rapport. Un nom 
propre egyptien qui presente un changement, analogue a celui-la, c'est 
peut-etre -r 'kn^^'^^^^ qui s'ecrit aussi 

Quant a la forme ( O P P | _^ I du nom royal qui nous occupe, 
elle peut etre expliquee de differentes manieres. Rien ne nous 
empeche d'y voir une transcription abusive du groupe hieratique qui 

communement s'e'crit ( O jl) 4: _^ | ou ( O [] | ^ p | ; car on rencontre 

des cas, ou le signe hieratique qui correspond a I'hieroglyphe (1], soit 
seul, soit suivi d'un [', ressemble a deux P hie'ratiques juxtaposes.f 
On pourrait aussi supposer qu'un scribe ignorant ou capricieux ait 

remplace le signe | \ du mot ( O (1] P 4: _^ | W^ ' ou ^^, le signe j ] 

ayant tant le sens de " enfanter " que celui de " fils." Cette derniere 
opinion est plus risquee, I'explication qu'elle comporte ayant un 
caractere tres-factice. Toutefois, les manipulations des scribes 
egyptiens sont quelquefois d'une nature si bizarre, que rexplication 
que nous venons de proposer ne doive guere etre regardee comme 
trop absurde. II y aurait encore une troisieme explication. Suivant 

celle-ci, la forme f O P P i % J pourrait etre consideree comme une 

" Contaminationsform " — pour employer un terme, emprunte a la 

philologie comparee — des deux formes (of|iP|:pj et ( N^^l- 

Parmi ces trois hypotheses, la troisieme me parait au point de vue 
linguistique la plus acceptable. Elle est due a une decouverte sur 
le terrain des langues indo-europeennes, la " contamination " etant 
une notion de la philologie comparee. Toutefois, je crois que, en 

* PlEHL, Inscriptions hieroglyphiqiies, pi. XXXV. — La forme I I i\v ± V ] 

existe aussi et s'explique de la meme maniere. Les deux formes Sesn et Sesisu 
sonl vraisemblablement dues a des vocalisations diverses de la forme originaie. 

t Cf. Papyrus Sallier, No. 3, passim. 


April 2] TROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

etudiant I'egyptien de prbs, nous pourrions trouver bien des exemples 
de " Contaminationsformen," pareilles a celle que je viens de citer. 

2. Tout le monde a lu la legende de la belle Rhodopis que nous 
raconte si bien le geographe Strabon. Je me demande pourtant, si 
I'on a donne ou tache de donner une explication quelconque de I'ori- 
gine de cette legende qui a du jouir d'une tres-grande notorie'te, 
puisqu'elle a ete mentionnee non seulement par le sus-dit classique, 
mais encore par Herodote et Diodore. 

Lors de ma visite aux pyramides, au mois de Decembre, 1887, 
il s'est presente a mon esprit, par rapporte a I'origine de la legende et 
surtout du nom de Rhodopis, une idee que, murie par la reflexion, je 
prends la liberte de soumettre ici a I'appreciation des ^gyptologues. 

Parmi les objets qui, lorsqu'on visite le plateau des pyramides de 
Gizeh, attirent avant tout I'attention du voyageur, il faut compter — 
a cote des pyramides qui evidemment exigent leur part d'admiration 
— le. grand sphinx, abuU-hol, comme I'appellent les egyptiens de nos 
jours. II est fort vraisemblable, que, dans la periode de I'influence 
grecque en Egypte, on ait paye, au moins autant qu'au XIX^ sifecle, 
de I'attention a cette image colossale qui s'elevait, au milieu du sable, 
comme une espece de gardien de la necropole de Gizeh. Cela me 
parait resulter avec necessite de la circonstance, que, encore au XII^ 
siecle de notre ere, Abd-el-latif, le medecin arabe, parle avec un 
certain enthousiasme au sujet du sphinx, dont il dit entre autre : 
" La figure est tres belle, et sa bouche porte I'empreinte des graces 
et de la beaute. On dirait qu'elle sourit gracieusement. Un homme 
d'esprit m'ayant demande quel etait, de tout ce que j'avais vu en 
Egypte, I'objet qui avait le plus excite mon admiration, je lui dis que 
c'etait la justesse des proportions dans la tete du sphinx." * 

La figure du sphinx etait couleur de rose, au temoignage de 
I'auteur arabe, dont la veracite est corroboree par I'ctat actuel du 
monument ; car encore a present, on voit sur la figure du colosse 
des traces de cette couleur. Or, le mot grec pour " figure a couleur 
de rose" est Toowtto? (masc), 'PoriT'Tr/s (fem.). Les grecs qui, a 
I'epoque saitique, sont venus voir le sphinx, ont done fort bien 
pu le designer du nom sus-dit. Maintenant, le sphinx grec, a la 
difference du sphinx egyptien qui la plupart des fois avait des carac- 

* Abd-el-latif, Relation de I'Egypte, trad, par de Sacy, p. 180. Quelque 
temps apres la visite d'Abd-el-latif, la figure du si>hin> a ete mutiloe (Badeker, 
Unteragypten, 2eme ed., p. 386). 



teristiques males, etait toujours regarde comme un etre feminin, et 
evidemment, le sphinx de Gizeh devait etre pour les grecs du meme 
sexe que les autres sphinx qui leur etaient familiers. Nous compre- 
nons done que la forme feminine Tocd'Tr*? a emporte sur la masculine 
'PoBtv7r6<i dans la langue des Grecs, visiteurs des pyramides et du 

De la a la creation d'une legende, relative a une femme " a la 
figure rose," il n'y a qu'un pas, le sphinx, suivant la croyance d'un 
peuple superstitieux, devant necessairement servir de demeure a un 
etre, plus ou moins vivant. 

Maintenant, pourquoi la legende de la belle a la figure rose, 
s'est-elle attachee non pas au sphinx, mais a une pyramide ? Peut- 
etre, parceque, peu de temps apres la creation de la dite legende, le 
sphinx a pu etre ensable d'un faoon qui en rendait la grandeur et la 
beaute moins visibles. Du reste, il avait toujours pour rivaux les 
colosses enormes, au pied desquels il etait couche, et ce voisinage, 
a lui seul, peut tres-bien expliquer que I'une des pyramides' I'ait 
remplace dans le role de support de la legende, dont nous nous 
occupons. Pourquoi, d'ailleurs, le sphinx n'est-il pas mentionne ni 
par Herodote, ni par Diodore, ni meme par Strabon ? 

Toutefois, il est tres-remarquable, que la legende, ayant quitte le 
sphinx, s'est abattue sur la troisieme, non pas sur la seconde pyramide, 
cette derniere etant de toutes la plus proche du sphinx. Peut-etre, 
I'elegance de construction de la troisibme pyramide, laquelle, selon 
Diodore, tant pour la solidite que pour la beaut^ depassait les deux 
autres, a-t-elle contribue au choix qu'on en a fait du tombeau de 
Rhodopis. On peut du reste rappeler que le revetement de la 
pyramide de Mykerinos, en bonne partie, consistait en granit rose 
d'Assouan, ce qui a pu faciliter la marche de la legende de ce 

J'ignore si, comme le croient certains savants, il y a une parente 
entre la legende de Rhodopis et celle de la reine Nitokris. Au 
moyen ^etymologic populaire, on pourrait sans doute arriver a con- 
siderer I'un de deux noms comme une traduction de I'autre.* En 

* Dans le nom egyptien Nitokris, le premier element Nit pourrait signifier 
(ouronne rotige, le second kris peut-etre derive d'un mot correspondant au copte 
p P^^ "face." Par etymologic populaire, on pourrait done possiblement 
arriver k rendre le tout par "rouge de face," "rose de figure," c'est-a-dire une 
traduction du nom grec Rhodopis. Bien entendu, je ne soutiendrai pas cette 

April 2] TROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

tout cas, ce qui nous reste de la legende de Nitokris ne renferme 
pas de donnees, sufifisantes a etablir une identification entre ces deux 
personnages legendaires. 

On trouvera peut-etre, que j'ai ici un peu trop recouru a des 
hypotheses, mais I'expHcation des legendes exige plutot de I'imagi- 
nation que de la science. Toutefois, I'imagination doit, autant 
que possible, se borner au vraisemblable ; elle doit aussi etre 
controlee par la critique de la science. A cet egard, j'espere que 
les opinions que j'ai enoncees ci-dessus, concernant I'origine de la 
legende de Rhodopis, ne se montreront pas trop entichees d'erreurs. 

3. Le signe i^-^^ est transcrit par men (Brugsch, Hier. Gram., 
p. 128), par set, et encore par chaset. Cette derniere lecture, qui a 
ete decouverte par Brugsch, figure, par exemple, dans le travail que 
M. Maspero vient de publier sur le Papyrus Wilbour {Journal 
Asiatique, 1888, Avril, p. 327). 

Je ne discuterai point ici I'exactitude de la lecture meii de notre 
signe, quand il entre dans le mot ^^^^^ ^ ] '^ j'j, dont la variante 
i"^^-^ ^ ] "^ I [Inscr. d'Ahmes] m'a toujours paru un peu suspecte. 
Mais ce qui me parait evident, c'est que nous devons plus souvent 
accorder a notre hieroglyphe la valeur set, qu'en general, ou ne le 
semble vouloir faire. Voici un bon exemple de la valeur set du 
signe r^^'N a : — 

J ^ rl f £i 4^ ITT 4^ ^'^'"■""" 

Vieweg, IX, p. 91]. 

En comparant le passage de texte que voici : 

Inscr. Hier., pi. 86, 1. 5], on obtient 1 equation suivante : — 


Cette observation nous permct de transcrire et traduirc un autre 
passage tr^s-curieux, ou se voit I'hicroglyphe en question. Le dit 
passage a la teneur suivante : — 



Le groupe ^^^ de cet exemple est evidemment une variante du 

bien connu ]\ r- n , 1 1 i^ , etc. 

() W]' 

4. Le signe J^ a ete transcrit 7^/;. Cette valeur dernibrement 
a ete abandonnee par M. Brugsch, qui dans le supplement de son 
Didionnaire Jiieroglyphiqiie (VI, p. 514) propose une nouvelle trans- 
scription, a savoir du. Malgre I'autorite pesante de M. Brugsch, 
je crois devoir maintenir la vielle transcription fu. Voici quelques 
preuves en faveur de cette lecture : — 

" Le prince heritier, le tres large (ou puissant) parmi les 
nobles, celui qui dompte le fougueux." ^ 

Xy^^ ^ l^^^gQ^^^^J "Roide 
la Haute et de la Basse Egypte, maitres de joie, le tres 
vigoureux a I'egal de son pere Tanen." ^ 

^Q jixmu, 0||1 ^^^^T^ v"^^^ " Ra-men-cheper-Amon, 

eminemment large." ^ 

h — ^ JUL \> ^^^^ 1\ (?)^^ "Celui qui donne des pro 
visions.". . . ■* 

f[\ - -H ^.«-> ^ ° " niaitre de la puissance, grand 

de terreur." = 

m^ v\ t>-=> "Vaste par la puissance, (sortie) du 

ventre de Nout."^ 

Miv "^^^f ML -il un "Horus d'or, le tres-puissant, 

p>„rfO <=> 3^ III I -^ — 
formidable par vaillance."^ 

S)i£, I ' r^ 'I "Seigneur des diadfemes, riche en puissance."^ 

• Mariette, Abydos, III, 121. ^ Champollion, Momiments, 68. 

^ Mariette, Kamak, \>. 58 (p. 38 — Brugsch, Rccueil, I, 26). 
•* PlEHL, Inscriptions hii'roglyphiques, VI, 6. * PlEHL, //. LXXX, 9. 

" PlEHL, dans le Recueil Vieiaeg, I, 205. 
' Lepsius, Ktinigsbuch, XXXIII. « Lepsius, //. XXVI. 



April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

^^ "" ¥?v< m Wi " Auguste par la terreur (qu il 
inspire) dans les deux pays (entourant le Nil)." * 
L-J^ ^£\ '^ ' oT^ "Ses 14 ka qui I'accompagnent, 


Dans tous ces examples, la lettre initiale du syllabique ^f*^ 
est indiquee comme etant ^^^c=. — II n'y a done aucune possibilite 
de maintenir la transcription dii pour notre signe. Bien entendu, 
je ne soutiendrai point qu'en transcrivant ///, il faille necessairement 
prononcer le /, comme on le fait dans beaucoup de nos langues 
modernes, c'est-a-dire comme aspiration ou sifflante. Dans la plu- 
part des cas, le / egyptien est plutot a regarder comme un son 
" bilabial," c'est-a-dire a peu-pres comme le 70 des dialectes alle- 
mands meridionaux. En copte, cela est visible, lorsque nous ren- 
controns le digramme OT pour I'ancien '<-=^. [Le CI copte est 
probablement aussi a regarder comme un son "bilabial."] 

5. La sthle de Mentuhotkp, conservee au musee de Boulaq,^ 
renferme un passage qui a ete mal lu et interprets par les egypto- 
logues qui ont explique ce monument. Le passage en question se 
rencontre a la ligne 11, oi^i se lit I'expression que voici : 

@ Oc^ (sic) ©® ^ <=> t^^ 

Le signe, marque sic, est evidemment Thieroglyphe .>'' — I , v>- — 1 , 
qui par megarde a ete trace en un sens inverse de celui dans lequel 
courent les autres hieroglyphes de notre stele. La phrase enti^re 
signifie done " Chef superieur des localitds d'^gypte et des contrees 
du desert." La traduction qu'a donnee M. Brugsch (Z>icf. /ii'er., 
V, p. 172) : " Hauptmann der Stadte des heroopolitischen Districtes 
('^^*^!) der Gebiete des rothen Landes," traduction qui a ete en 
partie adoptee par M. Lushington [Transaaions,, VII, page 356], 
doit done etre modifiee. Nous savons du reste par le textes, que le 

* DiJMlCHEN, Kalender-InSchriftcn, 90. Comparcz Di'iMlCHEN, //. 93: 
^ <Zr> ^ I w.., ^^\ li " ccllc qui fait subsislcr son abundance 

dans sa place." 

t DiJMiCHEN, Edfoii, 29, 2. 

X Voir Mariette, Ahydos, II, pi. 23. 

225 S 2 

April 2] 



groupe qui fait " responsion " a _^ '^^ f^^"^ " la terre rouge," 
n'est nullement '^^^ "la contree d'Aean," mais bien certainement 
■»'>' I @ "la terre noire." 

6. Les textes ptolemaiqes nous offrent pour I'oiseau %c^ une 

valeur fa, qui jusqu'ici, a ma connaisance, n'a pas ete signalee. Au 
moins cette valeur ne se voit-elle consignee, ni dans les grammaires, 
ni dans les dictionnaires. C'est surtout dans le role de variante 
du signe bien connu ^ttt-^ , fcj, " terre," que j'ai releve I'oiseau en 

question. Voici quelques exemples de cet emploi du signe ^^ : — 
il se manifeste a I'horizon " * 


se prosternent [= 
Saintete, tres-auguste." f 


^ " Les savants 
=f d'autres textes] devant sa 

<iL za 


Le Roi de la Haute 

et de la Basse Egypte, seigneur des deux mondes = ■=== , 




" Eclairant la terre 

par les rayons de son disque." § 

Les trois premiers de ses exemples montrent qu'il ne faut point 
transcrire ac/iu ou c/iu, le groupe en question. On ne peut penser 
non plus a une transcription sef, I'oiseau qui represente ce son ayant 

du reste un autre exterieur que celui de 

* DuMicHEN, Edfou, 34, 8. 

X Lepsius, Detikmdler, IV, 69a. 

t DiJMlCHEN, //. 34, 13. 
§ DiJMlCHEN, //. T,Z'< 3- 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889, 


Dear Mr. Rylands, 

In one of the recent numbers of the Proceedings (X, p. 533), 
Prof. Piehl pubHshed among other interesting texts one taken from 
a statue at Athens, adding that he doubted its authenticity. Not- 
withstanding some puzzHng pecuUarities, I think it is perfectly 
genuine. Its singularities are shared by a series of monuments 
found in the Delta, which are sometimes so carelessly written that 
they are nearly incomprehensible. M. Maspero has published two 
characteristic examples of them taken from stelas (^Aeg. Zeitschr., 
1885, p. II, and tSSi, p. 117) ; the first stela, which is now at Bulaq, 
was discovered near Bubastis, the second, found by Maspero in a 
private collection, was offered to me for sale in April, i88r, and was 
said to have come from Damanhur (in my copy the last signs are 
<2\ A ^ A ' '^^'^i'^h reading appears to be preferable to that given in 
the Zeitschrift). These monuments seem to owe their origin to the 
Libyan mercenaries and their families living in Egypt, which explains 
their strange grammatical forms and way of writing. 

The sense of the text of Athens is probably : " Ptah gives life 
to the real royal parent, whom he (the King) himself (?) loves, the 
general, the hati {cf. for this title Maspero, Et. eg., II, p. 18) Pa-tu-Hor, 
son of the general Pe-tu-sehiti, his mother was T'et-uat'-t-uah(?)-s, 
30 years (was his age as he died)." The titles are often found in a 
similar form during the period from the XXII dynasty downwards, 
where also the addition of iiid to suten rex ^^'^s in use, as on the 
Naophorus of the Vatican. The curious name of the father is twice 
given by other Egyptian texts, on the stela C. 113 in the Louvre as 
dP n J^T^T f[] 1=^ 2^ (Pierret, Inscr. dji Louvre, II, 36), and on a 
statue of the collection Posno as /n,'"' n Jil^ \T\ "^^V^ ^^^^^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
(Revillout, Eev. eg., II, 62 sqq.); the later personage bearing the 
same title as the man of Athens seems to be identical with him. A 
woman ^ T?T}T \ <3^3 \\ czs^ ^ is quoted as mother of the general 
Pa-xa-as on Usebtis at Bonn {cf. Bonner fa hrb., 78, p. 100), and 
at Schackenborg {Rec. de trav., IV, p. 38). The formation of these 
names shows that Sehetet is the designation of a goddess worshipped 
probably in Libya; also the form beginning the quoted woman- 
name will belong to a Libyan dialect. 

Yours truly, A. ^^'lEDE^IANN. 
227 s 3 


By F. L. Griffith. 

In his 'Season in Egypt, 1887,' Mr. Petrie has published a 
large number of inscriptions, principally graffiti, that we collected in 
that year (from iSth December, 1886, to 25th February, 1887). 
He has left to me the task of editing the remainder, and I trust that 
the Society will not refuse to admit them into their Proceedings. 
Their correctness is such as our time, knowledge, and means of 
approacli would allow. The initials G. and P. denote the copyists. 

The limits of our exploration were Tehneh on the north, the 
mosques south of Philae (east bank) on the south. 

Beginning at the south end. Behind Mehatteh (opposite Philae), 
where the valley narrows southwards, tombs consisting of two or 
three chambers with pillars (now choked with rejected tins of meat 
from the English garrison) cut in the bank of anciefit alluviton. 
They are probably of the middle kingdom, and the alluvium may be 
of pre-monumental age. 

We searched the rocky island of Bigeh fairly, but there are no 
likely places for graffiti except opposite Philae, the rest of the shore 
being almost inaccessible. At the north-east corner is a barrier of 
rocks which can be passed only by bending down and creeping 
through a cleft : after which the north shore can be followed to the 
half-separated north end which is Jiot called Kunosso.* Soon after 
the barrier is a Greek graffito — 




with a representation of three divinities, the first human-headed, 

* Kunosso is the graffito-covered rock on the cast bank. 

April 2] 



wearing (|j; the second ram-headed (Khnum), wearing l]\)); the 
third cow-headed (Isis), wearing VTy- (G.) 

On the land-road from f/u7ae to Aswan (vidgo Suwan) are several 
ruined guard-houses with pottery descending at least to early Arab 

North from the cataract, east bank (just north of Petrie graffito 
213), are >,NOK XnPIWN, and high up ^i^ APHY. (G.) 

Note also in ' Season in Egypt ' the following corrections. 

133. Large and clear. Read of— | ~ . Add 1 ^^ A 5 "v 

1 1 - -n \ yy-^ ^^wwN [— —] I , I I [ 

y ^ i] as the name of the cataract god is almost invariable. 
This % is identical, at least in sound, with the plural termination. 
Cf. Q "^^ "^:^ ^^ , No. 312, Inscription of Unas. 

137. Line 8, preceded by S^^ . 

138. Correct base of lines to 

152. Line 10, end 


154. Line 8, ^^ ^^5 ^^^ so throughout. Line lO; ^^ ' 

244. Read ^-> i=r ^^^ 

V^C^>^"0 /WNAAA 

mM O ^¥c^ 




And add from the same place 

/^wvis K^?;>' O =i:^ <= I I *=* »<- Y > I r 

Man followed by six sons. 
"^^^^ /wvwv Two women followed by six daughters 

>VSA/VV\ £^ \\ 

I ^^J 



340. I have a squeeze of it, but it is very indistinct. The tablet 
was well formed, while the inscription is execrable. The expedition 
to Kush in the year XII of Usertesen III seems new. 

In 147 (read ^1 D I, and 139 (read ^ D )• I do not 

understand sj>s. There are no figures accompanying the two in- 
scriptions ; was there a statue formerly at the corner of the valley ? 

In the quay at Elephantine are a few blocks indicating 

builders of the temple, (i) ^i^ ( Q |%f)[ yww. J (2) Rameses' 

ovals alternating (? I or II). (3) 

□ □ (titles of j) ?) See also 


Plate I, where the first three inscriptions are in the quay ; the tomb 
inscription is on the 7aesf bank, north face of the cliff: we cleared it 
of Coptic plaster. 

Below Aswan there is a road along the east bank, but not many 
places for graffiti. A short distance north are many caves in the 
hills formed by the natives quarrying a kind of decomposed shaly 
rock (beneath the sandstone), which they use as a manure. Further 
north is a watch-tower built of stones at the base, the upper stage 
being of brick 6^ by 12^ inches. Far beyond, half a mile below 
EsH Shedidi, abrupt cliffs come down almost to the Nile. On these 
Mr. Petrie copied graffiti 313-316, accompanied by figures of camels 
and Cufic. Portions of two of the latter are in Plate I. 

Further north two spurs of the hills overhang the river, and the 
footway has been cut in their sides. In the centre of the southern- 
most is a well-carved Arabic inscription (one long line), and on that 
of the northernmost a similar Arabic record, and also an inscription 
of 14 lines in Coptic. The sun had already set when I passed these, 
and I could make no sense of them. 

M. Ch. Schefer reads in my copy the name of Sef ed din, and 
assigns the inscription to the thirteenth century. 


April 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Beyond is a watch-tower, close to a quarry, then another quarry 
(i) in Plate I. 

At the entrance of a ravine are some legible graffiti. 

Quarry (2). 

Quarry. Many animals cut on a fissured surface later ? than the 

At this point the hills retire. Two miles north through palm 
trees are the Roman ruins close to El Khannaq (see map of 
'Description de I'Egypte'). At the north end of the village is 
Kom el Ahmar, with red and crude brick, stony and shallow, 
apparently all late. South of it is a crude brick enclosure, bricks 
6 by 12 inches: stone gateway on north unsculptured : traces of 
western gateway at the river-side with Corinthian capital near it : 
further in, a large Roman sarcophagus of red granite with amphorae 
and garlands. The north and south gateways are for the road to 
pass through, the western is on the river bank. The temple was 
towards the east end, where there is no entrance ; several small rude 
columns of granite and sandstone lie here and mark the site. 

I had landed near this place quite by chance in the afternoon 
without stopping the boat. The next find took three hours to 
secure, and I and my Arab companion, who had jumped off with me, 
did not rejoin the party (going south) until some four hours after 
sunset, half way to Aswan. 

I searched everywhere for inscriptions, and at length detected 
something like |_ on a piece of column about 8 to 10 inches in 
diameter, which we forthwith cleared with our hands and rolled 
over. The inscription was there, but was covered with hard i)laster, 
which needed a knife to remove it. 

The letters forming this inscription were about one inch high, 
and shallow, but there were also smaller letters MYCO (see plate), 
and it was soon found that two texts had been engraved on the same 
place, one having been filled up with cement harder than the stone 
itself. I believe that this with the smaller letters must be the earlier 
of the two, but I am not certain. 



The cleaning and decipherment were very difificult, and I have 
mis-read several characters. We/uveo^ is apparently a name of the 
god Sebek, '^ovxo's, Uejii(ra.o9 (nJULC<i.^), who is called the most 
glorious of the gods that ever existed. The temple was completed 
in order that the settlement might be provided with a holy place ? 
eviepia<} (not evae/iias:) xa/3/i/, and for the Sake of decency? (eVtxrtav, an 
Egypto-Greek version of eTrteiKeiaf ?). For K<i.IC<i.p read Kai^/ap ? ; 
the column has been cut short, and the end of the inscription is 

As to the date Mr. R. Stuart Poole fortunately suppressed a 
theory that I had formed making |_||-| refer to a supposed era of 
the Macedonian conquest, and A\e^auBpou Sevrepou cio^/evov^, to 
Alexander (son of Alexander the Great), 'descendant of Zeus or 
Ammon ' ? fV/ cannot be taken in this sense, but necessarily indicates 
a magistrate. 

This first record was effaced, and a new one, which seems to be 
complete, was substituted, announcing in larger but still very modest 
and indistinct characters that the temple was dedicated in the reign 
of Hadrian. The reason why Sebek appears is that the settlement 
was within the limits of the plain of Ombos, and north of the hills 
that mark the district of the cataracts. The mutilation and white- 
washing of the column was done probably by Christians when 
converting the pagan temple into a church. 

East Silsileh; add quarry-marks y, ^ high up over the river 
towards the south. Further north in a quarry with entrance cut 
very narrow and deep (marks a, b in Plate II, represent four animals). 

I explored all round the back of the hill eastwards, hoping to find 
graffiti of the time when the river passed that way before breaking 
the barrier, but there were none beyond the quarry region. 

On the south side about 100 yards east of the south-east corner 
is the graffito KEAHC, but none beyond. On the northern side, 
soon after the north-west corner has been turned, graffiti, etc., are 
met with, including reminiscences of the Sudan, which are probably 
not very ancient, i is a group of lion, ? ox, ostrich, and camel. 
2. dog and elephant ! with rider? (G). 

April 2] 



In a small quarry, round-headed stela, at the top r^^, down 
the middle (vertical) '^ I -w^ ^ (] "^^^^ H Fl dj | -?■ , on one' 

side figure of Amen-mes adoring thus ^ , the other side erased 
(cartouches of a king). (G). 

Further west is the great 14-feet tablet of Khuenaten high up 
and inaccessible, looking northwards over the fields. Mr. Petrie let 
himself down from above by a rope ladder and copied the inscription. 
It is published L. D. Ill, 1 10 /, which however omits the scene at the 
top, viz., below the winged disk, on right erased figure, on the left 
Amen rd enthroned ! 

hi \ 


I I ^AA/W* 

i© I 

/ half \ 
\ erased/ 




For the rest Mr. Petrie's copy of this important monument 

entirely confirms that of Lepsius, correcting only V "^ — \ [®] in 

line 4. Beneath the tablet, on a rock-face, now inaccessible through 
ancient quarrying, are giraffes, deer, etc., but no camels, and a canoe 
{see Plate). 

At the corner near the river cfre several small tombs filled with 
sand facing north. 

It is not very easy to fix the exact position of the ancient town, 
for there are no mounds of rubbish, but I think it must have been 
at this corner (opposite the grotto of Horemheb), where there are the 
rock foundations of a small temple, and a great deal of pottery. 

The shrine of Amenhotep III* is deep in the quarries towards 
the north end. It stood free, cut out of a mass of living rock that 

* Cf. Rosell. Mon., S. Ill, p. 215. 


had been left in a conspicuous place, and was sculptured on all 
sides, but has been thrown down. It was apparently surmounted 
by a colossal hawk, which lies amongst the fragments. Near it are 
two colossal sphinxes unfinished (intended for transport to some 

other place), one having a rude graffito on the haunch with (1 '— — ' . 

The two tablets of Seti I are close together (?) at the entrance 
of another quarry further south, a narrow wall of rock having been 
left for them. They are high up and in bad condition. I have 
reproduced the very hasty copy only in order to draw attention to 
them. PI. ... (P). 

The four plates mentioned in the text will be issued with 
the next number of the Proceedings. 

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, 
Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 7th 
May, 1889, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be 
read : — 

Rev. a. Lowy : — "Jehovistic and Elohistic Proper Names" 
(postponed from the last Meeting). 


IRecovbs of tbe H^ast. 





New Series. Edited by Professor Sayce, who will be assisted in the 
work by Mr. Le Page Renouf, Prof. Maspero, Mr. Budge, Mr. Pinches, 
Prof. Oppert, M. Amiaud, and other distinguished Egyptian and Assyrian 

The new series of volumes differs from its predecessor in several 
respects, more especially in the larger amount of historical, religious, and 
geographical information contained in the introductions and notes, as well 
as in references to points of contact between the monumental records and 
the Old Testament. Translations of Egyptian and Assyrian texts will be 
given in the same volume. 

Crown octavo ; Cloth. 4^-. 6c/. Volume I now ready. 

Samuel Bagstkr & Sons, Limited, 15, Paternoster Row, London. 


tTbe Bronse ©rnaments of tbe 
Hbalace (5ates from Balawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, H.c. 859-825.] 

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In a;cordance with the terms of the original pros])cctus, the price for 
each partis now raised to ^i los. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
price) £^ IS. 

Society of Biblical Archaeology. 

COUNCIL, 1889. 

President : — 
P. LE Page Renouk. 

Vice-Pf-esidctits : — 

Rev. Frederick Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter. 

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor. 

The RiCxHT Hon, W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c. 

The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &.c., Bishop of Durham. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. 

Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury. 

Council : — 


Rev. Charles James Ball. | Prof. A. Macalister, M.D. 

Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. I Rev. James Marshall. 

E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. • 1 F. D. Mocatta. 

Arthur Gates. j Alexander Peckover, F.S 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. | J. Pollard. 

Rev. R. Gvvynne. j F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.4 

Charles Harrison, F.S.A. [ E. Towry Whyte, M.A. 

Rev. Albert Lowy. i Rev. W. Wright, D.D, 

Honorary 7)vvM«r(7-— BERNARD T. BosANQUET. 

Secretary — W. Harky Rylands, F.S.A. 

lloihnarv Secrcinry for Fouii^n Correspondence — Prof. A. H. Sayce, |V1.A. 

J/onoiary Jdhrarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 



Part 7. 






Seventh Meeting, yth May, 1889. 



Rev. a. Lowy. — On Ihe Origin of the Name Damcshek 

( Damascus) 237 

Rev. a. Lowy. — The Elohistic and Jehovistic Names of Men 

and Women in the Bible 238-247 

Rev. C. J. Ball. — Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

XL— The Nin-Mag Cylinders 24S-253 

Professor Dr. August Eisenlohr. — Egyptian Antiquities at 

Brussels ... 254-266 

Dr. a. Wiedemann. — On the Legends concerning the Youth of 

Moses. Part II 267-2S2 

Professor Sayce. — Letter from Dr. Neubauer 283-2S5 

C. Bezold. — Some Unpublished Assyrian " List of Officials " ... 286-287 

published at 

II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 

188 9. 

[No. LXXXIV.] 


II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, 




To Members. 






















































































-80 . 



1 88a 









-83 ■ 
















1 886 



per Part 





,, ,, 



-88 1 

art 8, 10 

6 „ „ 




-89, ir 

1 course 0: 


To Non- 

s. d. 











10 6 

12 6 



A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may be 
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Ryi.ands, K.S.A., II, Hart 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 

Tlate I. 

Elephantine to Esh Shedidi 

Proc SocBibLArcfuApnl 1833. 

i|.i| to^tmt le^t ha.nfil end T«ad. 








I 1 1 
t I 





I I I 



I M 




' -2- 




1 1 1 



tl t tl 


I tin 

til tl 

O -4rr 


p ^iHt^a^t^T iS"A J.i 


-^ ^ Jols/" door In. tomb. 

1 O 

Quatrry I . fl A 2 . jj J U nr 

F. L.G.del 

Ftoc Soc.BM Arch.April 1S89. 

Pi^i^ EAST Si LSI LEH Stela. 

■J-J |Dj winged Disk ////////^ 


c/ LZ). fli. W/ ^ (A« 
first JujroumiaL Lute- 
ancL the two side lines 

f I (1(11 

- - « . 

^"^ I!! Wl 

o»^ '^a- ^^ 

%; 1 1 ^ 

^ DP- « 




r- f^ o ^ . . ^ ^oc Scc,BiJblArch April 1883. 

East Silsileh Shrine^- — :_, ^ 

Plate H. 


1 II 















O** Utikt 

Exteruir n'pht Side 


«Lerior 1 


R,j,l.t Ja.t.o 

ly^ 1114^ Ml ^ 

^> >*.M« A^ tilO i» "^Sf 

Right Side 

^1% •¥ 





fragment of Shnne 



Froc SocBcbLArch.Apnl 1889. 







M YCOY eTe^eY ehTo 1 6 
p0NfcYI€P|AC KAieniKi 
nconoTe e^coN eni <|»a 








Seventh Meeting, ^th May, 18S9. 
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President, 



The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, M. G. Maspero : — La Mythologie e'gyptiennc. 
Les travaux de MM. Brugsch at Lanzone. 8vo. 1S89. Paris. 
Extrait de la Revue de I'Histoire des Religions. 

From the Author, Abraham Coles, M.D., LL.D. :— The Micro- 
cosm and other Poems. New York. 8vo. 1881. 

From the Author, Dr. Paul Haupt : — The Dimensions of tlie 
Babylonian Ark. 8vo. 

Reprint. Amer. Journ. of Philology. Vol. IX, No. 4. 
From the Author, Dr. Paul Haupt : — Contributions to the 
History of Assyriology, with special reference to the works of 
Sir Henry Rawlinson. 

Johns Hopkins University Circulars. Vol. VIII, No. 72. 
Baltimore. April, 1889. 
[No. Lxxxiv.] 235 T 


From Prof. Haupt : — Some additions and corrections to Lotz's 
Tiglath-Pileser. By Mr. Edgar P. Allen. 

Amer. Orient. Soc. Proceedings. Oct., 1888, 

From the Author, Cesare A. de Cara, S.J. : — Gli Hyksos o Re 
Pastori di Egitto. 8vo. 

Estratto dalla Civilta Cattolica, Serie XIV. Vol. II. 
Quad. 931. Pag. 16-36. 

From Wyatt Papworth : — Journal Asiatique. 7 Serie. Tome 
XVII, Nos. 62, 63, 64. Tome XVIII, No. 66. 

From the Author, Rev. J. G. Kitchin, M.A. : — Herod's Temple, 
with the principal allusions in the New Testament, and a brief 
description of its probable appearance. 8vo. 1889. 

From Prof. Haupt : — Assyrian Vowels V / and '^"h- By Dr. 
Cyrus Adler. 

Amer. Orient. Soc. Proceedings. Oct., 1888. 
From Prof. Haupt : — ^Semitic Studies in America. 

From Hebraica. Oct., 1888. 

From the Author : — Inscription neopunique de Cherchell en 
I'honneur de Micipsa. Par Philippe Berger. Folio. 1889. 

Extrait de la Revue d'assyriologie et d'archeologie orientale. 
2^ Annee. 1888. No. 2. 

Miss B. Harvey, Icklebury, Biggleswade, was elected a 
Member, having been nominated at the last Meeting on 2nd 
April, 1889. 

Rev. Prof. J. T. Marshall, The Baptist College, Brighton 
Grove, Manchester, was nominated for election at the next 
Meeting on 4th June, 1889. 



May 7] PROCEEDINGS. ' [1889. 

The following arrived, unfortunately, too late to be issued 
in its proper place {^Proceedings, April), and has now been 
inserted at the special request of Mr. Lowy. — W. H. R. 

On the Origin of the Name Dameshek (Damascus). 

The Rev. A. Lowy made a few observations bearing upon an 
interesting passage in Genesis. In the commencement of chapter xv 
of that book, it is mentioned that Eliezer of Dameshek (Damascus) 
is the ben Meshek {i.e., Steward) of the house. It would thus appear 
that in the name of that city the term Meshek has a special significa- 
tion which deserved to be investigated. In Mr. Lowy's opinion the 
full name of Damascus is indicated in 2 Chronicles, where it is spelt 
in several chapters with an inserted '^, Darnieshek. This form 
admits of the rendering " locality of Afeshek." The last-mentioned 
term signifies "drink" or "watering." The acceptation of this 
meaning is justified by the peculiar topographical position of 
Damascus. In reaching the district of that ancient city, travellers 
from various sides have to traverse a barren desert. The sharply 
marked oasis of Damascus has often been graphically described in 
Eastern travels ; the front legs of the rider's horse or camel may be 
already on the fringe of the meadow land, whilst the hind legs are 
still on the arid desert. The abundance of water in Damascus is 
pointed out in the Bible, and forms the great characteristic of that 
region. The locality for "refreshing drink," Afashke, is the greatest 
attraction for the weary wayfarer, and appears to be suitably ex- 
pressed by Dartneshek. The elision of the resh occurs in several 
Hebrew words of ancient date, such as Kisse (throne) which has its 
complete form in the Chaldaic Koursa. A seal, Choiau, stands in 
lieu of Chortan, from Charat, to engrave Several other Hebrew 
vocables bear additional evidence to the assumption that DaiiiesJick 
is a curtailment of Darmeshek. 



Thp: Elohistic and Jehovistic Proper Names of Men and 
Women in the Bible. 

By the Rev. A. Lowy. 

Out of nearly 1600 proper names of men and women mentioned 
in the Bible, there are not less than 2 86 which have a distinct bearing 
upon religion. 123 begin or end with el (God). These I designate 
as Elohistic proper names. 48 have at the beginning a curtailment of 
the word Jehovah^ such as jeho (contracted xn jo) ; 105 other names 
terminate either with the syllable jaliu, or more commonly with jah. 
These last two sections constitute the Jehovistic element of proper 
names. It has to be noticed at the outset that the title of my 
present essay has nothing in common with the use ordinarily made 
of the appellations Elohism and Jehovism, these words being 
employed in modern days as criteria whereby ingenious critics 
consider themselves enabled to discriminate between records in the 
Bible, in which they find that Elohiin (God) is represented as the 
object of popular adoration, and in other records (alleged to be of a 
different origin) the Deity is acknowledged under the name of 
Jehovah. In the designation of Jehovah modern criticism professes 
to perceive the name of a tribal God. Much as may have to be said 
about this widely diffused theory by an impartial student, I will not 
be tempted to transgress the limits of the present investigation. I 
shall in this paper occupy myself with studies connected with the 
groups of Elohistic and Jehovistic names in the Bible. Such studies 
enable us to obtain an insight into facts which are unrecorded in the 
ancient history of Israel and other Semitic nations. 

That part of a composite proper name to which a fraction of the 
word Eloliiin or oi Jehovah is attached, I will call the theme. Let us 
take, by way of example, the proper name Hizki * (" my strength "). 
If to the theme Hizki we join the Jehovistic appendage y^////^ or Jah 
we have Hizkijahu or Hizkijah ("my strength is Jehovah"). This 
name may be converted into a promise relating to a future time when 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

it receives the letter jod as a prefix. Jehiskijahu or Jehiskvah 
means "my strength will be the Lord." The Anglican version, 
following in a slight degree the vocalisation of the old Greek version 
(the Septuagint), reproduces the name just mentioned by spelling it 

There is a characteristic difference between those proper names 
in which the allusion to the Deity stands before the theme, and the 
other more numerous instances in which the Elohistic or Jehovistic 
addition is made at the end of the name. Whenever we find in the 
compound name that the Deity is mentioned yfrj-/, such name implies 
that God is the source from which all supreme influences emanate ; 
but when the allusion to the Deity is placed at the end of the theme, 
the aspect is reversed. The proper name then indicates that man 
stands forth as the recipient of the Divine operations. In the one 
class of names God is represented as looking providentially down 
upon man ; in the other case man is depicted as expectantly or 
thankfully looking up to God. On the basis of tliis diversity we can 
now survey the vast extent of religious names. On the one side God 
is the main subject of all the Elohistic and Jehovistic proper names. 
On the other side, man becomes the prominent and foremost figure, 
stepping forth with his untold stories of troubles, hopes, and 

The Elohistic and Jehovistic proper names, represented in the 
two divisions as here described, contain suggestive, though brief, 
historical data of the religious opinions which at one long period were 
accepted and entertained by the community. The bearers of the 
respective names were selected to proclaim certain religious convic- 
tions or experiences. Many proper names may be looked upon as 
though they were titles and index-headings to a popular psalmody, or 
as if they were suggestions of subjects which the hymnologist might 
work out for devotional purposes. Later on I shall be enabled to 
show that some of the names were actually adapted to the ardently 
desired prospects of a national restoration from the Babylonian 
captivity. The 121st Fsalm, with its beautiful beginning, "I lift uj) 
mine eyes unto the hills ; whence cometh my help ?" received in some 
popular names a most appropriate response — Ei.i'ezer (" My God is 



a help"); Jeho'ezer ("Jehovah is a help"). If the theme of the 
proper name be placed before the Divine title we have, as a similar 
response, 'Azriel ("My help is God"); 'Azariah ("My help is 
Jehovah "). In connection with the sentiments breathed forth in 
these names, may be noticed the remarkably expressive name 
Eljeho'enai (" Unto Jehovah my eyes are directed "). I will cite 
an additional instance out of the many which might here be adduced 
by way of illustration. The prayer for divine favour and mercy has 
engendered such names as Elhanan ("God has shown favour"), 
or Johanan— the origin of Johannes or John — ("Jehovah has 
shown favour"). When the thematic word forms the beginning, we 
meet with such names as Hananel (" Favour has been shown by 
God") ; Haniel (" Favour has been shown me by God"); Hananl\h 
(" Favour has been shown unto me by Jehovah "). A goodly number 
of proper names are of a supijlicatory character. They describe 
either the fervent wishes of an individual or the patriotic desires of 
the whole nation ; for instance, Shear Jashub (" A remnant shar 
return," i.e., from Babylon); Jahaziel ("God shall look upon 
me"); Jehojashib ("The Lord shall bring back"); Jehojachin 
("The Lord shall establish"). In some instances we cannot clearly 
discern whether the proper name relates to a past event of Divine com- 
passion, or to an event still latent in the lap of coming days ; but there 
is a certain co-relation and reciprocity between some ranges of proper 
names ; for it can be noticed that a series of supplicatory names are 
capable of being fitly placed in juxtaposition to corresponding proper 
names which express a positive conviction that the yearnings of the 
heart will be fulfilled at a future time. I will here mention only 
a few such instances : — - 

Imploring Names. Resp07isive or Declaratory Names. 

Shem'aiah ("Listen, O Lord"). 

Berahiah ("Bless, O Lord"). 

Hosh'aiah (" Save, O Lord "). 
Rephael (" Heal, O God ''). 

Jishm'ael (Ishmael) ("God will 

listen "). 
Jeberahiah ("The Lord will 

bless "). 
Jesh'ajahu (" The Lord will 

save "). 
JiRPAEL (" God will heal "). 

May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889, 

The praises in the song of Moses, " Who is like unto thee, O 
Lord, among the mighty ? " find a kind of reiteration in the name 
Michael ("Who is hke unto God?") and in Michahu — shortened 
into MiCHAH (" Who is hke unto Jehovah?"). 

A complete compendium of religious belief is presented to our 
observation if we classify the proper names in certain categories, 
whereby the sphere of Elohistic and Jehovistic names is extended. 
For I have now to point out some of the peculiar titles which are 
promiscuously employed as synonymous with God or with Jehovah. 
Such titles are, Father (ab), Brother (ah), in the sense of devoted 
friend; fa/n)s. true and devoted ally. 'A/n is ordinarily used in 
the sense of people ; but this signification is utterly inadmissible 
when applied to a proper name. Even when referring to the name 
of a human being, 'am excludes the notion of having anything to do 
with people. We find, for example, the name Ani'am, which signifies 
" I am a trusty companion ; " but it could never have conveyed the 
absurd notion " I am a people."* Further, we find applied to the 
Deity the titles King (Melech), Rock (Ziir), and Almighty (Shaddai). 
The last mentioned word is used in the proper name ZurishaddaV 
("The Almighty is my Rock"), and 'Amshaddai. Other attributive 
epithets occur in large numbers; but I will only cite three: Lofty 
(ratn); Y{.\^(kai/i) ; and Generous fi'/w/r/^. The important combin- 
ations arising out of these several terms are (with the exclusion of 
Shaddai) set forth in the following synoptical Table : — 

* In this sense 'Am is connected with 'Amith, often occurring in the Bible, 
and signifying a "friend," an "associate," a "fellow man." Incidently may 
be mentioned a curious interchange of meanings. In Hebrew dod signifies 
"uncle and friend." The Arabic ^l^ "uncle," reappears in Hebrew in the 

just mentioned signification of "friend." 


Mav 71 



<1 '.. 5 S 

<1 1. 


O 3 

< S 
3 Pi 

< ^ 

w < 
5 S 

N N 

1 < 


<: =^ < 

: ^ : 



: : J 

<l " 




< 23 ■ 







K -■ . 



< : 

: : •< 

: < : 


2 <<-:: 

>^ - D 

< o a 

.—.■—• 'r. 

O r- C 

S c ffi 

W ri W 




c ' 

^ o 


N "Hh 

ffi >0 rt 

H -g "s 

May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

El (God) as an initial occurs in proper names 46 times ; as a 
terminal 77 times ; Jeho, and in its contracted form jo, is prefixed to 
48 proper names ; whilst yV?///^, and far more generally/^/^, constitutes 
the Jehovistic ending of 115 proper names. The reason for the 
common employment of d, and the far more frequent employment of 
tne Jehovisticy'cz//, will become apparent in the sequel. 

We have seen by the foregoing specimens that the proper names, 
with their allusions to the Deity, illustrate with economical precision 
the ideas which dominated and permeated the life of the individual 
or the nation. In the majority of such names we perceive a remem- 
brance of collision with opponents. They are signals of social friction. 
But the allusions to a peaceful and tranquil condition are com- 
paratively small in number. Disputants and quarrellers might 
readily give rise to the name Pelaliah (" Plead, O Jehovah "), the 
contentions being referred to the tribunal of the Deity. To this 
same category belong such names as Shkphatiah ("Judge, O 
Lord"), Jehoshaphat ("The Lord will Judge,") or Daniel 
("God is my judge.") The man born in thraldom, carried 
into his existence the history of his misfortune in the prayer- 
ful name Pedaiah ("Ransom, O Jehovah"); the man whose worldly 
affairs were disappointing might well give to his son the name J is- 
machiah ("Jehovah will give support"), or Jirmiah (Jeremiah), 
(" Jehovah will lift me up "). Better days were augured in the name 
Jeshajahu (Isaiah), ("Jehovah will save"), or Jehezkkel, i.e., 
Ezekiel (" God will give strength "). Satisfied with his lot in the 
sphere of religion, if in no other sphere, a man bore the name? 
assumed by himself or given by his father, Hilkiah ("Jehovah is 
my portion "). Absorbed in the engrossing thoughts of the ancestral 
faith, a man introduced the ex])ressive name Besodiah ("I am 
within the secrecy of Jehovah "). Illustrations of such devout 
coinings might be multiplied to a vast extent ; the few notices may, 
however, speak for the many. Very often it happens that there are 
no prefixed or postfixed references to God, but the uncompounded 
form of the name was considered sufficient to convey an allusion to 
the Deity. For example, Jibhar (" He, viz., God will elect ") ; 
JusHABHESED ("Loving kindness will be restored"); Jigal ("He 
will release "). Names of this class are naturally numerous. Bio- 
graphical names, independent of religious sentiment, do not come 
within the scope of the present essay ; yet it may not be considered 
out of place if I make a few references to the existence of such 



names. A father in the exuberance of paternal love gave to his son 
the name Romamti 'Ezer (" I have brought up a helpmate "). 
Among the non-religious names are such as seem to indicate the 
physical or intellectual condition of the respective individual, his 
occupation and the estimate in which he was held by acquaintances. 
If such an estimate was of humiliating degree, the person was 
described by a species of nickname. The individuality of the 
man was, for example, characterised by such names as Amoz 
("Powerful"); Boaz ("In him there is strength"); Hakkatan 
("The Little"). 

A man trading in iron (harzet) would fitly receive the name 
Barzilai (a trader in iron) ; Ahashtari, i Chron. iv, 6 (a muleteer), 
is of Persian origin, and connected with ahashteranim, which 
occurs in the Book of Esther. The tendency of calling a person 
by a sobriquet had much scope for display at a time when Hebrew 
was a spoken language. An opprobrious name comes up like an 
after-thought, and is a mere eponym fixed upon the more or less 
peculiar individual. Such names are Halohesh (the whisperer) ; 
Ikkesh (the tortuous man) ; Nahash (a snake). There is also a 
woman's name Kozbi (a liar). There is something pungent in 
the name Hakoz (the thorn), and perhaps akin to it is Par'osh 
(a flea). 

Towards the close of the Hebrew Scriptures a large number 
of names was imported from Persia. Studies of this particular range 
of names have been made by many scholars, and are scattered over 
monographs, periodical publications, and a variety of philological 
works. They well deserve to be the subject of further investigations. 

Of feminine names, about 80 in number, there are but few which 
are connected with the Elohistic-Jehovistic principle. The mother 
of Moses is ennobled by the eponymic appellation Jochebed 
("Jehovah's glory"). The other names of Israelite women in the 
Bible are generally designed to convey cheering notions. Excep- 
tions exist in such a tragic name as 'Azurah ("a forsaken woman"), 
Marah ("one whose life is embittered"). 

Divine support is im})lied in Jiscah (" He, i.e., God, will afford 
protection "). Fortune smiling upon the home is promised in 
Keren hapuch ("the horn, that is success has returned;" 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

literally, is turned upwards). Domestic peacefulness is expressed by 
Shelomith or Shulamith. The personal attractiveness of the 
Israelite woman is characterised by Hannah ("gracefulness "). The 
pleasant woman is called Na'omi and Na'amah ; the charming one is 
ZiBiAH ; the fascinating one is 'Achs'ah ; the fine one Shifrah; 
the resplendent, Pu'ah ; the ornament is 'Adah ; the refreshing shade, 
Zillah. She with agility is named No'ah ; the agreeable com- 
panion, TiRZAH. The recipient of heaven's compassion is called 
Ruhamah ; the faithful friend figures in the name Ruth. Sarah 
("the princess"), Esther ("the star"), have become permanent ap- 
pellations like a few other names already mentioned. Molecheth ("a 
queenly ruler"), and Milcah (" queen "), are still used in the common 
form Malcah. The name Jeri'oh ("curtains") reminds us of the 
touching lament in Jeremiah, "There is none to set up my curtains." 
Jeremiah x, 20. 

Feminine names of pleasant visible objects exist in Peninah ("a 
pearl"), Hadassah ("the myrtle"), Keziah ("the perfume cassia"). 
Possibly Keziah finds a parallel in the Roman name Cassius. The 
idea of fragrance is repeated in the name Keturah {i.e., "surrounded 
by incense"), and Basmath ("the odoriferous"). Living things 
lend their names in various instances ; Deborah is the bee, Zipporah 
the sparrow-hen, Jemimah, the dove (retained by the Eastern Jews 
in the translated form Columba and Palumba, and by the German 
Jews in Taube) ; there is Haglah ("the partridge"), 'Eglah ("the 
young calf"), Ribka ("the falling calf"), Rahel ("the ewe lamb"), 
and Ja'el ("the gazelle"). 

I now come to discuss in a few words the question by what 
cause were the religious names originally introduced and developed ? 
The references to God were by no means peculiar to the Hebrews. 
The system of interweaving divine appellations with proper names 
was of ancient world-wide usage. The fire of religion warmed the 
hearts of many nations, whether their leaders were engaged on a 
pilgrimage from error to truth, or were wandering away from right 
to false conceptions. P>om an historical standpoint we do not 
subject the ancient opinions to a critical analysis. We take facts 
as they present themselves to us, and we see in the Hebrew 
Scriptures, in the monumental records of non-Hebraic Semites, 
and in the old literature of many Asiatic and European nations, 
names characteristically analogous to such lists as I have already 


May 7] 



furnished. I will give in the following list a few instances of names 
parallel among Israelites and non-Israelites : — 

A^a>nes of Israelites. 
EIiISHAM'A(" My God has heard"). 


("My God has helped," or "Jehovah 
has helped "). 

'AZBI'EL (<' God is my help "). 

("Jehovah has fa- 

(" Favour me, O 


voured "). 


Jehovah "). 
JONATHAN ("Jehovah hath given"). 


(" God hath given "). 

Gentile Names. 
Ba'alsham'a ( " Baal has heard "). 

Ashmun'azar, Hadaph'azar, or 
Hadarh'azar, ( "Ashmun (or 
Hadad or Iladar) has helped " ). 

'Azdrubal ( " Baal is a help " ). 

Ba'alhanan ( " Baal has favoured "). 
Hannibal (" Favour me, O Baal "') 
Ba'aljathen ( " Baal hath given " ). 


( " Mithra hath given " ). 
IsiDOROS ("A gift of Isis "). 

BoGPAN, the Servian hero (" God's 

gift "). 

The Greeks had a similar system of combining religious 
names, for example, Theodoros and Theodosius ("God's gift"). 
By reversing this combination, they produced Dorotheos and 
DosiTHEOS.-'' Pleasant as it may appear to us to see nations 
standing on a common ground, and apparently fraternising with 
each other in their religious ideas, the leaders of the Israelites 
had good reason to apprehend that their followers were exposed 
to being drawn down into the vortex of sensuous paganism. No 
name occurring in the biblical period could be more popular 
than that of Ba'al, which in its signification of Lord or Master, 
was a household word among the Hebrews. The conjugal relations 
of Israelites were marked by the terms ba'al (husband) and be'ulah 
(an espoused woman). Our ordinary expression, " master of the 
situation," was designated ba'al both in the Bible and in subsec^uent 
Hebrew writings. Baal-worship had therefore a memorial in the 
domestic idiom of the Israelites. In consideration of this circum- 
stance, a rigid course had to be adopted which is tersely indicated by 
the following decisive announcement in Hosea ii, 19 : "I will remove 
the names of Baal from her mouth (viz., from the mouth of the 
daughter of Israel), and they shall no longer be mentioned by their 
names." The chiefs of the Israelites and the Levitical officers were 

* From Uobilheos, the Jews of the post-biblical age derived the p.n. Dosetai 

\xnDn . 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89. 

especially active in tliis direction. Their unremitting zeal in the 
elimination of objectionable practices is described in the sober 
statements of Ezra and Nehemiah. Many ancient leaders of the 
people actually carried into effect in its very literality the old 
sacerdotal injunction, " And they shall put my name upon the 
children of Israel, and I will bless them.'' Here we have the 
clue to the phenomenal abundance of Jehovistic apijendages to 
proper names. In the Pentateuch they are still rare, but they 
increase in copiousness as we follow Israel's history from age to 
age. Such a recurrence speaks trumped-tongued of a religious 
revival concerning which no record is so clear and specific as that 
of proper names. 

Two agencies were employed for the expurgation of idolatrous 
designations : on the one hand we perceive the Levites, to whose 
activity a reference has already been made ; on the otlier hand 
Bible students can notice that some of the compilers and redactors 
of the Hebrew Scriptures exercised a careful discrimination in 
regard to the retention and rejection of names of Baal. This 
is specially noticeable in the history of Gideon ; this hero, as we 
know, was yclept Jerubba'al. This name is explained in Judges 
vi, 32, " Baal will contend," a combination which was not rare 
in olden times, for we have the corresponding names Jaribiah 
(" Jehovah will contend "), and Jareb (" He, i.e., God, will contend "). 

Now when we refer to i Samuel xii, 11, and to 2 Samuel xi, 21, 
we observe that a rigid censorship was exercised regarding the term 
Baal as the name of an idol. The compilers of the Bible substi- 
tuted for the anti-monotheistic word Baal the opprobrious term 
bosheth ("shame" or "disgrace"). The bearer of the name Mephi- 
BOSHETH — as Geiger rightly suggested — would ordinarily have been 
called Mephiba'al. 

Anyone studying the Hebrew prophets cannot fail to notice how 
persistently they inveighed against the ignominy of departing from 
the worship of the unseen Deity. The success of their protests is 
inscribed in the pages of history, and is illustrated in the occurrence 
of many Elohistic and Jehovistic proper names. 

Remarks were added by Dr. Gaster, Rev. A. Lowy, and 
the President. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 




By the Rev. C. J. Ball. 
This modern Babylonian text is inscribed on three small cylin- 

O r 

ders registered Rm. 676, 12042, and 8 — 30, respectively, in the 

Museum collection. The text is identical in each, the only difference 
that I have noticed even of orthography being that in Col. I, 1 2 the 
second cylinder has ka-dimmer-ra-ki instead of ba-bi-lam-KL The 
writing is in a bold, clear hand, and presents no difficulty even to an 
inexperienced reader. I have to thank Mr. T. G. Pinches for placing 
at my disposal copies of two other cylinders of the same class, which 
were offered for sale in this country some years ago, and have since 
found their way to America. They present several interesting 
variants, which will be found noted below, p. 251. So far as I know, 
the text as here given is the first correct copy of this inscription 
that has been published. The Museum possesses, besides, five casts 

of cylinders with the same inscription. They are numbered, 7 — 26, 

41 56 62 55 

7 7-7 26, 11 — 10, 7—16, and 12 119. All five appear to be 

copies of the same original, the second being a very clumsy attempt, 
with one line upside down ! Their variants are: I, 10, ru-ba-a-ti ; 

I, 12, KA-DIMMER-RA-KI 5 II, I, ^y| ^ y|^ = ^pifl (plur.); II, 9, 

da-am-ga-tu-u-a ; II, i6, ki-ri-bi-it. 

Column I. 

H .^ -^X^*^^ ':^^\\ -M ^I^ tM -^^V^ 

X^, -\ -^u 





-T ^%\ 


;y ^fY -T -^11 


4 -T ^%\ 



May 7] 



10 ^ 





15 4^r >:^ 

<« -^ 







Column II. 






5 -r 

:5 ^4 

(Column II, Third Cylinder.) 

^^ IJI! ^ 



T4 *^'J^1 

-yy<y ^^> 








May 7J 



D. na-bi-um-ku-du-ur-ri-u-(^u-ur 


DU D. na-bi-um-iBiLA-u-^u-ur 


5 a-na-ku 




a-na d. nin-mag 
10 ru-ba-a-tim 


i-na ba-bi-lam-Ki 


15 ki-sa-a da-lum 

i-na esir-e-a 

u seg-al-ur-ra 


e-pi-ir Ki-DAM 

5 D. NlN-MAG 

AMA ri-mi-ni-ti 



10 li-is-sa-ak-na 




15 na-an-na-bi 

i-na ki-er-bi-it pi-ri-'-ia 


su-te-si-ri ta-li-it-ti 

Column I. 

King of Babylon 
Son of N'abopalassar 
King of Babylon 
Am I. 

The house of Nin-niagh 
In the heart of Babylon 
For Nin-magh 
The Lady 
In Babylon 
I built. 
A great wall 
In bitumen 
And burnt brick 
I threiv around it ; 

Column II. 

With dust of Dame Earth 

The inside thereof 
I filed up. 
O Nin-magh, 
Mother compassionate J 
With joy 

Behold thou, and 
Let good things for me 
On thy lip ! 

Spread abroad 
Progeny ; 

In the midst of my offspring 

Direct thou the birth I 

May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18^9. 

Variants. — Column I. 

II. f:^TT »^rT >^>. 

13. e-es-^y>--is. 
15. ki-sa-a-^y.<^. 
18. u-sa-as-hi-»^yy-sa. 

Column II. 

8. B. na-ap-li-si-^-ma. 
9- ^I I '>^y-<^-ga-tu-u-a. 

Notes. — Column I. 
6. e-ma6, l>hu cirtu or ralntu, " the lofty or great house": S'' 336 
sq. ma-ah = gi-i-ru and ra-bu-u. Dr. Bezold, who pubUshed a 
somewhat incorrect copy of this inscription in his Zeitschrift three 
years ago, states (p. 43, note) that '■'■ bitii is mascuhne in Assyrian.'' 
It is, however, of both genders ; and in this place clearly feminine 
(see line 18), as often in Neb., e.g. Proceedings, April, i88g, p. 208, 
lines 17, 18, 23, ^2>^ etc. 

I see no reason for coining Mahitu as the " Assyrian " name of 
the goddess. But as nin = rubatu, and as mag = dm, I cannot 
help regarding riibatim cirti as an intentional gloss upon NIN-^L\G. 


(mag = ru-bu-u, 2 R. 31, No. 2, 18; ■=md'du and ari, ib., 21 s<j.) 
The goddess is called dimmer mag, E.I.H. IV, 16. 

1 2. Here, and at Col. II, 4, Dr. Bezold transcribes ^riTT ^^'"^ ^^ 
//, without remark. 

15. ki-sa-a (van : ki-sa-a-am) da-lum. That kisu means "wall" 
is evident from the context (asas/jirsa). See Layard 31, 19, ki-su. 
The root is HD^ " to cover," i.e., protect ; cf. the frequent expression 
ana kidani)n, "for cover" or "protection," of walls, E.I.H. \\ 32, 
etc., and Proceedings, April, 1889, p. 216, note 19. ^^'ith asitrn'i, 
"wall," Layard 41, 37, compare b^^lITi;^, Ezra v, 3. 

Dr. Bezold transcribed the line thus : Subat-sa a-da(ta)-lum, and 
translated it, ' Ihre machtige (?) Wohnung,' 'her mighty dwelling.' 
His note on the passage says : ^^Ad{tl)alion, 1. 15, and id{(?)i/i. 1. 32 
[Col. II, 14] remind us involuntarily of it{il)lu, from *{i)dil (</ 

251 U 

See 5 R. 39, 3, obv. 64 : nin 


HoMMEL, V. K. 489). We have perhaps to establish it(jl)lu in 
Babylonish-Assyrian {cf. Jensen, p. 21 of this volume); a-ta-liim and 
i-H-li would then be successive formations (Fortbildungen) of the 
root 7I5i^ existing in the Babylonish-Assyrian linguistic consciousness 
(Sprachgefiihl)." All this is much above me ; but perhaps the reader 
will appreciate its bearing upon the text better than I do. 

18. usasMrsa : Dr. Bezold : ' errichtete ich sie,' *I erected it' 
{i.e., 'her mighty dwelling,' 1. 15); but it is clear from the other 
passages of Nebuchadrezzar to which he refers, that the term is not 
to be compared with .^.>^, ^»J^, but with "^HD : see E.I.H. V, 37, 

Column II. 

I. epir, V. ebir ; a shortened plural, = ^//>/, for which we also find 
the plur. eprati (jnllCi^). That epir is plural is evident from its 
adj. ellutim, 1. 20 ; and the variant given above. So ih)i riiqutim. 

Ki-DAM V. Ki-i-DAM, is, I think, to be explained by K\=^i}-ptn, and 
T>\M = assafi/, "woman," "wife." Perhaps it should be reversed in 
transcription, and read dam-ki = Aoi'm;, Davki-na (like zu-ab, abzu). 
Epir DAMKI ellfitim is thus sim])ly a pompous expression like 
ina irai kigallam. 

Dr. Bezold regards kidam as an ideogram, which he transcribes 
kidanim (with a query), but does not venture to translate. He cites 
Nerigl., II, 20, ina libbi ana ki-'^^^'\-a-nim ekalli, in support of 
his view. But would he argue that jnu--^^^'\-ah-Jii-id is an ideogram 
with a phonetic complement? (See Proceedings, April 1889, p. 201, 
note to line 19). Clearly "^^f^f sometimes = ^rt in these inscrii)tions. 

3. kirbasa : the inside of the wall, which consisted, as often, of 
a shell of kiln brick filled in with earth. Kirbu is as much a sub- 
stantive here as D."7.p. in Gen. xli, 21. 

6. rhtihiUi : adj., fem. oi rhjihiu. 

9. damgihtua : fem. plur. of da/iiqu, with suff. The long — u is 
due to the accent. 

12. nibbisi : pael imperat. 2 sing. f. of rapasic. Abp. I, 29, 
kimtii nrappisu, " (the place where my father) .... extended, i.e., 
increased the family." 

Dr. Bezold : ' ru-ub-bi panim (? ?) den hehren, dem Antlitz (?) ' 
and in the next line for ziri/n ' deni erhabenen ! ' The word is ob- 
viously ziru = V\)_ ; z'lri'" being mimmated (like rabP" and mahri'" ; 
Proceedings, April 1889, p, 216, note ad in it.). 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

14. sundili : siiddili, pael imperat. 2 sing. f. o{ sadalii, a synonym 
of raj>asu, latus esse ; with dissimilation of the doubled letter. In 
E.I.H., VIII, 12, 35, sujidulu, sundulatji, should be read ; the former 
=latus, amplus, the latter, ad faciendam amplam (sedem regiam). 

Dr. Bezold takes su as an ideogram (=:Qatu (?) ), and misreads 
i:^, un, as ^^ e, thus getting a supposed word i-di(ti)-li. From 
this point to the end he transcribes and translates thus : 
Qatu (?) i-di(ti)-li 
Die machtige Hand (?) 

NA-AN-NA-BI {}) 

ihrer Hoh (Gott- ?)heit (?) 

i-na ki-ir-bi-it ar (?)-hi-[i-i j 

auf meinem Pfade (?) 



sii-ti-si-ri us-ti-sir it-ti 

lenkt mich. 
" The mighty hand of her Highness (Godhead) upon my path 
safely directeth me." 

But tiannabi =^ na'nabu is not an Accadian word. For the root, 
see 5 R 20, 49 sq. e-f. 



With the former term, which seems to mean "to shoot," or "sprout," 
cp. ?]::^ "branch," Ezek. xvii, 8 (Dan. iv, 18, Chald.), and ^r.;-., 
8, "to pasture cattle upon fresh (ungrazed) herbage"; .,1Jjlc. 
"The first" of a thing, chiefly of youth, plants, or herbage, with 

the latter, ^^^V "tender herb"; ( „^~ "to produce fresh green 


In line 16, Dr. Bezold has misread ^f- for '^f'-, and found 
the final sign ^y^ ' undeutlich,' which was not my experience; 
while in the last line he has mistaken ^^| for Ja^|, and "^^f^ 
for '^y -^^^y. How sutcsiri iisicsir itti could mean " Icnkt 
mich," or, indeed, anything else, I do not pretend to understand. 

16. kirhit : I have not met this word elsewhere. It is re ate J to 
kiH'i/, kirib, as niihrit to niihru, niihir. 

18. falitti : " birth," " child-bearing "; from «/<?«'//. 2 R. 47, 10, 
c-d, ta-su-uh-tu — ta-lit-tu. Clearly nin-ma6 was the Babylonian 

253 U 2 



By Professor Dr. August Eisenlohr, Heidelberg. 

Though Brussels is situated on the high-road from Germany to 
England, and many thousands of travellers come yearly to this 
beautiful town, which has in its " Palais de Justice " the grandest 
building in the world of pure Grecian style, yet almost nothing has 
been published about the Egyptian antiquities preserved in that 
town. j\Iy attention was called to them firstly, by a letter from 
Mr. Wilbour (Brussels, Nov. 6th, 1875), who told me what was to 
be found there, and at what places. On my way to London (1880), 
I stopped half a day at Brussels, to visit the Museum in the curious 
tower of the " Porte de Hal." That museum belonged formerly to 
Baron Ravenstein, now deceased, and contains, besides arms and 
different antiquities of the middle ages, in the highest floor, a small 
collection of Egyptian antiquities. There is the wooden lid of a 
sarcophagus belonging to the 4th priest of Mentu Amenemaptu, 
a mummy of one called Mes, son of Petamon, fragments of a ritual 

of one named 1!\ ri fi NanaI (for this name, see Maspero, Rec, II, 
p. 180, from Pap. Belmore II, Stobart Eg. Ant. pi. IV) ; the scene of 
the last judgment for one m uar, son of r "^ ^^""^^^"^ ^^"^ uart, 
and three fragmentary Demotic papyri, two of which are contracts, 
one of 7 lines with the singular cartouches of King Amosis ; the 
third papyrus contains a catalogue of tombs with their owners, like 
the list at Berlin (Brugsch, Demot. Urkunden, Taf X), but not so 
well preserved, and like another one which I think I have seen in 
the Egyptian Gallery of the Vatican. 

Of three rather peculiar pieces (B. 49-51) I doubt the genuine- 
ness. They are written on linen, and coloured. 

B. 49 has the two cartouches of Araenophis III, a boat with 
naos, the king offering sacrifices, behind him the goddess Md. 

B. 50 contains the scene of the Kheta war, when Ramesses II 
is piercing the prince of Cheta, and treading on another foe. The 
accompanying text is not taken from Rosellini Momim. reali, 83, 
nor from Champ. Afon. I, 17, it omits the fourth line, and has signs 
which were no longer to be seen at the time of Champollion. 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

B. 51 shows a festival march of a Ptolemaic king. Priests 
bearing a shrine with 4 huts, warriors carrying the king, lions 
preceding him, and a priest incensing before him. Behind the king 
are two fan-bearers. A picture of a pylon with Greek inscription. 
The inscription is verbally the same as that given in Letronne's 
Recueil des Inscript. Grecgues, p. 408, of a scribe called Ptolemaios, 
and dedicated to the god U-revaip'ei, Ptenseni, the god of Syene, the 
Egyptian name for Hermes. 

These last three pieces I could not find in the Museum de la 
" Porte de Hal " this year (1889), but was told that the part of the 
Museum belonging to the State was now kept in another building 

As I was not allowed in 1880 to see the Egyptian Antiquities 
belonging to the King himself, and brought back by him from a 
journey he made about 1854, when Duke of Brabant, I applied by 
letter to His Majesty, and consequently obtained the permission to 
study at leisure everything which would interest me. I arrived at 
Brussels the 15th March of the present year, and took the whole of 
the next day in studying the Egyptian Antiquities. In the castle 
itself (the Palais du Roi) are only three pieces : — 

I. On a corridor, the cover of a sarcophagus in papier viache, 
which belonged to a scribe in the house of Truth, named Khai, 
with the following inscription : — 

Osiris, scribe on the seat of Truth, Khai, justified. He speaks : comes 

mother Pet, spreading over 
While ChampoUion {Notices, I, p. 864) and his followers regarded 
n or n n Ast ma as the tribunal, "le palais de Justice," 

H. Brugsch {Diet, geography S. 1275) and Prof Masp^ro in his 
elaborate rapport {Recueil, II, p. 159 ss, III, p. 103 ss.), wherein he 
gave, mostly from the Turin Museum, titles, names, and inscriptions 
of 107 different functionaries at the Ast ma, found therein only a 
designation of the Theban region of tombs, and especially of the 
tombs near Drah abu'l neggah, to which region belonged the tombs 
of the Entefs and of Amenophis I ; for my part, I rather incline to 


JNlAY 7] 



is called £^V\ 11 H 1 1 H ^ ta ast smet iPap. jiid. 

take AST MA for the tribunal, but not for the worldly tribunal, which 


Deveria, p. 90), but for a kind of tribunal after death, which 
undoubtedly was the temple of Deir el Medine, whose pictures show 
the scenes of the last judgment. Therefore the sotem as, the 

scribes, and the other functionaries of the r [) ast ma were 

mostly buried in the neighbourhood of this temple. Of the tombs 
still remaining there. Dr. ^Viedemann has given a catalogue, Proc. 
Soc. Bib. Arch., VIII, p. 225 ff. Besides the sotem as, the 
assessors of that tribunal, whose names are in the majority, and who 
had a president \ j hir sotem asu, we find in Prof. Maspero's 



UAR EN Ketu, chiefs of the workmen. 


TEN, inspectors. 


ARi EN SESU, portiers. 

t'eta, commanders of the ast ma, but also scribes, one of whom 
was Khai, and also Buteha-amon, whose sarcophagus is at Turin, 
and contains the ritual texts, published and translated by Prof 

2, 3. On the landing place of the Escalier d'honneur du Palais, 
on both sides are placed two statues of Sekhet, probably from the 
temple of Mut, like the many other Sekhet statues in the museums 
of Paris, London, Berlin, Turin, &c. Each of these Sekhet statues 
has a different qualification. I quote some from the British 
Museum : — 

<~> -^ ^ head of the force. 


=\. „ shooting the hearts. 

Some contain places of worship of Sekhet 


o A. 3 I 

'I ! I 1 I ' 

one at the Louvre, 

•^i^ V [[III 

one at the Vatican, 138 ^^ | Ji, (Brugsch, Geo^., I, 280). 

another at the same place, 1 1 7 ci D ^R\ 1 


May 7] rROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Of this kind is the one on the right at the Palais at Brussels. 
Like most of the Sekhet statues, it bears the two cartouches of 
Amenophis III, 

r^ Y r: ^r m 


beloved of Sekhet, the lady of the land (or lake) Seshet. This land 
Seshet, the name of which much resembles that of the goddess 
herself, is the Fay(im, where the crocodile was worshipped, and the 
capital of which was called Crocodilopolis , Fa sebak 

(cf. Brugsch, D/cf. Geography p. 678 ff., p. 769). The lake of Seshet 
would be the Moeris Lake. 

On the Sekhet at the left side are to be seen only the cartouches 
of Sheshonk I — 


To him belong different Sekhet statues, for example, one at the 
Turin Museum. He probably put his cartouches over those of 
Amenophis III, these being erased before, though after careful 
examination I could detect nothing of that kind of proceeding on 

the Sekhet statue at Brussels. 

AH the other Egyptian monuments belonging to the king have 
been placed in a doorway of the Royal Stables not far from the 
castle itself, the entrance being from the Place du Trone. Your 
card and a pourboire will probably obtain you admittance, and 
turning to the left you will easily find the doorway, opening into a 
court which serves as a glasshouse for orange and camelia tree?. 
On both sides of this doorway are placed the monuments which 
I will now describe. 

I. The first on the left is a colossal winged hawk of a reddish 
sandstone. The inscription already given by Maspero, Aeg. Zcii- 
schrift^ 1882 p. 134: — 


the noble governor of the two countries, first priest of Amon Ra, 
king of gods, Masahirta, beloved by Khunsu of the large heart. 



This is the Masahirta whose coffin and mummy were found in 
the pit of Deir el bakhri. The photograph of him is to be seen in 
E. Brugsch, Aeg. Kd/iigsmuiuieti, 73-75. He was the son of King 

Pinot'em [ O ^ Q | Ra-Kheper-Kha, who was, according to Maspero, 

Pinot'em II; according to Wiedemann (y^f^. Gesc/i.,s. 538) Pinot'em I. 
Masahirta was he, who in the i6th year of his father Pinot'em's 
reign, had the coffin of Amenophis I repaired (Maspero, Guide au 
Musee de Boidaq, p. 325, No. 5216), and who is also to be seen in a 
picture near the south-western corner of the temple of Amenophis II 
which lies between the two pylons of King Horus at Karnak. 

2. The next monument is a large stone sarcophagus without any 
visible inscription, but with some ornaments like wreaths. On 
account of these ornaments I doubt its Egyptian origin. It is now 
filled with earth and flowers. 

3. Then we find two old sepulchral tablets {stelce) of calcareous 
stone, one on the left, the other on the right side of the archway, 

the left belonging to a female 1 (\ I ...[^ <rr> J| Suten amt 

UATi SETUART ; she is also called r^l | y priestess of Hathor. The 

title of Suten amt uati means, "the only royal favourite," derived 
from " am " the palm tree. A similar tablet of one named Teta, 
with the same titles of Zawyet el Meitin, probably of the 6th dynasty, 
has been published in Prisse Mon., XV, bis 3 {cf. also Leps., Denk., 
II, III l). " amd" was also a title of a man (Denk. II, 142 h, 
K. Benihassan). 

The word set in the name set uart is written in a rather 
unusual way ; it cannot be seen what is the object represented, but 
It is perhaps some kind of band, like that represented by Lepsius, 
Aclteste Texte, S. 35, as x^ P *=^ <=>v: Khen set. 

The other old stele, probably dating from the 5 th or 6th dynasty, 
belongs to a man called *^^ [|[j ^ rekhi, or ^^^^ [||| kheri. We 
find there the common prayer to Anubis, lord of Ta sar, for a good 
interment in his tomb of neterkher. 

5. One of the most remarkable pieces of the collection is a 
coloured tablet, Httle more than a foot high, consisting of three 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

parts, which are not on the same level. It is a tablet of sacrifice, 
naming all different oblations. Similar lists of offerings are to be 
found in Mariette's Mastabas ; ]\Iaspero, Trois aniiees de fouilles 
{Mem. de la mission arch, fratic, second fasc, p. 196, 202, 203, 215, 
and especially Diimichen, Resultate I, 13 of the tomb oi Ptahhotep 
(Vth Dyn.) and Lepsius, Denkmdler., Abth. II, Bl. 69, 70, of the tomb 
of y I ^^ MANEFER both at Saklcarah. The order of offerings is 
the same as in Lepsius' and Diimichen's text, but there are many 
variants in writing. In the centre of our tablet the deceased named 

^ fi tk tk T MER PTAH KHUU is sitting before a table (called 
Denk., II, 69 < -"=-^ "^^ ■== Ti HET, the name derived from the 
peculiar form of its components W\\). Before him, seated a little 
lower, is his mother, the suten rekh /www thenti. On the left 
part of the tablet we see the wife of the deceased, the priestess of 
Hathor Khennut ^ v o JJ- Her determinative is rather 
uncommon : a lady holding only the head of a bird. 

The list of offerings begins on the top of the offering-table, running 
from left to right in 1 1 columns, then going over to the right side, 
which has further 8 columns, then returning to the second line of the 
centre with No. 2, and continuing to the right side. Of the 3rd, 4th 
and 5th lines the centre has, owing to the space filled up with the 
picture, only 3 columns, the further 8 being on the right side. Only 
after filling up the whole space left here for the offerings it turns to 
that part of the tablet which is on the left side of the offering scene, 
running there from the right to the left. Now to compare this list 
of offerings with the remarkably similar one oi Ptahhotep and Manefer, 
I have placed in numbers the 96 offerings of Ptahhotep, which are 
arranged in 4 rows of 24 each, whilst Denk. II, 70, from want of 
space, are combined Nos. 83, 84 in one, equally Nos. 85, 86 in one, 
again Nos. 91, 92, 93 in one, and Nos. 94, 95, 96 in another, so that 
Lepsius has only 90 instead of 96 fields. Diimichen's edition gives 
a number more than ought to be in each row. On the adjoined 
plate will be found the comparative order of these 96 offerings from 
the three texts. 


May 7] 



fi - 


rO u^ i-i 

-H ro OS 

rO "^ « 

>_ ro >-i ri r<-. 























O >-< ro ^ m 
-H ro ^ Lo vo 

O M ro ^ 
CO ^ ly-) vO 

i-O t-^ M 

1- u^ O 

'^ O OS 

OS (^ t^ >-< 
•-I rf \0 OS 

&0 N VO O 

^ HH Tl- \o 00 

i-c ^ ^ 00 

lA OS ro t-^ 

i-H ro ^ 00 

rj- 00 r< 'O 

i-H ro vO 00 

CO VO 00 

^ 6 ^ 

fO \o 00 

LO cf* ro 

fO LO 00 

■<i- 00 ri 

ro "^ 00 

ITS OS CO t-^ 

iM w^ 0^ ^O 


May 7] 



6, 7. We proceed to two large pieces, which seem to belong to 
each other, notwithstanding their difference of material and work- 
manship. They are portions of a cover of a sarcophagus of yellow 
sandstone, and a large sarcophagus of reddish granite (the first near 
the end of the left side of the archway, the other at the right side). 
They both belonged to the same person- 

white house, 


The royal scribe, chief of 
treasury) Iupa, the justified. 

The same name occurs in the list of the leather roll, which was 
studied first by myself at Luxor, before Mr. Virey bought and 
published it {cf. Mem. de la Miss. Arch. Franc, Fasc. Ill, p. 501). 
Certainly that peculiar sarcophagus, so very poor as to its texts, 
dates from the i8th or 19th dynasty. We do not find there the name 
of the parents of the deceased, he is only called Horus, born by Isis, 
%\^ <$=> AMAxI KHER, approved by A-nubis, Keba sennuf, etc. 
In the middle of the large sandstone cover is represented the goddess 
Nut with extended wings, over her head two ut' a eyes, between these 
at the left u ', at the right m , below the goddess the words : — 


O o 

Spoken of Osiris, the royal scribe, lord of the house (or treasury) 
Iupa. He says, O mother Nut. 

8. At the end of the left row of the archway we find a small 
piece of white calcareous stone, supported now by two fragmentary 
stones set upside down. On the upper stone we read : — 








The royal scribe, commandant of troops, chief of the house in the 
temple of Ramses II in the Amoneum at the west of Thebes, 
Ramesses-7iekhtu. Before the finely executed picture of that person 
we see offering; incense 





i^l 1ms — 




a TENNU (officer) in the house of Ramesses II, and whose name is 
not quite clear. Behind Jieinesses nekhhc his sister, lady of the 

house, Kemat of Hathor, lady of the sycomore o ^ [l[l ^ Tzii. 

9, 10. Two fragmentary pieces of brown sandstone of the 
Ptolemaic time, coming probably from Edfu, as Hor-hut, the great 
god, lord of heaven, is praised thereon. At the base was a pro- 
cession of Nile gods. I quote the remaining lines, wherein are 
mentioned the different people, going on the uat'uart, the great sea. 

From 9 : — 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 

im I ^^3::=6 ci^^ o III 







/www H 1) >J"Z*f, 

o w 


From 10 : — i. 2. 




^-^ o 

( — > 
i 1 1 


(s" [O] U I 

May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

II. The last piece not without interest is a sarcophagus lid made 
of the fine polished calcareous stone, so admirably elaborated in the 
Saitic time. It belonged to a lady called Thekt, born of the lady 

The words in the five lines on the head — 


""^t: ^ V 1 o 

II i^i^n 

the gods in the temple of Bennu at Heliopolis, 

lead us to think that the stone comes from Heliopolis. 

In the centre of the lid is a long inscription of three lines, the 
figures of the outer lines turned to the outside, and the central line 
being double. Translation of the text adjoined : 

1. Words : Oh, oh, these children of Horus, lord of life in Akhut 
(the horizon), give the Osiris this Thertet, the justified, born by Tuat 
the justified, this may live, on what you live, pure may be the life- 
abode (her tomb), destroy these who plot evil against the place 
where he is on the day of the going behind (going to the bark world). 
He is living again with renewed life among the gods for ever. 

2. Oh Osiris tertet ('_^ ^^) this, justified, born by Tatuat 
(=^s= A ^) the justified, there comes thy Ka (ghost) to his town of 
setl, the great in the white palace. Thou makest the princes in both 
countries ? covering the lord of seii. Thou eatest the seven loaves 
on the 14th day. Shaat (Shu ?), the lord of gods, may pour to thy 
Ka incense for thy person, good sacrifices for thy life in his tomb. 
Thou goest in it, thou comest to the upper basin, thy name over the 
gods of the mountains (?) thou livest anew as a scarab near the gods 
for ever (ym O ^=^^ er t'et). 

3. Words : Oh, oh ! these gods with piercing eyes (Dumichen, 
T. /, I, 10, z. i) companions of Osiris, given by Ra for the protec- 
tion of his body from Set, hating to look on him Set. May you be 
to protect Osiris Thert this justified, born of Thetu, justified, may 
you prostrate the ignorant how to row on his road on the day of his 
coming forth to the land he is coming to him in company (em aber) 
of the gods, he lives in eternity. 

On both sides of these inscriptions we see at the right the gods 
Hapi, Kebasennuf, at the left Amkhet and Tiumutef, and on each 
side three rows of infernal gods with clubs, sword, slings, etc. 


May 7] 



The Royal Lilmiry at Brussels, under the able conservateur 
Mr. J. Petit, is only in possession of a hieroglyphical scene of 
the Todtenbuch, 6 feet by i foot, with a hieratic text. 

My researches for Greek papyri (contracts), which I was told 
were in the collection of the late Due d'Ahremberg, were fruitless. 
In the library of the Duke none exist, and the keeper of the keys 
of peculiar curiosities did not find there any. Mr. Revillout told me 
they were taken over to the Musee at the Porte de Hal ; but these 
are Demotic and not Greek. 















o © o 

o X c^ 






2Q I 

^ I 

May 7] 


A Q 





o I 



^ ^ 


T — r 

^ ^ 

I I I I 
I I I 


i< i< i< 


I I I 











May 7] 





in o 









il ii 




I I I 


X V X 

/\ \ h 

ra o 


j\ (^ 






Part II. 
By Dr. A. Wiedemann. 

Verse i. And a man of the house Levi went and took the 
daughter of Levi. 

The Canon says nothing about Moses' father, Amram (Exod. 
vi, 20), son of Kahath (Numb, xxvi, 58, 59), son of Levi (Exod. 
vi, 16, 18, 20). Later traditions make him die at the age of 130, 
136, or 137 years: thirty (Schalsch. hak., 11 b), fifty, fifty-six years 
(Patric., 24-26), or fifty-seven years (Ehmac.,p. 46) after the birth of 
Moses. The assertion that Moses lost his father one month after 
his birth only occurs once (Tarik-Kosideh ; cf. Herbelot, Bibl. 
Orient., II, p. 744). 

Amram's family was looked upon as important (Jos., Ant., I[. q ; 
Philo, VitaMosis,p. 603; Cremara). Other authors report that Moses 
was a Chaldean (Justin Martyr, Coh. ad Graec, n ; Clem. Alex., 
Str. I, p. 342 Sylb.), surely only because his ancestor Abraham came 
from Chaldea. It is curious that Philo (Vita Mosis, p. 81) adds, 
confounding Abraham with Jacob, that his forefathers had been 
induced by a lengthy famine in Babylonia to emigrate to Egypt. 
Justin's also in other points often erroneous report {2^^, 2, 11), 
makes Moses a son of Joseph. Moses' mother, Jochebed, was a 
cousin of Amram (Exod. vi, 20) the (not "a," cf. Dillmann, Ex. 
p. 13) daughter of Levi (Numb, xxvi, 59), born in Egypt (Numb, 
xxvi, 59), but conceived in Kanaan, following the Talnnidists, 
{cf. Sota, p. 259 ; Wiinsche, Schemot Rabba, p. 16). This resulted 
from the notice, Genesis xlviii, 27, and Exod. i, 5, that Jacobs' 
family consisted of 70 persons (LXX read 75), while only 69 are 
named. The 70th was the already conceived but not yet born 
Jochebed. It further resulted that she was 130 years old at Moses' 
birth. That she was called, in spite of her advanced age, Levi's 
daughter, an expression which seems quite natural to the unpre- 
judiced reader in a genealogical tree, is exj)lained by the Talaiudists 
by the fact that the signs of youth and virginity were renewed in 
her (Sota, p. 259; Schemot Rabba, p. 16 f; Jarchi, ad v. i). 

267 X 


The children by this marriage were Aaron, Miriam, and Moses, 
(Exod. vi, 20, XV, 20; Numb, xxvi, 59 ;,</ Micha vi, 4). Miriam, 
who plays no important part in the Old Testament, was glorified as 
a prophetess by Rab, and often cited thus by the Talmudists. 
(Sota, 12 b; Megilla, 14 a; in Exod. r. c. I ; Midrasch Mischle, 
c. 14, who as Bacher, Die Agada, p. 12, pointed out, all go back to 
Rab). Josephus (Ant., iv, 4, 6) relates Miriam's death. Her name 
she is said to have received of the bitterness (Seder 01am Rabba), 
as the servitude in Egypt lasted eighty years, just as long as her 
years. The book de Vita Mosis gives another motive for the name, 
that it originated at the time when the Jews were first ill-treated by 
the Egyptians. Thus Aaron received his name because Pharaoh at 
that time ordered the Jewish children to be killed or drowned. 
While it seems, according to this passage, that Moses was the first 
child of Jochebed and Amram, it is stated (ii, 4) that Miriam was 
already born, and in other places also, that Aaron was older than 
Mo.-es. The Talmudists (Wagenseil, Sota, p. 258 f. ; Jarchi, ad v. i) 
conclude that this uncertain mode of expression means that 
Amram dismissed his wife after the command of Exod. i, 22, but 
took her again afterwards. The Vita Mosis makes him abstain from 
her till Miriam* prophesied, " a son shall be born to my parents who 
will deliver Israel from the Egyptian hand." The Gemara (Sota, 
p. 258 f ; cf. Sch. R., p. II, 16) details that Amram dismissed 
Jochebed by Pharaoh's order, as the children had all to be killed ; all 
the Jews followed his example. Then his daughter exhorted him to 
go back to his wife ; he did it, and re-married her solemnly, Miriam 
and Aaron leading the dance on the occasion. At that time 
{cf. I.e. p. 263), Jochebed was already three months with child with 
Moses. This acceptance corresponds with the tales of the persecu- 
tions to which the Jewish boys were exposed. She has to explain 
how it was possible to Jochebed to hide Moses during three months 
contrary to the royal command. The Egyptians are said (Sota, 
p. 265 f) to have calculated that Jochebed could only bear nine months 
after the new-formed marriage ; Therefore her house had not been 
searched, and Moses was spared for three months. Another 

* In Joseph., Ant., II, 9, 3, God himself prophesies to Amram that his son 
shall deliver Israel ; and also the oldest halachic-hagadic commentary on the 
Exodus, the Mechiltn, ed. Weiss, p. 52, tells of a prophecy to Amram on this 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

interpretation (Jarchi, ad v. 3) makes Jochebed give birth to a son 
six months one day after she conceived on her second marriage. 

Verse 2. And the wife became impregnated, and begat a son, and as 
she saw that he was nice. 

The accentuation of her gravidation finds its reason in the fact 
that Moses' birth was without pain, similar to the conception 
(Joseph., 11,9,4; Gemara in Sota, p. 263; Sch. R., p. 17; more 
detailed legends on this subject will be found, \\'eil, Bibl. Leg., 
p. 133 sq.). 

The Canon describes Moses as a beautiful child, which is often re- 
peated (Heb. xii, 23 ; Act. Ap. vii, 20; Philo, Vita Mosis, I, p. 604 ; 
Joseph., Ant., II, 9, 7, Justin, 36, 2, 11). Besides the renowned 
Babylonian Rabbi Rab (Bechor, 44 a) calls him tall (Artapanos does 
the same), reddish, many-curled, respect inspiring ; Diodorus desig- 
nates him as wise and brave. The Midrasch Tanchuma (ad E\od. 
ii, 7) contains remarks analogous to Josephus' report of Moses' youth. 
Moses being so beautiful, everybody endeavoured to see him, and 
whoever saw him could scarcely depart from him. Following the 
Arabic story, the midwife did not kill Moses, but left him with his 
mother, because she saw at his birth a light between the child's 
eyes. {cf. the commentators of the Koran xxviii, 6.) Similarly, Weil 
(Bibl. Leg., p. 105) relates that when Joseph was brought to Egypt, 
his face radiated brighter than the sun at noon, and this unaccustomed 
light attracted all the girls and women to the windows and the terraces. 

Other sources give a deeper sense to the word 3,113- Thus the 
Gemara (in Sota, p. 265 ; cf. 283 f ; Sch. R., p. 17, sq.) understands 
that the house was full of light at Moses' birth, therefore the text 
says, "and she sa7C' that he was beautiful." 

The Midrasch Jalkut ad Exod. i, § 166, \'ita Mosis, and Jarchi, 
ad v. 2, tell nearly the same story about a brightness in the whole 
house. The father got up, kissed Miriam's head, and said, "your 
prophecy has become true." When Moses was thrown in the river 
afterwards, the father kissed again her forehead, and said, "wheie is 
your prophecy now ? " Therefore Miriam stood afterwards at some 
distance to see what became of her divination. Some call the bov, 
mi3, "the good one," or n^mi5," "God is good;" R. Jehuda 
thought him worthy to become a prophet, others make him to have 
been born circumcised. (Sch. R., p. 17; Gemara in Sota, p. 265 ; 
Debarim rabba, f. 246, col. 2-4.) Contrary to these, R. Nathaniel 

269 X 2 


makes the parents see that Moses had the form of a divine angel, 
then they circumcised him, and called him Jekutiel {cf. R. Eliezer, 
c. 48). The newly born boy could walk and speak, took no milk, 
prophesied at the age of three months that he would receive the 
Law out of fire-flames, and went out to Pharaoh's palace and took 
the crown off his head. 

She hid him three months and (3) as she could not 
more hide him. 

The reason why the hiding of Moses was no longer possible 
after three months was, according to Philo (Vita Mosis, p. 604), that 
then, as it is usual in kingdoms, also the interior of the houses were 
searched for Jewish children. The Gemara (in Sota, p. 265 f . ; 
Sch. R., p. 17) gives more details. 

When the Egyptians heard that a Hebrew child was born, they 
brought one of their own babes, and made it cry, in order to induce 
the other to imitate it, and thus to betray himself . The Vita Alosis 
lets Egyptian women go for this purpose to Goshen, carrying their 
still speechless sons on their shoulders. When they discovered a 
child they denounced it to their husbands, and these reported it to 
Pharaoh, who sent a spear-bearer to carry it away. 

The Book of Jubilees (cap. 47) says that Jochebed was 
betrayed; Josephus (Ant., 11, 9, 4) relates that Amram, fearing the 
discovery of Moses, preferred to confide him entirely to God. 
Several Jews report (Sync, Chron., p. 120) that a Divine oracle had 
told Amram that his son was to be the chief of the Israelites, and 
would vanquish the Egyptians with God's help. The exhibition of 
Moses in the Nile was chosen to make the astrologers believe that 
he had already been thrown into the water before, and thus to 
hinder a new search for him (Sch. R., p. 17). 

The INIohamedan tradition given by Weil (I.e., p. 134 sq}) is also 
here far more wonderful and detailed than the rabbinical story of 
Moses' youth. 

Verse 3. She made a box, etc. 

The box was made of "^^X an expression rendered through 
"rushes" by the Rabbins {cf. Sota, p. 267 ; Jarchi, ad v. 3 ; Luther 
gives reed); the oldest Greek versions (LXX, Jos., Ant., II, 5) 
translate "papyrus." Of the materials with which the little basket 
was plastered PlCJ means surely pitch ; but "^QH niay mean, 
according to the pointing, asphalt ("^^H ; thus the LXX and 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

Josephus) or clay ("^?pn). The Gemara says that the basket was 
smeared on the outside with pitch, and with clay in the inside, that 
the smell of the pitch did not disturb the child. From this reason 
also the Rabbins declare "^72^1 to be clay, as asphalt smelt as bad 
as pitch (Sota, p. 267 s^. ; Jarchi, ad v. 3 ; Sch. R., p. 17). Rabbi 
Salomo thinks that the whole had been smeared with pitch and then 
covered up with clay. 

The exposing took place, according to the Canon, in the river. The 
mediaeval Arabic tradition says the boy was found at the stairs of the 
island of Rhoda, near the Nilometer. R. Eleaser places the incident 
in the Sea of Rushes, which extended near the Nile (Koran, xx, 37-44, 
names the sea as emplacement, the detailed legends in Weil, I.e. 
p. 135 S(/., the Nile). R. Samuel supposes a marsh (Sota, p. 267 ; 
Sch. R., p. 17; Jarchi, ad v. 3). Patric (c. 25) means that the 
mother exposed the boy on the shallow strand near the town of 
Tzana (Tanis), that he might be killed by the shock of the flood and 
that she should not witness his death. Relative to the day on which 
it occurred the Gemara gives the following notices : R. Chanina 
designs the 21 Nisan, R. Achae the 6 Sivan. Moses was born on 
the 7th Adar,* on which day he also died. From the 6 Adar to 
the 6 Sivan are three months ; if the 21 Nisan is taken as the day 
of the exposing, it must be supposed that this year was an intercalary 
one (Sota, p. 278 st/. ; Sch. R., p. 20). 

Verse 4. And his sister stood, etc. 
Josephus repeats this sentence, adding only a few embellishments 
(Ant., II, 9, 4), while Salomo (Apis, p. 35) makes the mother sit 
down opposite to the child to see what became of him. This version 
seems to rest on old traditions, for already the Book of Jubilees, 
c. 47, reports how the mother nourished the boy (who lay seven days 
in the grass on the bank of the river) during the night, while his 
sister Maria protected him from the birds during the day. 

Verse 5. And the daughter of Pharaoh came. 
The Bible does not record the name of Pharaoh's daughter, but 
the Rabbins, unaided by older traditions, endeavoured in different 
ways to give one to the princess. 

* The Schalsch. liakk., p. lib, says that Moses was born, according to some, 
on Wednesday, tlie 7 Adar, at the third hour of the day, 37 years after Levi's 
death, in the year 2365 of the world ; others fix the date uiion the 27 Nisan. 



Merris is the oldest, and was already to be found at the time of 
Artapanos (Euseb. Proep. ev. 9, 27), who points out that Merris was 
adored by the /Ethiopians not less than the goddess Isis. Lauth 
(Moses der Hebraer, p. 66), and Brugsch (Geogr. Inschrft., I, 237), 
identify this name with that of Isis ; but this is very hypothetical. 
The Egyptian word Meri means, very generally, " the loving or the 
beloved," and serves in this sense as a title of goddesses, and is as often 
used as a proper name ; thus we find, for example, a daughter of 
Ramses II called Meri (Brugsch., Gesch. Aeg., p. 563). But 
naturally an identity of name is not sufficient to accept also an 
identity of person. Far more acceptable than the derivation from 
the Egyptian is Haverkamp's supposition (in Joseph., Ant., II, 9) 
that the name Merris has been corrupted from Q^l^ Miriam, and is 
thus to be looked upon as a double of Moses' sister. 

Thermuthis. Of this name, which was in use at the time of 
Josephus (Joseph., Ant., II, 9, 5 : Barhebr., Chron., p. 14; Suidas, s. v. 
■^epfiormai and Mtvvafi<f. The Book of Jubilees, cap. 47, reads 
Tharmuth, its Latin text Termot ; Abulfarag, Chron., p. 14 Br. and 
K. Trcmothisa) Muthis (Cedrenus, I, 75, 11 Bekk.), and Muthidis 
(Sync, p. 120) were mutilated forms, Aelian (Hist. Anim., x, 31), 
calls a holy serpent, adored in Egypt, Thermuthis, from which 
notice Ewald (Gesch. Israel, II, p. 117) derived that Thermuthis was 
an old Egyptian historical name. Brugsch (Geogr. Inschr., I, 237) 
derived it from Tuarmut " the great mother," a surname of Isis, and 
then (Diet. Geogr., 131 3 s^.) of a supposed Egyptian name Ta-remt , 
Ledrain (Hist, d'lsrael, I, p. 64), from T-mer-maut, "the beloved of 
Maut " (viz., the goddess Mut); Lauth (Aus ALg. Vorzeit, p. 321 f) 
from neter-mut *' the divine mother ; " Ebers (Durch Gosen zum 
Sinai, p. S3, 525), from (T-)mer-mut, wife of Ramses II. All these 
derivations are very improbable ; the Egyptian equivalent of the 
serpent Thermuthis is up to the present time unknown. 

Pharia or Phareis is often found in the Fathers of the Church 
(Sync, I, p. 120, 227, 228, 237). It is a surname of Isis in Greek 
times, as the goddess of Pharos, to be found p. ex. Letronne, Rec, 
nr. 45, 124, Martial, X, 48 ; on coins of Julian II, in Cohen, VI, 
p. 367, nr. 70), its origin and date is therefore only of the Hellenistic 

Sebuthis (lZJ^\^, ZefSot'Sc^) is the name given by Abulcasimus to 
the princess {cf. Haverkamps and Schumann, Vita Mosis, p. 69). This 
form originated probably in a slip of the pen, and means Thermuthis. 


May 7] rROCEEDIXGS. [1889. 

Also the name Tarmesis, which, according to Salomo, Apis, p. 35, 
some gave to the princess, whose real name was Sephora, is also 
formed from Thermuthis. 

Sihhoun (j.,.,tA^, Syon) is the name given by late authors 
(Patricid., p. 25 ; Eutych. Alex., I, p. 25, in Fabricius, Cod. pseudep. 
V.T., II, p. 114). 

Bithia n^.n^ she is called by the Rabbins, probably on account 
of I Chr. iv, 18 (thus in the Talmud Megilla 13 a; Sch. R., p. 21, 
24; Sota, p. 271 ; Schalsch Hakk., p. 12b., Eliez., cap. 48). After 
the Vajkra Rabba (p. 167, col. 2 ; cf. Bartoloccio, IV, p. 122), the 
princess had the name rT^'il^., " daughter of God," on account of 
her mildness and kindness to the boy Moses ; thus we find here a 
sort of title, but no real proper name. 

Asia iU^^T or Asiatun is the Mohamedan form of the princess's 

name, who was, following the Koran (Sur. xxxviii, 8), not the 
daughter, but the wife of Pharaoh. How or where this name 
originated is not clear, but surely it is of a modern date. It is im- 
possible to accept Geiger's opinion (Was hat Muhamed, u.s.f, 
p. 158), who sees in it only a corrupted transcription of the rabbinic 
Bathia : the two names are far too unlike. This same Asia is 
meant when a book with magical conjurations and operations in the 
Parisian Library is ascribed to Assimah, mother of Moses (Herbclot, 
Bibl. Orient., p. 872.)* Also the name Nagiah given to the mother 
of Moses by an Arabic tradition (Herbelot, i.e., II, p. 744 f) may be 
a slip of the pen for Asia. 

And wished to take a bath. 
The idea of bathing in the open Nile had shocked already some 
of the old commentators, and they thought an exi)lanation necessary. 
Thus Josephus (Ant., II, 9, 5) lets her only walk, and Georgius Sync. 
(Chr., p. 120 sq.^ understands that she was boating on the Nile with 
her maids. The Rabbins said that the princess suffeced from a 
heavy leprosy, which obliged her to use the river instead of a warm 
bath (Midrasch, fol. 51 ; R. Eliezer, cap. 48, p. 130; cf. Hottinger, 
Smegma, p. 400; Sch. R., p. 19; Wagenseil, Sota, p. 273). Others 
mean God had sent inflammatory ulcers over all Egypt, and that 
therefore the princess sought refreshment in the river (Jon. Uz. ); 
another version makes God send an insufterable heat over the land, 

* It may be coinpared with it the name Assia, given to a daughter of 
Joseph the Carpenter in the apocryphical Ilisturia Josephi fabri, cap. 2. 



SO the inhabitants, and Pharaoh's daughter among the rest, went to 
the Nile for coohiess. (Sepher Hajaschar, p. 130 b; Vita Mosis.) 
The Gemara says that she went to bathe to cleanse herself from the 
dirt of idolatry in her father's house (Sota p. 269 ; Sch. R., p. 18, 
cf. Koran, Ixvi, 11), that is to say, to become a Jewess. Philo gives 
another motive (Vita Mosis, I, p. 604 ; Clemens Alex, follows him). 
Pharaoh had a daughter whom he loved dearly, and who had already 
been a long time without having any children (cf. Joseph., Ant., II, 
9, 7, and Artapanos). She wished especially to have a son as heir to 
the empire. Though usually living only in the house, she walked 
sadly to the river to take a bath and wash herself on the day Moses 
was exposed. 

As she saw the box, she sent her maid to fetch it. 

While Josephus (II, 9, 5) only replaces the servant by a swimmer, 
the Rabbins wished to make the report far more romantic. They 
relate (Sch. R., p. 18; Bartolocci, IV, p. 123; Sota, p. 270; Jarchi, 
ad V. 5) that the princess stretched her hand out, which grew so 
exceedingly long that she could seize the box. Others tell how the 
princess discovered the little basket in the reeds ; when her maids 
remarked her intention to save Moses, they reminded her of the 
royal order, to obey which was especially the duty of the royal 
children and courtiers. But God assisted Moses at this moment by 
sending Gabriel, who pushed the maids with earth, viz., killed them 
(Gemara in Sota, p. 270). This explanation originated with R. 
Jochanan's opinion, that the Hebrew expression nD^7n) used in 
this passage for the sending of the maid, could only be used in the 
sense of killing. Thus the whole legend has been invented to 
explain the form of a word ; it originates in a grammatical difficulty 
which the Rabbins themselves introduced into, what was in reality, 
quite an unmistakable text. 

Verse 6. And the child cried, and she felt pity. 

The Jewish tradition says : Moses cried, and thought, " perhaps I 
shall not see my sister again, who waits for me ; " or Gabriel came 
and struck Moses to make him cry and thus to awaken the princess' 
compassion (Sch. R., p. 19). Other authors did not think it right 
to suppose that such an important personage as Moses had cried 
like a common child ; so they pretend that another being took his 
place on this occasion. Thus Jalkut {cf. Bartoloccio, IV, p. 123) 
make Aaron, others an angel, cry. 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

The Rabbins thought it necessary to find a deeper reason for 
this pitying, and report therefore (Midrasch, fol. 5r ; Sch. R., p. 19; 
EHezer, cap. 48 ; Weil, Bibl. Leg., p. 137) that the princess had been 
freed from her leprosy by touching the boy, and had then said, " This 
child is righteous, and therefore I will preserve his life, for who saves 
a soul of Israel is like a saviour of the whole world, and who ruins a 
soul of Israel is like a spoiler of the universe." As a reward God 
gave her future salvation, and she was called Bathia. 

And spoke, he is a Jewish boy. 

The Canon does not say how the princess saw that the boy was 
a Jew. R. Moses Ben Nachman gives quite a natural explanation, 
that she saw it by his being exposed. But the Rabbins looked for 
other reasons. R. Jose (in Gem., vSch. R., Aben Esra) supposes that 
she recognized his race by circumcision. Theodoret (Quaest 3, in 
Exod., cf. ser. I, de fide, p. 467) follows his opinion, and remarks 
this notice proved that the Egyptians did not at that time use 
circumcision, but only followed this Hebrew custom later. R. 
Jochanan (in Gem.) says that the princess jjrophesied. It is added 
that after the exposing of Moses no other child was killed, as the 
dangerous constellation of the stars had disappeared with it, and 
therefore the royal decree was revoked. 

Verse 7. And his sister spoke, etc. 

The Rabbins said that a Hebrew wet-nurse had to be chosen, 
because Moses refused to take milk from an Egyptian,* for God had 
said : " Is the mouth, which has one day to speak to Me, to suck 
something unclean?" {cf. Jarchi, ad v. 7 ; and Koran, xxxviii, 11). 
According to others, God spoke : " The Egyptians are not to say of 
him who will speak with Me : I nourished him who speaks with the 
Divinity." On account of this reason the princess sent Miriam to 
bring a Hebrew woman. Thus the mother did not only get back 
the child she thought lost, but received even money (Sota, p. 282 ; 
Sch. R., p. 20; Midr. Jal. ad Ex., § 166 ; cf. Bartoloccio, IV, p. 125 ; 
Weil, Bibl. Leg., p. 140 sq. The Vita Mosis says that the mother 
received two silverlings every day. Similar notices are given by 
Joseph., II, 9, 5, and out of him Sync. Chr., p. 120 f. ; cf. Plant, 
Josephus and the Bible, p. 12 ; Ranke, Weltgesch., Ill, 2, p. 31 sq.). 

* Medii'eval legends of saints report similar actions, such, p. ex., St. Catherine 
of Sweden took only milk from virtuous women, but pushed back frivolous maids. 



Verse 10. And he got the name Moses. 

The name Moses has been derived by bibUcal chronists from the 
Hebrew, probably from nil^TD; " to save of great danger," though 
the accuracy of this etymology may be doubted. Later sources 
liked to derive it from the Egyptian,* from /td', fucv, fiw^, the water, 
and i'cri'i'! or (Ti}s, to save from the water (Joseph., Ant., II, 9, 6 ; 
Eustath. in Hexaem., p. 79, Allat. ; Schol. in Dillmam, Ex., p. 16; 
r/. Joseph., c. Ap., I, 31 ; Philo, Vita Mosis, p. 605 ; Clemens, Str. I, 
p. 343, 25i,Sylb. ; Sync, I, p. 227 ; Suidas, s.v. fiuw; Hieron., Rhab. 
Maurus, Procop.). Here jmo is the Egyptian mu, " water," but an 
equivalent with the desired sense for (v)(t>]^, is scarcely to be found. 
A few Rabbins searched for a cabbalistic explanation ; thus R. 
Eliezar says : (cap. 32) Moses unde? Quia dicitur : non contendet 
Spiritus mens cum homine in aeternum, Q^U^S. (eo quod etiam Gen. 
vi., 3). D^lI^D, continet in Geometria nil^Q; Mose 345, quia vita 
ejus fuit 120 annorum, juxta illud : et erunt dies ejus 120 anni." This 
cabbalistic form of commentary is naturally the most modern way in 
which the Old Testament has ever been worked through by the 

Besides the name Moses, the tradition gives to its hero numerous 
other names ; they are : — 

Monios. The Rabbins report {(/. Knobel, Ex. p. 13 ; Dillmann, 
Ex., p. 16) that Moses was called in Egyptian Afofu', or after Aben- 
esra (who declares Moses to be a translation of Monios) and Abarb. 
ad 1. DVjI^ (R- Gedalia, Schalsch. hak., p. 11, miswritten DV2in)- 
The name Monios is probably to be explained by the fact that 
Moses was compared to the founder of the Egyptian empire, Menes, 
and that their names were made somewhat similar. Joakim 
(IwdKei/ii) was Moses called by his parents before his exposing, 
says Clemens (Str., p. 343). After the same, the initiated called 
Moses after his ascension Me\x'', while Syncellus, Chr., 120 s^/., 
makes the parents give this name (M6/\x''«?, the Hebr. *TJ772 king) to 
the boy. Eollowing a number of old Hebrew authors Moses had no 
less than ten names, so, p. ex., in Vaykra Rabba (p. i, from here R. 
Gedalja, Schalsch. hak., p. 11 b; Vita Mosis, p. 9); they were: 

* Lepsius, Chronol., I, p. 326, thought the name came from the Egyptian 
"Mas" (child) ; Gesenius, Thesaurus, s.v., that it was an abbreviation of Ahmes ; 
Hitzig, Gesch. Isr., I, 66, declares it to be derived of the Sanscrit word " mush," 
to steal ! 


May 7] rROCEEDINGS. [1880. 

Chaber (li^ll), given by the father ; Jekutiel (Vi^\1'l|T), by the 
mother; Jeter {"^rV), by the sister; Abi Zannach (m:T "'2^^), by 
the brother ; Abi Soko (IDID "^l^^), by Kahat ; Schemaja (rT^i^T^II?), 
by Israel; Ben Natanael ('Tb^^D^ )1) ; Tobia (pf^Vt^) ; Sepher 
(^D^D)- Other names, Paltiel and Jambhchus (for 7'^3?2^ read 
'^17^^) are given by the Syrian Isambar Ah in Fabricius, Cod, 
pseudep. Vet. Test., II, p. 112). Osarsiph, last of all, is the name 
which must have been given by Manetho (r/. Joseph, c. Ap., I, 26) 
to Moses. 

The length of the period during which Moses remained under 
his mother's care is differently estimated. After II JMaccab., 7, 28, 
he was suckled for three years (the exhortations of Ani say that in 
Egypt children used to be nursed during three years) ; Schemot 
Rabba (p. 21, rf. Schalsch. hakk., p. 11 b) gives twenty-four months, 
during which the boy grew to quite an unusual degree. The book 
of Jub., cap. 47, allows him to have been eleven years old when he 
returned to the royal court. The Rabbins say that the sentence 
"he grew," verse 10, related to the bodily growth, that of verse 11 to 
the progressive dignity, as Pharaoh proposed him for his house, viz., 
the courtiers had to honour him (Jarchi, ad v. 11, following R. 
Jehuda; cf. Eliez., c. 48, and Schalsch., p. 11 b). 
And he became her son. 

Philo, Vita Mosis, p. 605, says that the princess feigned pregnancy 
for this purpose, and pretended that he was her natural son, which 
deception succeeded with God's assistance. Artapanus, who knows 
nothing of the exposing, relates that Merris, daughter of Palmanothes 
and wife of Chenephres, the king of Upper Egypt, had adopted the 
little son of a Jewess, as she herself was barren, and called the boy 
Moses. The Koran (xxxviii, 9) knows nothing of the princess, and 
makes instead Pharaoh and his queen adopt Moses ; the same, only 
far more detailed, is reported in the legend given by Weil, I.e. p. 
136 s^^. 

Verse 11. And as Moses became great, he went out, etc. 

Following R. Jehuda, Moses was then twenty years old (the 
Schalsch hak., p. 1 1 b, has eighteen or twenty-nine years). R. Nehemja 
gives forty years (Sch. R., p. 24 ; c/. p. 21). This last opinion was by 
far the most widespread, and is also to be found Act. Ap. vii, 23. 
(The Book of Jubilees, cap. 47, gives forty-two years.) 



Phiio (Vita Mosis, p. 608 s^/.) relates how Moses asked the overseers 
to spare the Jews, and how he tried to encourage his brethren. But 
this was of httle use, for the overseers were partly as cruel as wild 
animals. Later Rabbins (Sch. R., p. 22) report that Moses cried 
when he saw the burdensome work of his brethren, and exclaimed, 
" Woe to me on account of you ; would that I could but die for you, 
for there is no work so heavy as that wath clay." Then he himself 
took clay on his shoulders and helped each of them. Others state 
that Moses addressed himself directly to Pharaoh, advised him to 
give a day of rest every week to the Jews, as the slaves would die if 
they had no repose. Pharaoh consented, and thus Moses introduced 
the Sabbath among the Israelites. 

And an Egyptian hit one of his brethren. 

This Egyptian was called Phatkus, following the Bishop Salomo 
(Apis, p. 35) ; whence he took this notice has not been discovered. 
The Jew who was hurt was, according to Eliezer (cap. 48), one of 
Kahat's sons, a relation of Moses. The Mohamedan legend (Weil, 
145) gives him the name Samiri, the Hebrew tradition generally 
calls him Dathan. The Rabbins gave a very detailed account of 
the reason why the Egyptian struck the Jew, viz., tried to slay him 
(Jarchi, ad v. 11; ad Jerem 12 v. 16; Sch. R., p. 23). The 
Egyptian whipped the Hebrew and mastered him with violence ; but 
the Jew was husband to Schelomita, daughter of Dibris, on whom 
the Egyptian had set an eye. During the night he sent the husband 
to his work and himself entered into the house, where the wife took 
him for her consort.* But the real husband chanced soon to come 
back, and found out the affair. Therefore the Egyptian hit and 
illtreated him during the whole day. 

A somewhat different but in the groundwork a similar tradition 
is found in other Rabbinical works (Vita Mosis, p. 14, which- cites 
no names however; Jalkut p. 102 b., r/. Bartoloccio, IV, p. 115 f, 
123-5 ; Schalsch. hak., p. 11 b). When Moses, at the age of fifteen, 
came to his brethren, he saw an Egyptian flogging Dathan. The 
Jew fled to Moses and told him how the Egyptian came to his house 
the day before, bound him, debased his wife before his eyes, and 
intended now to kill him. Upon that Moses killed the Egyptian, 
and hid him between the Jews, who are as sand (sr. in number). 

* This version originated from the verses Lev. iv, 10, 11, where the son of a 
Hebrew woman and an Egyptian blasphemes God. This son is said to have been 
begotten at that time. 


May 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Differing from this version the Sera Abraham (fol. 14, col. 3) 
pretends that Moses killed the Egyptian because the wicked feelings 
of Cain had entered into him, like as into Esau and Korah. 

Verse 22. And he killed the Egyptian. 

Referring to the manner in which this took place, the Schemot 
Rabba (p. 23) gives the following opinions : R. Abilhar (Hke the 
Koran, Sur. 28) says that Moses killed the overseer with his fist; 
others make him take the clay-shovel and knock out his brains. 
The Rabbins report that he killed him by speaking the Tetragram- 
maton over him, which opinion was the most popular (p. ex. Eliezer, 
cap. 48. Jarchi, ad 2, 14, Zeror hammor, f. 64, col. 4; Schalsch. 
hak., p. II b.); Clemens Alexandrinus (Str., p. 3/^3) defines it as an 
idea of the Mystics, and refers to the Acts Apost. v, 5, where Petrus 
killed those by a word who took money for their land and lied to 

The commentators were at great variance about the question 
whether the murder was a sinful action or not. The Jalkut Hadasch 
(f. 139, col. 2) explains that Moses had sinned by the murder, and 
deserved to be sent into exile. The Koran expresses somewhat 
identical opinions (Sur. 26, 19 and 28, 14). Moses liimself felt his act 
to be sinful, called it the work of satan, and repented before God 
pardoned him. Augustine also (c. Faust. Manich., 22, 70) still 
acknowledged that the killing by Moses was a murder, and needed 
an excuse. Philo (Vita Mosis, p. 609) held quite a contrary view, and 
approves of it, for he contends it was right to kill a man who lived 
to the destruction of others. In order to support this sophistical 
sentence, he relates in a very rhetorical manner how the Egyptian 
overseer gave no hearing to Mdses' exhortations to be milder, but 
continued to rage against the Jew, struck him and drove hin) to 
death. Also Ambrosias (de Off., I, 36), Luther (Ausl. des and. 
Baches Mosi, in Werke 35, Erlangen, 1844, p. 46 st/.), and 
numerous modern exegetical writers, think Moses was within his 
right, for the one who does not protect a brother from harm if he is 
able to do so, is just as much to blame as he wlio causes the 

Verse 13. The other day he went out and saw two Jewish 
men, etc. 
After Jarchi ad v. 13, and Sch. R., p. 23; Eliez., c. 48, i/. 
Jarchi, ad Exod. v, 20, it were Dathan and Abiram who are quoted, 



Numb, xvi, r, xxvi, 9; Deut. xi, 6, and as the Rabbins pretend 
intended Numb, xiv, 4 ; Exod. xiv. 

As the reason of their quarrel the Schalsch. hak., p. 11 b, relates 
that Dathan intended to send away his wife, Abiram's sister, because 
the Egyptian had dishonoured her, and hereupon the two men came 
into contention. 

Verse 15. And it came to Pharaoh. 

Following the Rabbins (Jarchi, ad v. 15, and ad Exod. xviii, 4; 
Sch. R., p. 24; Schalsch. hak., p. iib), Dathan and Abiram told 
Pharaoh of the deed; while Salomo (Apis, p. 35) pretends that he 
never knew it, but that Moses fled because he feared that Pharaoh 
might hear of the murder and kill him. Philo (Vita Mosis, p. 609) 
says, on the contrary, that Pharaoh was informed of the crime, and 
was full of wrath not on account of the murder, but because his 
grandchild had contrary views to himself and other friends and foes. 
The nobles used this occasion to calumniate Moses, of whom they 
feared that they might at one time be called to account for their 
misdeeds, and they told the king that he persecuted him in order to 
obtain the crown. When Moses heard this he made up his mind to 
fly to Arabia. Josephus (Ant., II, 11, i) gives quite a different 
account of the events. In order to protect his hero's character from 
any shadow of injury, he says nothing of the murder, and attributes 
the entire fault to the Egyptians. He pretends that the king 
persecuted Moses out of jealousy during the happy issue of an 
expedition against ^Ethiopia, and from fear of being conquered 
himself. At the same time the wise men feared that he would 
instigate a subversion in Egypt. When Moses knew that they 
wished to kill him, he secretly left his place, and as the streets were 
barred to him by watches, he fled through the desert to Midian, 

Verse 15. And he thought to kill Moses. 

The Schemot Rabba (p. 24 f, like the Midr. Vaj., cf. Jarchi ad 
Ex. xviii, 4; Vita Mosis, p. 15, is shorter) says that Pharaoh sent for 
a sword* and struck Moses ten times about his neck, but Moses' 
neck was transformed into an ivory pillar, so that Pharaoh could not 
injure him. Jarchi, ad v. 15, thinks the words of Moses (Exod. 
xviii, 4), "he delivered me of Pharaoh's sword," referred to this 

* According to Mnimonides (quoted de Vita Mosis, p. no) the king may only 
kill with a swurd. 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

event. Other commentators report that the sword killed the 
executioner instead of wounding Moses (Schalsch. hak., p. 11 b; 
Wiinsche, Jerus. Talmud., p. 32; numerous citations in Bartoloccio, 
IV, p. 127 sq.). 

That Moses had been taken by the Egyptians at first, all the 
exegetical works declare, with the exception of the Koran, xxxviii, 
17 sqq., and the legend in Weil, p. 146. Already Artapanos has this 
version. He states that Moses was imprisoned, after his return from 
Midian, by the Egyptian king Nechephres, because he intended to 
deliver the Jews. But at night his prison opened by God's will, 
Moses went out into the palace and wakened the sleeping Pharaoh. 
The king, much astonished, asked him to tell the name of the God 
who sent him, but when Moses whispered it in his ear he fell down 
speechless, till Moses called him back to life again by holding 
him up. 

In a singular manner a series of commentators combine the 
verses Exod. iv, 11, with our reference (Sch. R., p. 25 ; Wiinsche, 
Jer. Talmud, p. 32), and relate. When the Egyptians had taken 
Moses and condemned him, an angel came from heaven in his form 
and took Moses' place, while the latter fled. R. Josua ben Levi adds : 
Of all the counsellors who sat before Moses, some became dumb, 
some deaf, and some blind. The king asked the dumb ones, where 
is Moses, and they did not answer; he asked the deaf ones, and 
they did not hear; he asked the blind, and they did not see. Just so 
God said to Moses, Exod. iv, 11, "Who gave a mouth to the 
man? " that is to say, who has given Pharaoh a mouth that he could 
give with his mouth the order, "take him to the scaffold ;" or, "who 
makes mute," that is to say, who made the counsellors dumb, deaf, 
and blind, that they could not bring you ; who has kept you safe 
that you could flee ? Is it not I, the Eternal ? I have been with 
you, then and to-day I support you." Jarchi (ad Ex. iv, 11), and the 
Book de Vita Mosis, p. 16 f, try to make use of the same sentence, 
though in another way, for Moses' flight ; they mean : \\'ho gave a 
mouth to the man, viz., who heard you speak, when you were 
judged before Pharaoh on account of the murder of the Egyptian. 
Who made Pharaoh dumb, so that he did not give the order to kill 
you (Moses) ? and who made his servants deaf, tliat they did not 
hear the order to kill you, and the executioners blind that they did 
not see you escape unharmed from the court of judgment? 



But Moses fled before Pharaoh and was in Midian. 

Most of the exegetical writers makes Moses flee directly to 
Midian, only a portion of later Rabbins (p. ex. Schalsch hakk., 
p. lib) report of his flight to the king of Kusch, and weave in at 
this point the story of the ^4^thiopian war of Moses, which Josephus 
puts in the time of his Egyptian sojourn. 

The Canon only mentions the fear of the royal punishment as 
the reason of the flight. Cedrenus (Hist., p. 87 ; he quotes here 
the little Genesis, in which the murder is spoken of) says Moses had 
avoided all intercourse with men in Egypt, and retired into the 
wilderness to think, where Gabriel instructed him. Thus the abiding 
of Moses in the desert is here looked upon as a preparation for his 
future life as prophet in a far higher sense than appears in the Old 
Testament. The same source reports details of Moses' life there, 
very like those given by Mahomedan legends to their prophet. This 
was to explain the change which took place at this time in Moses, 
and was to show how it came that, when he returned in Egypt, he 
appeared quite as a Jew, instead of an Egyptian, and proved himself 
to be very well learned in Jewish history and customs. This same 
fact is explained by the Mohamedan tradition (Weil, p. 145) by the 
pretence that the grown up Moses had often talked with Israelites 
on his excursions, and made them tell him about Abraham, Isaac, 
and Jacob, and especially about Joseph, as his mother had com- 
municated to him long ago the secret of his birth. 

These are the most important of the traditions about Moses' 
youth preserved by the old commentators ; I have only left out those 
relating to Moses' residence at Pharaoh's court, and to his ^E.thiopian 
war, which I intend to give in a third paper, including at the same 
time the results my studies appear to give as to the historical and 
literary historical value of these legends. 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

The following letter has been forwarded to me by Prof 
Sayce for insertion in the Proceedings. Absence from England 
prevented an earlier communication, but Prof Sayce refers to 
the Journal of Transactions of the Victoria Institute (Vol. XX II, 
pp. 111-112) for his defence of his explanation of the names 
Yaquab-el, Iseph-el, &c., which has just been issued. 

W. H. R. 

Oxford, May 6, 1889. 
My Dear Sayce, 

You were good enough to quote my name in reference to 

the translation of Yaqob-el, "Jacob is El." It is certain that the 

names of Eliyahu, Yoel mean " El is Yahu," " Yeho is El." In 

El-dad and Bil-dad, and perhaps also in Hadad-Riramon,* we see 

the names of two divinities conjoined and used as the names of 

men. Why should it not be the same in the case of Yaqob-el and 

Yizhaq-el? Yizhaq is evidently a divinity in Amos vii, 9, a tribal 

god, which Jacob may be also — perhaps the divinity of the mountain 

Halaq as Esau was the divinity of the mountain Seir. Jacob is 

called phr] U^'ifc^ in opposition to Esau ^^T^ 12^1^^. The story is 
a fragment of Edomite folklore, just as that of Cain is of Kenite 
folklore, that of Abraham and Laban of Aramaic folklore, that of 
Hagar of Ishmaelito-Yoktanid folklore, that of Joseph of Egyptian 
folklore, and those of the Creation and Deluge of Assyrian folklore, 
all of which were skilfully pieced together by a redactor of Genesis. 
The last word on the Book of Genesis is not yet said. 

Yours faithfully, 

A. Neubauer. 


24^/1 Jhiy, i8cS9. 
The sole question at issue is, what is the true grammatical 
meaning of such words as 'Jacob-el,' 'Joseph-el'? Do they mean 
' Jacob the God,' ' Joseph the God ' ? 

* The name of ITadad-Rimnion is parallel to that of the Assyrian king Sanisi- 
Ramman or Samas-Riminon, "the Sun-god is Rimnion." [A. II. S.j 

283 Y 


I say in the words of Edward Meyer, who is strangely referred to 
as an adverse authority, that these words are to be classed with the 
very ?iuiiierous names of the Old Testament of the form 7^^7V0'^ (3^^ 
pers. sing, iniperf. +7b^)- 

In many instances the Divine name which was the subject of the 
verb has been dropped, but (to quote the same authority) "die 
Eigennamen dieser Form (7i^D'') sind durchweg reine Imperfecta 
auch der Bedentung nach." 

This is no new-fangled doctrine, it is as old as Hebrew Grammar 
itself; nor is it obsolete or exploded. If it is untrue, all the Hebrew 
dictionaries down to the last edition of Gesenius, recently published 
by Professors Miihlau and Volck with the co-operation of Professor 
D. H. Miiller, have to be guarded against. 

Dr. Neubauer's instances belong to other formations and are 
therefore not to the point, even if we grant that his interpretations of 
Eliyahu, Yoel,* Eldad and Bildad are correct. But other interpre- 
tations, at least as probable, are current. Only last year Noldeke, 
when reviewing Baethgen, gave quite a different explanation of 
Bildad and Eldad. 

With all my respect for Dr. Neubauer's knowledge of the Hebrew 
language, I cannot admit his inference from Amos vii, 9. 
" The high places of Isaac shall be desolate, 
And the sanctuaries of Israel shall be laid waste." 

Here we have one of the parallelisms so frequent in Hebrew 
poetry. The same thought is expressed in different images : ' Isaac ' 
and ' Israel ' are merely equivalent personifications of the same land 
and people. And so they were understood by the priest of Bethel 
and by the prophet himself, who in the i6th verse uses the expression 
" the house of Isaac " as the equivalent of ' Israel.' 

This is the interpretation of Gesenius, Ewald, and scholars in 

I was not aware till an hour ago that as far back as last August 
Professor Sayce had taken offence at a passage of mine which had no 
reference to himself or indeed to any definite person. He says, 

* On this word see Nestle, Die Jsraelitischcn Eigennantcu, \). 86. Why may 
not Eliyahu mean ' Yahu is my God,' just as Elihu means ' He is my God ' ? " el 
impliquc une affirmation de monotheisme." I am purposely cjuoting M. Renan. 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

"that the last syllable in the names represents the Semitic el has 
been believed by Waldemar Schmidt, Groff, Renan, Noldeke, 

Edward Meyer, and others I am therefore well content to 

be regarded along with him (Ed. Meyer) and the other eminent 
authorities I have named as 'no true scholar.'"* 

In the passage of mine which is here referred to I never dreamed 
of alluding to any person or persons in particular. I meant to 
caution non-Egyptologists against accepting as demonstrated facts 
conclusions for which the best Egyptologists can only produce 
evidence of a highly probable character. The ' no true scholar,' as 
I wrote it, could only apply to an Egyptologist, and I certainly had 
none m view. The next paragraph unluckily concerned Professor 
Sayce, but it introduced a new topic. 

P. LE Page Renouf. 

Journal of Transactions of Victoria Institute, Vol. xxii, No. S6, ji. iii. 



Some unpublished Assyrian " Lists of Officials." 

London, May 2^i/i, 18S9. 
Dear Mr. Rylands, 

May I bring to the notice of your readers a few fragments 
additional to the published parts of the so-called " Canon of Epony- 
mous Rulers," and especially to the " List of Governors," which 
are not yet published, and, therefore, seem to have not yet obtained 
the attention of scholars that they really deserve ?* 

I. No. 187 of the fine collection 81, 2-4, certainly coming from 
Kouyunjik,t 5in. by 3^in. {plates I-II), which is not yet labelled, 
contains, after having been restored from duplicates, the names and 
titles of Rulers, and brief historical notices of events occurring during 
the years 811-746 b.c. It supplies some important emendations 
of readings of the proper names corresponding to B.C. 80 1 ff.| It 
also replaces (obv., 1. 27) the name Balatu of Canon "C«" by 
Nabiisamsur (also occurring on " fragment ^," see below, and on 
plate I, note 7), with which we may, perhaps, compare now the 
colophon of K. 320, i.e., W.A.I. Ill, 46, No. 2, referred to by G. 
Smith, Ep. C, p. 98, etc. 

For the restorations, I have made use of the following texts, 
and fragments : — 

I. — Lists of Governors : — 

a% = K. 51, published W.A.I. II, 52, No. i.|| From this text 

all restorations are taken, which are not put in 

brackets, [ ], or parenthesis, ( ) ; 
l> = K. 3403 ; cf. Delitzsch, Zesest., I.e. ; — and 

* I think that scholars like Prof. Schrader (C.O.T. ; BihL, Vol. I), Prof. 
TiELE {Gesch.), and Dr. Winckler (Sargoii) cannot possibly be charged with 
not having taken notice of the list of Rulers in the 2nd edition of Herzog- 
Plitt, Real-F.iicyclopadie, Vol. XIII (1884), pp. 391 ff. For, Dr. Delitzsch 
does not there say from what texts he has taken his restorations of the right hand 
column, nor even remark the fact of restoration, nor indicate the portions he 
restored in the text published by himself, Lesest., 2nd ed., pp. 92 ff. Cf. my notes 
in the present Vol., pp. 135 ff. 

t See my Die Thontafchammht7tgen, etc., p. 7(751), No. 51. 
X Cf. Schrader, Bihliothek, Vol. I, p. 206 ; C.O.T., Vol. II, p. 181. 
§ This and the following letters will be used, by abbreviation, in the footnotes 
of Plates I-III ; for the published texts, see my Liter., p. 9 flf., § 7. 

II A small fragment has been joined to this tablet after the edition of W.A.I. II. 

f^,'^i.' AAA 

>-§^; AA 

j-t- >->- 


^ ^ 1- 

fc^>- >■>- 


>-t- t-t- J=-^ 






AA g= 

f 1 

*^ ^aT 















ii "^ ^ ^ 




y AA <y "v^ AA 





AA -/ 
A -f^ 


)>-i>- j^i^ t-i- >-fc- t-t- >-i>- >-t- >->- >->- >->- >->- >->- t-j^ >-»- >■>- >->- >-i*- 

A AAl 
A aA 

AAA ml 




it ! ^ 



A * 







»^ AA 





A A 



s , 
^ ^ 







A A 



lUi p 

lul II M P I^ 

lUi lAAi 

AA 7>->- A 

^ Hr "aT 

A A 

>-/ S >:% O- 

^ S^. ^ 
1^ '^- ^ 

it § ^ ^ It 


AA, A 

A A 
^ CI «- 





A "—J 

A A 

.^ AA "^ 

^ Hr Hi 





A A A 

AA ^ 


a ^ 


/ / / / / / / / / / ////// 

>-&- >->- >•>- ('/cr 





^'/>''>^A ^/jS^/f, 

AA'^ >-r A A 
AAA <57 <?7 

</. AAA AAA 
<^ AA AA 

^ ^ ^ 

^^ :J^ 




& A A 

t^>- >->- y>->- )>■&- ^i'^' t-s- 


s-t" >->- r-is- 

^^ ^ 1^/ 

^if ^ 




>j^ A I — I 




^^ AAA ^ 






V - V V V 


A A A A 

A A 


im jiu lui liu [111 «r im im ^^ lui jiii iiii 

51 31 

5l 31 





J>_ls- J>-1>- >-J>- J>->- >-l>- 

M ih' 

tH- ti- ^ 



i 'ii 


AAA ^ 


jri A ^>^ A 
« 1^ AAA 

t:*- nr »— AA 

A ^ t^ AA „ 

A ^ A A := ^ U 
^ ^ ^ ^ liU ^ t 



"l 1 1 .i- s 


t + 

A A 






/ y y y 






A U 




^ t^ 


^ AA 









<-'yy i 








t It ¥ ^ 3? 




^ * ^li 

V ^ 







fc-fc- *-»- K-b- >■»- »>->- 

^ # ^ i^ 


AAA ^ 










* AAA 

^ AAA 


A A 

>->. ^-t- 

t^ t 





U % 

i 'ii 














1^ ^ 


>-»>- b-t- >-«>- 












.^tl *^'»- •&:/ ^>- 

■>->- f— ^ha t> — 

t->- r kk 






A A 

. A . 


jm jm im p p ji 
























" — ' 

4- 4- 

A A 

AA S^ 





> 4- 

i 4- 





¥ W !r ^ t w 



? a a4 


jl AA 
t$ AAA 






1 i 

T A 

A A A A A 
A A 


^ CI ? 

"V A 

/ / / / / 


















■4 J 





1 1 












J^ J>^ 



^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ 



AA AA AA AA >^ £^ 


AA A^ 

+ ^ t ^ 

ft ^ 

AA AAA -^y .^, 
AA kk A"* -^ 

^ ^ ^ 




A A 



A A 









AAA ^ 













A A 


^ 4- 



A "u" 

1 1 ^s 

A fc->- 

4r "aT 

4 A 





it ^ 


Hb :^ Hh 4- 

A A A A 




i y y ^ Z' y v^ / 





YA "^ .. 

i: A ^r 


■I : Hr 

-o - A 
■S A 


r„ N 

>i .S -5 I — I 

£ I § ft 

- a 

■>3 U) 
O '^ 

•1 = ^ 

"S AU *!7 

§ AA V 


•B a 

ci ■? jc: 

Ia tr: i <<^ ti aA 



^ kkk A* ^ 

-i 11 ^4^ i^ 

^^ VMl ^J:^ 

5^«= -^ lA II AA >r- 

fc: AA A ^ AT J: R ,^ ^^ ^■ 

w .><s 












AA ^ "T ^ tr: UAI AA 

AAA-^v^aJf^ ^ 



■i> ^"^ii jiii V 

P' '^PpM^lPf J^ ^ >i- AAA! TtSSI 

'><■/,' V "^'i' ■^' ' --^ ' ^' ^ ^' 1^ ■> ' ^' I i *A* >— A' ^^' ^' 

» Mi-> fi^A f-i.'/: f-C/i r-J,» i^-te ^),> N,/-'- ^i> i^J.>^W> I'-J^^ i^l,> i^i ^^ i^J> i^J'/^ M,/v M,> M> M >"■ f^),\K>'! ^J» M/> f JiM^W; 


^ A| 
A A 




w^ .-/ >^ j^ 

T T T A 

;<6, YY YY »-/ 


aili^ ^^ ^ ^ :J^ :J^ :^^ ^:J^ :j. :j. ^ ^^^^ 



AA Ai 


l^gl^ A A A A A A A , A A A A 
K^^^si^^ip^^ ^^ ^>- >->- v->" ►->- >->" >->" A >->_ >->. >->- v>~ 


IIP*? 4t-«< }. E != fc J<, t. 

^>fi4;'v'i' ^ ^ A A A tr Y^ 

8^ ''^^iiifr'''' ■■''"'■'' 







kk u 

- U: 












^ H, ii j_ if.-^ 


-^ *ir 

'"'--' ^^'-^ V'^'.C^'X', .K-' -.^ 

1^ 'J* EI i 's i. " ^ 





I' '.\'.vZ>'.\-:.' 

A SW'S^^ 

4- ^ 4 ^ > '^^^ 4r 



%^ ^fy $%4 









A A 




AAA p<-> 

A A ^. 
AU S^l 


lAI JvH- 

J_ AA 0^.1; 













AU xi,i 

^ AAA 



IT "r^_ 


■v'i.-< < ' < ' <i>- 

' ^ 

'^^^ ' n T^^ii 










_, AAA AAA J_ , ^ 

^0^ TIK 

A »- 

iH: AAA 

UAAA A .^^^1^ 

nr^ , A* , 

I AUl 
AA ^A j:j:-(^ 









^V A N^' A A A AA 



•fS i 

"^ AAA A 









AaA N.^ A A A ^A >.^ N^ AA ^V A 

TA <<V ti i> AAA AA^ 

>^ A 

AA ■';l 



Hi ' 

ik 1,+- 




>»^ -Q 

' U 




^u if 

vi TT 

aA a 

^ AAA 

11 i 

■:rn i' 

Vbji A3:J^AA 

„ ; AAA »— 

AAA A ^ 

^ + > 

>— >^ ^^ AAA 




' if 

AT iH: 


1* AA >^- 

Hi ^' 


y * A T 

■^ AU 



1 J AAA ,^ 


A>»- *~- 

. IaI 


^y^' ^ 




t-t^ A 













r^A A ^V^< 








[| aaaI>-- 

it vj 


AAA AAA I ^ I ^_ 


, 1 " 







"aT |J- >tt 

AA i^AAii 




A A 
AA ^ 





' *l-. 



-^ A| 


AA J_ 








f,, A A A A AT -V ^ A AA U 

AAA ■'- 


^ t A t AAA AAA AAA AAA >jTr 


AA AAA t= 

4ir " 41-41 ^ 

>^ AA A A A U 






















ill ^^i J 51 

AA fT !,T 


N^ N^ 

V< .Ai 





AA ^ 

/AA I 








A A A AA >.^ f^ 


*^ Ui Y^: 

i "^^^ AA 

''A AAA 

'AA V. 




1 1 1 AA AA 


i't'^-;^'^ > ^T 'r <y P"^ ^ 



t t i ^^ 

A '^^ "^^ 




■ u- »— AAA 

'-' I AAA , ^, in 13: 

AAA ^^ 
5^ AAA i| 
i J AAA >^v- m 

^iJ.j^ AA AA 

AAA>77T ^ 


S^ ^ ^ N^ cl' ; 
^ 1 AAA 

AAA 13: A.T 


5^ '•-ys>y^iK''^i '' 1^^/. 










"N^Hr N^ Hr <* 

V- A N^ A ^ 

A A 



>— w^ >-T AAA 

-^^ ^_ A* 



AAA ;, 

AAA - 



Ai ^AAA 
N^ A AA 


:': AAA 

vvi /-^^y'l --^sy, V S" ^^■. 
AAA AAA' ' -It 

^ *" .^ ill i^ 


■■ <-> >' 



- AA 


^^^^ j^ AA frr AA 

'5r>-^A<?' 51: J^ ..,.•, t^ 
' :''>'y,<y:' AA ^ ->.'i- ^ 
'1 ';V ' -;;' ' >- . 

1 >j- T , 1 'i t= AAA >^ ^^^ 
Aff tw^'-'; '"^ Till 'yi;' ■^^^ 

AAA "*^ ^i^ij^ 

^ AT AT ■''*■ AH- ?..'^!.- 

TTT AAA AAA Zat .Jt'i: tw , 

i/|.y>/|;-->/l,vyV>/i-/b/i </V>/i_<''' A A >*.,• S^^ .<V't >^'l;^-'l '^ '1 V ii >^^ ii -^ 

m»v^i.>^m;>>»^j,>m,>\>^^j;>> A ^5^ X »i^J. »^Ji•>M.>M•■)v^ AA >r AA ^^ 


'X^' ■''v \'' 'n-n' ••>x'' '-'-~n'^ '-'s-s' . 

i.^)^-S^)' S^A S^^' ''-■^'' S'^?" V'i')' 

' .\x'' ■''•.n'' •''vx'! ■''vx'' -^.n' ■''vx; ■<x'' ■''vX'' 

'/ - '1 y^x'' H x''-''vx'' ■''v X *■' ' 

■^''-V -<x''''>x';''',x'; -.- -< x; \--V',^. 


Par G. Maspero. 

Reprinted from the " Proceeding! of the Society of Biblical Archcpology,'' 
April, 1889. 

Une des tombes de la Vallee des Reines a Thebes, decrite 
par Champollion,* appartient a une reine c^ ^^ Sitra, dont la 
place et I'age n'ont pas encore ete determinees de fa^on certaine. 
Champollion f et Rosellini,f qui lisaient son nom Tsire, la don- 
naient pour femme a Seti i^'^, avec cette difference que Champollion 
voyait en elle la plus ancienne en date des epouses de ce 
Pharaon, tandis que Rosellini preferait reconnaitre la plus recente. 
Les Egyptologues de la seconde generation accepterent d'abord 
I'opinion de Champollion, § sauf Lesueur, qui declara que Sitra 
etait la mere de Seti i", par consequent la femme de Ramses i""; || 
ils la rejeterent plus tard, sans que j'aie pu en savoir les raisons, 
et Lepsius classa le cartouche de Sitra parmi les incertains de 
la XX^ dynastie.lf Depuis lors la question n'a jamais ete traitee, 
et les historiens de I'Egypte ou n'ont point meme nomme la reine, 
comme Brugsch,** ou, comme Wiedemann, e'vitent de la classer.ff 

Les textes relatifs a Sitra se rencontrent : 1°, dans son tombeau 
au Bab el-Harim ; 2°, dans le tombeau de Seti i'^'" au Bab el-Moloiik ; 
3°, dans le temple de Seti i'"' a Abydos. 

1°. Dans son tombeau elle prend les titres de I o ^V\ ^^^ c 
(ci^S'f^j, "Grande mere de roi, dame des deux pays," 

* Champollion, Notices, T. I, p. 394 — 395, ou elle porte le No. 70. 
• t Champollion-Figeac, L'Egypte Ancienne, p. 328/', qui, la comme partout 
a reproduit les notes manuscrites de son frere. 

X Rosellini, Monuinenti Sto?-ici, T, I, p. 250 — 251. 

§ Ainsi, Lepsius, Notice stir deux statues cgyptiennes rcpresentant Pune la mire 
du roi Ramsis-Sesostris, Paiitre le roi Amasis (Extrait des Annates de Clnstitut 
Archeologique), Rome, 1838, p. 5 ; Oshurn, The Monumental History of Egypt, 
T. II, p. 426. 

II Lesueur, Chronolo^ie des Rois d'Egypte, p. 166. 

^ Lepsius, Konigshuch, pi. XLI, No. 528. 

** Brugsch, Geschichte Acgyptens, p. 469, ne donne que TouiA pour femme 
a Seti i^''. 

tt Wiedemann, Aegyptische Geschichte, \>. 525, note 14. 

La Reine Sitra. 

"^^ |o "^VN ^ ( ^^^f^|, "Mere de dieu, dame des deux 

"femme de roi, femme de dieu, grande mere de dieu, dame des deux 

pays, regente du midi et du nord," t I ^^ j ^ I a\ ^ 9 

()o fl oy^of-^ 5^ ^ 1 " fenime de roi, femme de dieu, 

mere de dieu, dame des deux pays, regente du Sud et du Nord, 
dame de grace, douce en amour, Sitra." % Le reste des legendes 
se rapporte a des representations religieuses sans interet pour la 
question qui nous occupe. Aucun indice ne nous permet de 
conjecturer de quel roi Sitra etait la mere, duquel elle etait la 
femme. Toutefois le dessin des figures, le contour des hieroglyphes, 
les details techniques de la decoration rappellent invinciblement 
ce qu'on voit au tombeau de Se'ti i"', et nous obligent a placer 
le creusement de I'hypogee sous le regne de ce Pharaon. Sitra 
n'est done pas, comme le veulent Lepsius et ceux des Egyptologues 
qui ont adopte son opinion, contemporaine de la XX*^ dynastie : 
elle appartient aux premiers regnes de la XIX'', comme I'avaient 
pense Champollion et Rosellini. 

2°. Elle n'est mentionnee qu'une fois au tombeau de Seti i^'', 
rnais longuement. C'est au milieu du Livre de V Ouverture de la 
Bouche, sur la parol de droite du quatrieme couloir descendant : 
apres une ligne qui renferme le protocole de Seti i", on en rencontre 
trois qui sont consacrees entierement a notre reine. Elles ont 
ete publie'es trois fois a ma connaissance, par Champollion, § par 
Schiaparelli d'apres les manuscrits de Rosellini, || par Lefe'bure. ^ 

* Champollion, Notices, T. I, p. 394. 

t Rosellini, Alomivienti Stoj-ici, T. I, pi. ix, No. iii. 

X Lepsius, Konigsbiich, pi. XLi, No. 528. 

§ Champollion, Notices, T. I, p. 791, 

II Schiaparelli, II libra dei Funerali, Tavolc III, pi. LXlil, p. 6 — S. 

^ Lefebure, Le Tombeau de Seti lei", dans les Mthnoires de la Misiion du Caire, 
T. II, 3e partie, pi. xi, 1. 178— iSo. 

La Reine Sit) a. 

I. 0.1 











I n A a-^ 

1 — + ^ 


" La princesse la plus favorisee, la favorite de YHorou fnaitre du 
palais, — qui est la sultane parfaite en ses membres comme ce qu'Isis 
a cree, — qui, lorsqu'on la voit est ador^e comme la Majeste de la 
Dame du Ciel,J — cadeau que la deesse Mait fait tout le long du jour 
a YHoroii taureau robuste § — elle que IdiMere divine a enfantee a I'image 
de sa grace, et derriere qui elle a mis ses deux bras en protection || 
pour prot^ger sa figure chaque jour, — a qui on fait tout ce qu'elle 
dit, — la grande epouse du roi qui I'aime Sitra, cherie d'Isis, dame 
du ciel, regente des deux terres, vivante, rajeunissante, saine a tou- 
jours et a jamais." On comprend maintenant pourquoi Champollion 
et Rosellini faisaicnt de Sitra une femme de Seti I". Sans examiner 
encore s'ils ont eu raison sur ce point special, on voit qu'en tout cas 

* L'hieroglyphe de la fcinnie dcvrait porter I'ura'us au font ct ctre coitTe du 
vautour aux ailes retombanles. 

t Ce texte est public ici d'apres une copic que j'en ai faite. 

X Litt. : "Elle a ete vuc, adorations comme a la Majeste de la Dame du 
Ciel," Isis. 

S U Horon taiircaic robuste est, comme plus haut, Ylloron tnatlrc d/t /'a/ais, 
une periphrase officielle designant le Pharaon. 

11 Allusion aux tableaux ou Ton voit Isis ou une autre divinite, placee derriere 
un roi ou une reine, et I'enveloppant de ses bras ailes ou lui imposant les mains 
sur la nuque pour lui transmettre le sa, le fluide divin. 

4 La Reiue Sitra. 

Lepsius a eu tort de placer notre reine parmi les incertains de la XX^ 
dynasties, et qu'il aurait mieux fait de la laisser au temps de Seti I", 
meme s'il n'admettait pas comme ses predecesseurs qu'elle eut ete 
une des epouses de ce Pharaon. 

2°. Un grand tableau de la Salle dii Roi a Abydos, decouvert et 
public par Mariette,* nous montre le dieu Thot et le pretre Anou- 
vioutif, presentant une offrande a Seti divinise. La barque sacree 
est dans un naos richement decore et au-dessous d'elle, trois statues 
en pied representent une sorte de triade formee de ] T 

Cg"^"^^ Seti V\ de 1 T ^' To tf^^ ^ ^J Ramses P"", 
debout, tenant la grande canne a la main gauche, et un encensoir 
fumant a la main droite, enfin de 1 ^ f ^^ ^ 1 T" A " I'epouse 

royale Sitra vivante," la double urseus au front, les deux plumes sur 
la tete, une grande fleur a la main droite, le signe de vie a la main 
gauche. La position qu'elle occupe ici derriere Ramses I*"" favori- 
serait I'opinion de Lesueur, d'apres laquelle elle serait la femme de 
ce prince et la mere de S^ti I". 

Tels sont les documents ; quelle conclusion faut-il en tirer ? Un 
point est certain tout d'abord : les premiers Egyptologues, Champol- 
lion et Rosellini, avaient raison de faire Sitra contemporaine de 
Seti I", et nous devons reformer sans crainte le jugement de Lepsius 
sur ce point. Mais doit-on penser comme eux qu'elle etait la femme 
de Seti, ou, comme Lesueur, qu'elle etait sa mere? Les termes 
meme qu'emploie I'inscription du Bab el-Molouk et la faeon dont elle 
est con^ue me paraisseiit mettre hors de doute qu'elle etait la femme 
et non la mere. Son protocole y est pre'cede de celui de Seti : c'est 
done a Seti que se rapportent les expressions Horou maitre du 
palais, Horo2i taiireau robust e, et, le titre de 1 ^^ "^^=5 ^ "la 
grande epouse de roi qui I'aime " nous montre le lien qui unissait 
Sitra k Seti I*"". Les arguments qu'on pourrait tirer de I'epithete 
de m}re de roi, que Sitra prend dans son propre tombeau, contre 
cette maniere d'envisager son role, ne sauraient prevaloir contre le 
temoignage du texte du Bab el-Moulouk. Nous savons par des 
exemples certains cjue les princesses de sang royal et les reines 
recevaient souvent des leur naissance, un protocole complet, oil le 
titre de Royale mere, mere de roi, figurait a cote de ceux de Royale 

* Mariette, Ahydos, T. I, pi. xxxil. 

La Reine Sitrd. 5 

JiHe et de Royale eJ)ouse : ainsi la petite Moutemhit, fille de Makeri, 
qui vecut quelques jours au plus, si elle vecut, est appelee sur son 

cercueil T ^ ^'^'^ 1 ^^ ^" "T^ 1 ^ ^ "^^ _^_ " ^pouse 

cherie de dieu, fille legitime du roi, grande epouse de roi, dame des 
deux pays." * De ce que Sitra est tnere de roi il ne resulte pas 
necessairement qu'elle ait eu un fils roi, ce qui nous obligerait a 
I'attribuer pour femme a Ramses P"" et pour mere a Seti Y : nous 
devons seulement en conclure qu'elle eut le protocole complet des 
reines egyptiennes, quand meme tous les termes de ce protocole 
netaient pas rigoureusement exacts sur certains points en ce qui la 

Son origine est inconnue : pourtant, comme elle n'est appelee nulle 
part dans son tombeau \ ^^ , ^//e de roi, je pense qu'elle n'appar- 
tenait pas directement a la famille royale. Son role a la cour pha- 
raonique parait avoir ete important, car elle est seule mentionnee au 
Bab el-Molouk et a Abydos a cote de Seti I", et son tombeau aurait 
ete fort bon si Ton eut pris la peine de I'achever.f Je ne saurais 
dire quelle position elle avait vis-a-vis de sa compagne ^ _p I] ^ 
Tou'iA, qui partageait avec elle la faveur du Pharaon. Touia etait 
deja mariee a Seti avant que Seti fut roi : son fils Ramses II figure 
en effet comme combattant dans une campagne de son pbre contre 
les Tahennou, ce qui lui suppose deja un certain age.| Touia 
survecut a Seti, et on la trouve regente pendant les guerres de 
Ramsbs II contre les Khiti. D'autre part, Sitra est seule nommee 
au Bab el-Molouk et seule figuree a Abydos, c'est-a-dire, dans des 
cuvrages qui datent de la seconde partie du regne de Seti i'^'' 
J'inclinerai done a penser, comme Rosellini, qu'elle devint reine 
apres Touia : elle fut la favorite du roi pendant lage mur ou la 
vieillesse, et mourut probablement avant son mari, sans laisser de 
posterite connue. 

Paris, Ic 20 Ma^-s, 18S9. 

* Maspero, Les Monties Royalcs de Dcir d-Bahart, dans les I\Ianoircs de la 
Mission Ft-aitfaise, T. I, p. 377- 

+ ChampoUion, Notices, T. I, p. 394, avail rcmaniue deja. le soin avec lequcl 
un artiste habile a corrige h I'encre rouge I'esciuisse des scenes qui le couvraient : 
malheureusement la salle du Sarcophage a ete a peine ebauchee. 

X ChampoUion, Monunieiits, pi. ccxrvii, No. 2 ; Rosellini, Mon. Stor., 
pi. 54. 


May 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

II. — Canons of Rulers : — 

c = K. 4329, published W.A.I. Ill, i. From this text all re- 
storations are taken, which are put in parenthesis, ( ) ; 
^ = K. 4388, published W.A.I. II, 68, No. 2 ; 
^ = K. 4389, published W.A.I. 11, 69, Nos. 3 and 5 ; 
/ = K. 4390, published W.A.I. II, 69, No. 4 ; and 
g = Rm. 580, unpublished, no label, 2^ in. by 2 in. ; rf. 
Delitzsch, Zei'/s., 1885, p. 175, and note i. 
The restorations in brackets, [ ], are attempted by conjectural 
combinations, unless a footnote is attached to them.* As to these, 
I have mostly followed G. Smith, £/>. C, and Dr. Delitzsch, 
Lesest., 11. cc. 

2. No. 97 of the second Rassam Collection, without label, 2i\i\ 
in. by 3^ in. {plate III, «), identical in the form of script, and shape 
with, and therefore evidently belonging to, K. 51,! appears to be of 
special interest. The obverse contains the events during the years 
840—39 — 817 — 16 B.c (see, e.g., Tiele, Gesc/i., p. 203 ff.), while on 
the reverse the proceedings of the first years of Sargon II. are 
mentioned, which will be especially welcome to those who now are 
studying the valuable Introduction of Dr. Winckler's Die Keilschrift- 
texte Sargons. See also my notes in the present volume of our 
Proceedings, p. 138. 

3. No. 526 of the Collection 82, 5-22, 3^ in. by 2|in. {plate III, h), 
labelled as " Eponym Canon," makes known, for the first time, 
the titles of the eponymous Rulers of the years 859-848 b.c, 
proving once more the variant Bir- = Bur-Raina/ifa). 

I append another list of '' names and titles of Officers " (thus 
the label) of the Kouyunjik Collection, 7^ in. by 3§ in. {plates 
IV-V), in which the names of the officers occurring, seem to be 
neither arranged according to a geographical, nor to a chronological, 
nor to an etymological order of enumeration, nor according to their 
rank. Many of these names are to be met with in the " letters and 
despatches " of the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum. 

As soon as possible I shall offer you a transliteration and 
attempted translation, and also restorations, of No. 2, and some 
explanatory notes to the other texts which you are kind enough 
to publish in the present issue. 

Yours, (Sec, C. IjEZOLD. 

* The restorations of ol)versc, 11. 240., have liccn omitted on ]nirpose. 
t The fragment does not join K. 51 ; but it can easily be determined how 
many lines are wanting on each side between the two pieces. 


May 7] 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, 
Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 4th June, 
1889, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be read: — 

Rev. G. W. Collins : — " 'Ashtoreth and the 'Ashera." 


May 7] rROCEEDIXGS. [1889. 


BOTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1S47-1S50. 

Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1S66-1869. 3 vols., folio. 

Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols. 

I— III (Brugsch). 
Recueil de Monuments Eg)'ptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par 

H. Brugsch et J. Dlimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen 

of vols. 3 and 4. ) 
DiJMlCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., 1st series, 1867. 

2nd series, 1869. 

Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886. 

Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio. 

GOLENiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 18S7. 

Lepsiqs, Nubian Grammar, &c. , 1880. 

De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880. 

Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy. 2nd edition. 

SCHROEI.'ER, Die Phonizische Sprache. 

Haupt, Die Sumerischen P'amiliengesetze. 

Ravvlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy. 

BuRKHARDT, Eastern Travels. 

Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873. 

Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Nefastes de I'annee Egj'ptienne. 8vo. 1877. 

E. Gayet, Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee de Louvre. 

Ledrain, Les Monuments Eg)-ptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale. 

Nos. I, 2, 3, Memoires de la Mission Archeologique Franyais au Caire. 

Sar7EC, Decouvertes en Chaldee. 

LEFfeBtFRE, Les Hypogees Royaux de Thebes. 

Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage. 

GuiMET, Annales du Musee Guimet. Memoires d'Egyptologie. 

Lefebure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris." 

Lepsius, Les Metaux dans les Inscriptions Egyptiennes, avec notes par W. Berend. 

D. G. Lyon, An Assyrian Manual. 

A. Amiaud and L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes 

et Assyriennes. 
2 PARTS, Mittheilungen aus dcr Sammlung der Papyrus Erzhcrzog Rainer. 
ROBiotJ, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides. 

Recherches sur le Calendrier en Eg)-pte et sur le chronologic des Lagides. 

PoGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa. 

IRecorbs of tbe flbast 





New Series. Edited by Professor Sayce, who will be assisted in the 
work by Mr, Le Page Renouf, Prof. Maspero, Mr. Budge, Mr. Pinches, 
Prof. Oppert, M. A.miaud, and other distinguished Egyptian and Assyrian 

The new series of volumes differs from its predecessor in several 
respects, more especially in the larger amount of historical, religious, and 
geographical information contained in the introductions and notes, as well 
as in references to points of contact between the monumental records and 
the Old Testament, Translations of Egyptian and Assyrian texts will be 
given in the same volume. 

Crown octavo ; Cloth. 4s. 6d. Volume I now ready. 

Samuel Eagster &: Sons, Limited, 15, Paternoster Row, London. 


^be Bronse ©rnaments of the 
Ipalace 6ates from Balawat. 

[SllALMANESER II, B.C. H59-825.] 

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original pros])ectus, the price for 
each part is now raised to ^i los. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
price) £1 IS. 

Society of Biblical Archaeology 

COUNCIL, 1889. 

President : — 
P, LE Page Renouf. 

Vice-Presidents : — 

Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeti 

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c\ 

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c. 

The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c.. Bishop of Durham. 

Walter Morrison, M.P, 

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c. ', 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c. 

Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury. 

Council : 

Rev. Charles James Ball. 
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. 
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. 
Arthur Gates. 
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 
Rev. R. Gwynne. 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy. 

Prof. A. Macalister, M.D. 

Rev. James Marshall. 

F. D. Mocatta. 

Alexander Peckovek, F.S.A. 

J. Pollard. 

F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A. 

E. Towry Whyte, M.A. 

Rev, W. Wright, D. D. 

Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Prof. A. H. Sayce, M.A. 

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 


VOL. XI. P.ART 8. 






Eighth Meeting, ^.th June, 1889. 




Rev. G. W. Collins. — 'Ashtoreth and the "Ashera 291-303 

Prop'. Mastero. — Quelqucs termes d'Architecture figyptienne ... 304-317 

Prof. Sayce. — Greek Graffiti al Almlos 318-319 

Rev. C. J. B.\LL. — Inscriptions of Nebuchadrezzar the Great. 

Two Passages of Cylinder 85, 4-30, i 320-325 

Prof. Sayce. — The Cuneiform Tablets of Tel el-Aniarna, now 

jireserved in the Boulaq Museum 326-413 

F. L. Griffith. — Notes on the Text of the d'Orbiney Papyrus ... 414-416 

Dr. a. Wiedemann. — Te.xts of the Collection of Mr. Lee 417-421 

Dr. a. \Yiedemann. — Texts of the Second Part of the Eighteenth 

Dynasty 422-425 

Dr. C. Bezold. — Some Notes on the " Nin-mag " Inscription ... 426-430 

Rev. C. J. Ball. — Remarks on the Nin-Ma^ Inscription 431-433 


published at 


II, Hart Street, Bloomsburv, W.C. 

188 9. 

[No. LXXXV.] 


II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 



I, Part I 

I, ,, 2 


















To Members 











































I, Session 1878-79 












1880-81 ... 4 

1881-82 ... 4 

1882-83 ••• 4 

1883-84 ... 5 

1884-85 ... 5 

1885-86 ... 5 



1887-88 Parts, 10 

o per Part 

To Non- 

























































in course of publication. 

A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain or sale, which may be 
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Ryland.s, F.S.A., II, Hart 
Street, Bloomsbury, W.C. 







Eighth Meeting, d,th June, 1889. 
Rev. R. GWYNNE, 


The Chairman announced, with great regret, the 
decease of Professor WiLLlAM Wright, D.C.L., 
LL.D., &c., &c., one of the earHest Members, who 
through a long series of years had been ever 
willing to contribute from his stores of learning, 
and advance the interests of the Society, whenever 
it was in his power to do so. His loss would be 
severely felt not only by the Society, but by the 
world of Science, to whom alike it was irreparable. 

The Secretary was requested to convey to Mrs. 
Wright the unanimous feelings of the Meeting. 

[No. Lxxxv.] 289 


The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, Dr. A. Wiedemann: — Le Culte des Animaux 
en Egypte. 
Reprint from. 
From the Author, Rev. Prof Ira M. Price, Ph.D. : — The Lost 
Writings quoted and referred to in the Old Testament. 

Yxom Bibliotheca Sacra. April. Vol. XLVI, No. 182. 1889. 
From the Author, F. H. Weisbach : — Ueber die Achaemenidenin- 
schriften. Zweiter Art. Leipzig. 4to. 1888. 

Inaugural Dissertation zur erlangung des philosophischen 
doctorgrades der Universitat Leipzig. 
From the Author, T. de Lacouperie : — Le non-monosyllabisme du 
Chinois antique. Paris. 8vo. 1889. 
Reprint from. 
From the Author, D. Mallet : Les Inscriptions de Naucratis. 
8vo. 1889. 

From the Revue Archcologique. 
From the Author, Philip Berger : — Sur les Monnaies de Micipsa, 
et sur les attributions de quelques autres Monnaies de Princes 
numides. Paris. 8vo. 1889. 
From the Reime Archeologique. 

From Miss H. M. Adair: — Naukratis, Part II. By E. A. 

Gardner, with an Appendix by F, L. G. Griffiths. 4to. 1888. 
Sixth Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund. 
From W. H. Rylands {Secretary) : — Berichte des VII Inter- 

nationalen Orientalisten-Congresses gehalten im Wien im Jahre 

1886. Verhandlungen des VII Internat. Orient. Congress. 

Hochasiatische und Malayo-Polynesische Section. 8vo. Wien. 

The Rev. Prof. J. T. Marshall, The Baptist College, Brighton 
Grove, Manchester, who had been nominated at the last Meet- 
ing on 7th May, 1889, was elected a Member of the Society. 

Rev. Philip Gun Munro, St. John's Presbytery, Horsham, 
was nominated, and by special order of the Council sub- 
mitted for election, and elected a Member of the Society. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

By Rev. G. W. Collins. 

Considerable difference of opinion has existed as to the meaning 
of these names. Until Movers wrote his Die Phonizier, 1841, 
'Ashtoreth and the 'Ashera were generally regarded as referring 
to the same goddess. Studer in Das Buck der Richter^ 1835, p. 69, 
speaks of Astarte as the female principle of nature, associated with 
Baal, the male, she was the goddess of love and birth, and under 
the name 'Ashera was Die Glikkliche Heilbrifigende. (In Judges 
vi, 25, he admits that the word occurs in a generic sense.) Bertheau 
in his Das Buck der Richter, 1883 (ch. iii, 7), from a comparison of 
such passages as Judges ii, 13, and iii, 7 ; also Judges x, 6 ; 
I Sam. vii, 4; xii, 10; I Kings xviii, 19; II Kings xxi, 3; xxiii, 4; 
thinks that both these names denote the same divinity, the 'Ashera 
being sometimes the symbol of the goddess, at other times the 
goddess herself, e.g., in I Kings xv, 13; and II Chron. xv, t6. 
Prof. Kuenen goes farther than Movers {Religion of Israel, Vol. I, 
p. 90), and considers Astarte and 'Ashera as not only distinct, but 
actually opposed to each other. Lastly we have Prof. Sayce in his 
article, the Gods of Ca?iaa7i, "Contemporary Review," 1883, statin^ 
that 'Ashtoreth was the goddess of the northern, and 'Ashera the 
goddess of the southern Canaanites, and that the latter was the 
goddess of birth, who presided over spring, and whose name in 
Assyrian meant "prosperous" or "holy." My object in this paper 
is to show that 'Ashtoreth and the 'Ashera have no connection 
whatsoever one with the other, and that the 'Ashera, so far from 
representing a goddess, is nothing but an instance of Phallic worship. 
And first as to 'Ashtoreth : the evidence we possess concerning her 
worship points to its being of a licentious character. Kuenen relies 
on Jer. vii, 18, and xliv, to support his view with regard to Astarte 
being a severe and chaste goddess, the " Queen of Heaven," while 
'Ashera is gross and licentious ; but what possible reason could the 
women of Jerusalem have had in mentioning their husbands' consent 

291 z 2 


(Jer. xliv, 19), unless this worship was one in which their husbands' 
rights were especially violated ? * 

This goddess, as we find her amongst the Phoenicians and 
Israelites, is not sufficiently near to the Assyro-Babylonian Istar, 
to allow us to say that the attributes of the latter must necessarily 
also belong to the former. We can learn something from the 
antiquities of Phoenicia, but there is a factor in our knowledge from 
this source which is more or less uncertain, namely, that we have 
to infer back from a later to an earlier time, and take into account as 
best we may the unknown quantity of outside influence. But 
making all allowance for their different surroundings, the Phoenician 
'Ashtoreth and the Accadian and Babylonian Istar had much in 
common. The Phoenicians carried the worship with them when 
they migrated from the Persian Gulf to the north-west, and the 
commercial relations between their great ports and Babylon and 
Niniveh necessitated a constant intercourse which naturally to some 
extent affected their religion. Amongst the Assyrians Istar appears 
as "the ruler of battle," "the mistress of victory," "the consort of 
Bel;" she may be identified with Bilit, the mother of the gods, 
and under the name Dil-bat she appears as Venus, the morning 

The worship of this goddess was, as is well known, licentious 
and sensual, and we have certainly no reason to suppose that in 
Phoenicia it lost anything in this respect. An inscription at Larnaca, 
which gives a list of two months' expenditure for the staff of a temple 
at Kition dedicated to 'i\.shtoreth,J mentions the money which was 
paid to women who as priestesses of the goddess were the means by 
which she was worshipped, and the artificial grottoes near Gebal and 
Tyre, which M. Renan calls "prostitution caves," have marks upon 
the walls which point out the purposes to which they were applied. § 

* To establish this point Kuenen is obliged with Graf to consider Judges ii, 
13 ; X, 6 ; I Sam. vii, 4; xii, lo, as exilic or post-exilic additions by the same 
hand, but there does not appear to be that agreement between them which would 
justify such an assumption. 

t Mr. Ball, in a communication to this Society, Feb. 1st, 1SS7, calls attention 
to the Egyptian name a.n.t.r.t.a. Rosellini J^Ionumenti, pi. 116, as looking like 
a dissimulation of Xmnj?. With Bilit r/ Mylitta of Herod I, 31, so Schrader. 
Schroder connects it with Moledeth from the root yalad, " to bring forth." 

X Corpus Inscrip. Seviilicariu/ii, I, 86, A and B. 

§ Cf. Herod., II, 106. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

Figures of 'Ashtoreth are found in places subject to Phoenician 
influence, and frequently represent her as either holding a dove or 
else some doves are placed near her.* In many of the earlier 
statuettes which have been discovered, the goddess is represented 
under forms which show that she also presided over both birth and 
infant life.j This worship extended to Moab as well as to the south 
of the Arabian peninsula, and in five Biblical passages, J reference is 
made to a town in the neighbourhood of Bashan which was named 
after the goddess, in the first of these (Gen. xiv, 5), we have the name 
Ashteroth-Karnaim ;§ the only proof, as Kuenen says, which the 
Old Testament furnishes that Astarte was the moon goddess, although 
her connection elsewhere with Baal would naturally imply it. 1| 

If "the house of 'Ashtaroth " (I Sam. xxxi, 10), in which the 
Philistines placed the armour which they had stripped off the dead 
Saul, refers, as is probable, to the great temple at Askelon where, 
according to Herod., I, 105, Aphrodite Urania was worshipped, we 
are by no means obliged on this account to allow that the worship 
here was other than licentious, nor indeed are we justified in assuming 
that there was any chaste goddess in the Pantheon of the Philistines, 
such passages as I Sam. v, 6, 9, are not without significance upon 
this point.lF 

The name 'Ashtoreth in the singular is mentioned only three 
times in the Old Testament,** and here in connection with the 111722 
built for her by Solomon when he encouraged the strange worship of 
his foreign wives, and in each case she is referred to as a divinity of 

* This may possibly be a later development ; nothing which reminds us of it 
is to be found in the Old Testament, unless, which is hardly probable, there is an 
allusion to it in Ps. Ixviii, 13 (e.v. ). 

+ di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 158. 

X Gen. xiv, 5 ; Deut. i, 4 ; Jos. xxi, 27 ; I Chron. vi, 56, and xi, 44. 

§ LXX 'A(7rapw0 /cot Kapvmv. Peshitta y> - l^nn ZoiAfiQl. 

II Ashtoreth was certainly the moon goddess amongst the Phoenicians. De 
Saulcy has brought from Tyre a small marble column in which the crescent moon 
is prone over the disk, and in a coin of the "Cypriote Union," on which we have a 
representation of the temple of Paphos mentioned by Tacitus {Hist., II, 3), the 
moon is supine below the solar disk. With the names Baal Samen and Milcom 
cf. Queen of Heaven, Jer, xliv. 

^ II Sam. X, 4 ; Is. xx, 4, perhaps refer to the phallus. 

** I Kings xi, 5, 32 ; II Kings xxiii, 13. 



Sidon, which was probably the chief seat of her worship in the west.* 
The plural form 'Ashtaroth, which occurs six times, no doubt refers 
to images erected to the goddess. From such scanty allusions to 
this worship we have no reason to suppose that it played an important 
part in the religion of Israel, and probably amongst both Phoenicians 
and Israelites 'Ashtoreth had lost her position as patroness of war, 
retaining only such attributes as belonged to her as the mere reflection 
of Baal, the great generating power, the sun god whose rays diffused 
and supported life. This association with Baal, as well as the 
probable position of 'Ashtoreth amongst the Philistines, may go some 
way to connect her service with licentious rites ; but the testimony 
from Phoenician remains, which I have quoted, is decisive upon this 
point, proving as it does that the worship of the goddess consisted of 
a cold blooded immorality. 'Ashtoreth in some respects occupied 
a place midway between the Istar of the Accadians and Babylonians 
and the Aphrodite of the Greeks.f But the position of the female 
divinity amongst the Accadians was as is well known equal if not 
superior to the male, while in passing through the Babylonians, 
Assyrians, and Phoenicians, the position became considerably lowered, 
until amongst the Israelites 'Ashtoreth was the mere double of Baal, 
and Yahveh had no female counterpart. J 

One point of difference there probably was between the 'Ashtoreth 
of the Phoenicians and Israelites and the goddess as she appeared 
amongst other nations ; there seems every reason to believe with 
Professors Sayce and Schlottman, that the Istar of the Babylonians 
had an androgynous character. § This is even more apparent in the 
inscriptions of the south Arabian peninsula, since we find in one be- 
longing to Medinet Haram the expression DXS^IX'Ifh'l (Halevy, 
152, 1. 3), while in an inscription from Hadramaut there occurs 

* Herod. (I, 150), however, says that the temple of Venus Urania at Askelon 
was the most ancient of all the temples of this goddess. 

t Fritz riommel considers the name Aphrodite to be a phonetic development 
of 'Ashtoreth, the sibilant being changed into a labial, and the dental and liquid 
being transposed. " Academy," 25th February, 1882. Die Scmitischen Vblker 
nnd Sprachen^ p. 494. 

X In Phoenicia (as in Egypt and Chaldea) we find the divine triad, Baal, 
Ashtoreth and Esmun ; amongst the Israelites it exists figuratively. Is. Ixii, 4 ; 
Ex. iv, 22. 

§ See Sayce, Hihbert Lectures, 1887, p. 253. For the opposite view and 
non-Semitic origin of the name Istar, see Schrader, K.A.T., Judg. ii, 13 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

the words |,l,nM>X8oa.|^1hHm?lh (OS. 29, I. 5). Again 

in the well known compound name 12^DD"^niL"'i^. Moabite Stone, 
line 17, we apparently have a trace of the same characteristic. It 
is possible (but as it seems to me improbable) that the same may 
be indicated in the second inscription of Umm el 'awamid.* It was 
in Phoenicia that the name as such first received the feminine term.'- 
nation, and although a trace of the hermaphrodite character may be 
seen in the bearded Venus of Macrobius,t and even in the name of 
Asterios the king of Crete, who was husband to Europa, it appears 
probable that amongst the Phoenicians as well as amongst the 
Israelites 'Ashtoreth was regarded only as a female divinity. 

Greater difficulties, however, beset the considerations of the 
'Ashera. Hitherto there has been almost a consensus of opinion 
that it was either a goddess or some representation of a goddess. :J; 
I would suggest that we have in this name nothing but a form 
of the Assyrian isaru^ which denotes the phallus, and that the 
constant connection in which we find it placed with Baal indicates 
that it represented that aspect of Baal cultus which is called 
phallic. § 

The ideogram J^f, the phonetic value of which is j:^ TJT ^Yyif, 
is as is well known used as the determinative for the masculine 
gender; it has also the phonetic values •^ff^ ""^Idf ^TT and 
>-yy<y J^y ^, which point to the same signification, || and in this 
sense it also refers to a vegetable with which we may perhaps 
compare the "Phallus impudicus."1[ 

* See C.I.S., Part I, 8, for the opinions of Renan, Levy, and Berger, ami cf. 
I Kings xi, 5 ; and Gen. xxx, 13. 

t di Cesnola thinks he has found two examples of this in the cemetery of 
Amathus in Cyprus. Perrot and Chipiez, Art in Phccnicia, Vol. II, p. 158. 

X Wellhausen {Proleg., p. 235) and Stade [Gesckic/Ue, pp. 458 — 61) consider it 
to be merely a sacred tree or pole. 

§ We perhaps have an intimation of the wide-spread phallic worship in 
Gen. xxiv, 2, 3 ; on this passage, however, see a note and a quotation from Ibn 
Ezra in Spurrell's Genesis. Oxford, 1SS7. 

II Cf. also the phonetic value yy ^>?^I *~\A' 

IT Prof. Sayce gives as the etymology the Ass. esrit, " a sacred spot," from 
asdrti, " to guide straight," which has in Assyrian the special signification of being 
" prosperous " or " holy ;" so Dr. Delitzsch, Ass. Sttid., p. 34, and Dr. Schrader, 
iVdrtervcrzeichniss, Gloss II, K.A.T., and so apparently Dr. Norris in his Diet. 
Gesenius connects the word with "lt^*X in the sense in which it occurs in 
Gen. xxx, 13, while Movers {Die Phoenizier I, p. 560) refers it to X'X in its 
primary ^^signification as signifying "upright," " erect." 



The word Jllli^t^ occurs in the Old Testament eighteen times 
in the singular, three times in the feminine plural (Judges iii, 7 ; 
II Chron. xix, 3 ; xxxiii, 3), and nineteen times in the masculine 
plural. The frequency of its use in the masculine is itself sufficient 
to arouse suspicion as to the word denoting a female deity, and the 
use of both masculine and feminine forms may suggest that we have 
here gender and not sex.* 

As regards the material of which the 'Ashera was made there can 
be no doubt that, usually at least, it was wood. Not only have we 
the express statement in Deut. xvi, but we have also frequent 
mention of cutting it down and burning it; and in Judges vi, 26, we 
read, " with the wood of the 'Ashera which thou shalt cut down." 
The site of the 'Ashera appears to be near to the altar of the god, 
and apparently under the shade of a leafy tree.f 

When the shade of the tree was not afforded, which could not be 
when the sacred emblem was brought into the temple of Yahveh. 
it was placed in a tent woven for it by female devotees, and as 
we know that there was for the temple of 'Ashtoreth at Kition 
a paid staff of women who were priestesses of the goddess, and 
who prostituted themselves in her honour (C.I.S., I., 86 A and B), so 
we find from II Kings xxiii, 7 that the 'Ashera had a staff of men 
consecrated to its service and who were the vehicles of its immoral 

If isaru be the etymology of 'Ashera, we have here a plain 
indication as to the form, and on the other hand, from passages 
in which it is referred to in the Old Testament (our only direct 
authority on the subject), we have evidence of the existence of 

* .Such feminine plurals as D''£i'J, D^C'J?D, D''Ty, &c., are subject to special 
conditions which do not apply to D"'~lLi'X. 

t I Kings xiv, 23 ; II Kings xvii, 10; Jer. xvii, 2. A bas-relief from Askelon, 
n<i\v in the Louvre, represents three female figures. On each side of the central 
figure is a vine which branches over the lateral figures which are nude ; we 
are here reminded of the expression " under every green tree." M. Heuzey 
however has informed me that the general character of the lateral figures denotes 
grief rather than worship, and that the subject seems to be traditional, used 
as a decoration without any clear idea as to what it represents. Moreover 
the work is as late as the 3rd or 4th century a.d. , perhaps later. We have 
therefore here no evidence in favour of the central figure being a goddess, who 
might be regarded as 'Ashera. For a drawing of this bas-relief see Perrot and 
Chipicz, Art hi Phoenicia^ Vol. II, p. 434, Longperier Musee, N. III. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

such a form as will agree with this proposed etymology; thus we 
have further identifications; in addition to the phonetic resemblance 
between the Assyrian and Hebrew words. In three passages, I Kings 
XV, 13, II Chron. xv, 16, and II Kings xxi, 7, we have reference 
made of a more elaborate figuration, and it is probable, both 
from the fact that in these passages only is this mention made, 
as well as from such expressions as "planting an 'Ashera," that 
its usual form was simply that of a rudely shaped phallus. Prof. 
Kuenen cites these passages which I have just referred to along 
with four others, Judges iii, i ; I Kings xviii, 19; II Kings xxiii, 6 
and 7, as establishing his view that the 'Ashera is used as the 
proper name of a goddess. {Rel. of Israel, Vol. I, p. 88). But 
there is little in these last mentioned passages to show that any 
•deity male or female was intended, and although in the others 
it might be possible to see the name of a divinity (either male or 
female), they equally well allow of the 'Ashera being taken in the 
proposed sense, as denoting the symbol of one aspect of Baal 
cultus. I Kings xv, 13, and II Chron. xv, 16 refer to the same 
event, the position of the words being inverted by the Chronicler, 
the important point in the passages is the use of the preposition 7, 
which might of course be translated by either " for," i.e., in honour of, 
or "of" The former, however, is not a common use of 7, while 
the latter would be more naturally expressed by the construct state 
and genitive, as in II Kings iii, 2; x, 27. I would suggest that 
we should translate the words by "an abominable image as an 
'Ashera," taking ^ in the sense in which we have it in II Sam. v, 3 
and II Chron. xxviii, 2, &c. 

The word n!^/Q^ (abominable image, R.V.) is probably used 
to denote a peculiarly gross figure, and not unnaturally supports 
the etymology isaru. Movers {Die Phoenizier, I, p. 571) explains 
it by pudendum, and he refers to Jerome, who translates it by 
Simulacrum Priapi. Movers further adds that it was a phallic 
representation, the symbol of the generating and fructifying power 
of nature, which was not uncommonly in Phoenicia and Egypt 
the special object of woman's worship. It is difficult, however, to 
imagine in what way a phallus-shaped pole could represent " a nature 
goddess the principle of physical life " {Die Phoe/iizier, I, p. 583). On 
the other hand it is not impossible that the relation of the 'Ashera 
to Baal and 'Ashtoreth may have suggessted the western myth of 



Priapus, Bacchus (or Adonis), and Venus. In the third passage, 
II Kings xxi, 7, we have n"11I^^^n vDS Di^, which the Revised 
Version translates by " the graven image of 'Ashera ;" but the genitive 
here can just as readily express the form which belonged to the 
noun in the construct state ; so thus we can translate " tke carved 
figure of the 'Ashera" {i.e., in the form of the 'Ashera or phallus)* 
especially when, by so doing, we give to the word that signification 
which it is admitted to have in at least thirty-three out of the 
forty passages in which it occurs. I should here point out an 
interesting comparison which can be made between this verse in 
the book of Kings and the corresponding one in II Chron. xxxiii, 7 
where we have h72DTl /D3 Pi'^, " the graven image of the idol " 
(R.V.). h72D'n here of course corresponds to the n^^tDb^n in the 
other verse, and upon the meaning of ~iQD Schrader has a remark 
(K.A.T. Deut. iv, 16) which seems so pertinent that it is worth 
quoting in full. " In Assyrian " he says " samulluv is the name 
for a tree or wood ; with the sign for deity prefixed the corre- 
sponding ideogram appears also in the name of a divinity which 
is identified in a syllabary with the designation of the sun-god 
Samas." We thus have the 'Ashera and Samulluv of the same 
materialjt and what is more important evidence, we have the 'Ashera 
associated (through the 7QD) with the worship of the sun-god, 
the Baal of Palestine and elsewhere. 

Regarding the period at which the 'Ashera worship began, we 
have four intimations: Ex. xxxiv, 13- Deut. vii, 5; xii, 3; and 
Judges iii, 7 ; that it was a peculiar feature of the religion of the 
Canaanites and Ammorites, whose land the children of Israel took 
possession of The three passages in the Hexateuch to some extent 
resemble one another, but although I hesitate to say that they with 
Judges iii, 7, are all from the one late hand, yet considering the fact, 
that with the exception of these passages, the narrative concerning 
Gideon and the command in Deut. xvi, 21, 'Ashera cultus is not 
referred to until the rise of the northern kingdom, | it is not a very 
rash conjecture to suppose for them a common origin, namely a 

* C/. Judges xviii, 18 ; also Deut. iv, 16, 23, 25. 

t There was also a ?13D of bronze in Cyprus ; see Schroder, Die P/ion. 
Sprache CiL, 35, 2, and Cit. i, 2, and C.I.S., I. 88 and 11. 

:j; I Kings xiv, 15, 23. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

desire to give unity to the narrative by stating command, violation, 
and consequent punishment.* 

It is not without significance that Josiah should have been the 
king who purged Israel, Judah, and Jerusalem from the 'Asherim, 
Hammanim and graven images.f The grossness of 'Ashera cultus 
had reached its utmost limit in the reign of Mannasseh, when he set 
up this symbol in the very temple of that God who, like Assur, never 
had a female consort, and consequently never was in any way to be 
regarded as a nature divinity, the procreative principle and source 
of generation, and we can hardly fail to connect the reformation in the 
time of Josiah and the need of it, with the threefold prohibition by 
the Deuteronomist. j If however 'Ashera cultus formed no part of 
the religion of the Israelites until the tenth century B.C., sacred trees 
and sacred stone pillars (connected with Yahveh worship by Old 
Testament writers) had been common from the earliest times. We 
have the oak of Moreh near Shechem (" of the prophet," Kuenen), 
Gen. xii, 6 {cf. Judges ix, 37), the oak of Mamre by Hebron, 
Gen. xiii, 18 ;§ and we meet with sacred trees as late as the time of, 
Isaiah (i, 29), while sacred stones appear to have been lawful when 
Hosea delivered his prophecy (iii, 4 ; cf. Isaiah xix, 19). || 

It may be that the Hebrew words 7^^ and "tl*^ arc themselves 
an indication of this worship, as it is not impossible that the former 
may be connected with JlT'^^j "^1^ ever-green tree," and the latter 
with the Assyrian Sadu, a " mountain " (Delitzsch) ; while this again 
finds expression in such titles as " Rock of Israel," ^nd under the 
name bcetyli^ consecrated stones have been found in all countries 

* It is a significant fact that in the Books of Kings or Chronicles alone, 
'Ashera is referred to twenty-seven times. 

+ 2 Chron, xxxiv, 3-7. 

X The above-mentioned references with four others in the prophets : Is. xvii, 
8 ; xxvii, 9 ; Micah v, 14 ; and Jer. xvii, 2, are the only allusions in the Old 
Testament to 'Ashera worship. 

§ Can Moreh and Mamre be the same name, the Ass.-Bab. v being equal to m ? 

II Other places in which sacred trees and stones are mentioned are : Gen. xxi, 
33 ; xxviii, 18 ; xxxi, 45 ; Jos. xxiv, 26 ; I Sam. vi, 14 ; vii, 12, &c. Berger 
thinks we have in the Zeus Demarus of Philo a modification of Baal Tamar ; 
Professor Sayce refers it to the river Tamyras. 

IT Probably from 7K JT*!, although the etymology N?03, " to make in- 
operative," as a charm, has l>een assigned. 



reached by Phoenician influence, and correspond to what in the Old 
Testament are called HH!*^- Some of these stones were probably 
^orolites, such as the conical black stone at Emesa sacred to 
Elagabalus,* the image of Artemis at Ephesus, and the black stone 
of the Ca'aba at Mecca ; others probably had a phallic origin, like 
two monoliths of brown granite found by di Cesnola in Cyprus, f the 
cones of Gozo and Hagiar Kim at Malta, and the cone of the 
temple of the Sun-god at Byblos, represented on a bronze medal 
of Macrinus.J The same may be perhaps said of columns and 
posts like that of Khorsabad referred to by Stade,§ and those 
represented on a Phoenician seal lately found at Bagdad by Dr. 
Hayes Ward.|| These were apparently of wood or metal; they are 
surmounted by a kind of cap, and probably were connected with 
'Ashera cultus. ^ 

Some of the confusion which has arisen as to the purpose of 
the 'Ashera, and which has caused the figure to be identified 
with a goddess, may be traced to a misapprehension as to the 
purpose of some of these stones. Though uncarved as far as any 
human shape is concerned, they have yet been considered sacred 
to 'Ashtoreth. Consequently why may not the 'Ashera be also 
sacred to a goddess, even though its form be a mere tree or pole? 
But the fact is that we have no right to assume that such stones 
ever were consecrated to 'Ashtoreth. MM. Perrot and Chipiez** 
have no authority whatever for stating that the temple at Byblos 
which contained the cone was that of "the great goddess of the 
place." ft There are no doves near it, which alone would make 
it improbable that it was sacred to 'Ashtoreth, nor again is Prof. 
SayceJJ correct when he says, in reference to the temple at Paphos, 

* Donaldson, "Arch. Numism.," No. 19. 

t INIessrs. Guillemard and Hogarth, " Atheneum," April 14th, and August I Ith, 
1888, are probably correct in assigning an agricultural purpose to many of the 
monoliths they have discovered in Cyprus, but this does not really affect the 
question of the existence of bjetyli, or phallic representations, in the island. 

X Donaldson, "Arch. Numism.," No. 30. 

§ Geschichte des Vdlkes Israels, p. 641. 

II " Amer. Jour, of Archaeology," June, 18S6, p. 156. 

% One has instead of a cap-like top, a crescent moon, which like those with 
the full moon at Khorsabad (Stade, I.e.), may have been sacred to "Ashtoreth. 

** Art in Phoen., Vol. I, p. 61, E.T. 

tt The goddess is called Ba'alat in the inscription of Jehaumelek. 

XX "Contemporary Review," p. 385, 18S3. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9. 

that "a stone column of cone-like shape was the only symbol 
which stood inside the shrine, like the stone symbol still existing 
inside the old Phoenician temple now called the "Giant's tower" 
in the island of Gozo. In the temple of Paphos no doubt we 
have a symbol of Astarte, but from a drawing of a coin of the 
"Cypriote Union"* it appears, notwithstanding what Tacitusf may 
have said to the contrary, that this consisted of a column with 
the rudely traced head and arms of a human figure, above which, on 
the coin, is a crescent moon (beneath a solar disk), and doves 
are on each side of it and in the court before it. On the other 
hand, we have no reason to regard the upturned cone (40 inches 
in height) of Gozo as a symbol of 'Ashtoreth, There is also 
a sanctuary on the island dedicated to Sadambaal (C.I.S., I, 132), 
to whom the cone most probably belongs, while the elliptical cone 
at Hagiar Kim was found along with seven small figures, of which 
neither the purpose nor the sex can be ascertained. There is no 
evidence therefore from such sources as these that 'Ashtoreth was 
ever represented except by a figure modelled at least as low as 
the waist. 'Ashtoreth had her images just as Baal had;| his were 
sometimes molten, § at other times apparently carved ;|| while there 
seems to be an allusion to a special image (m!^?2) in II Kings iii, 2, 
and X, 27;^ and as Baal Hammon, the great divinity of Carthage, 
he is represented with horns of rams and his arms resting on rams. 
As a further identification of the 'Ashera with an aspect of Baal 
cultus, it is to be found associated with the worship of the ^^2!^ 
D"^Q1i^n,** and in four passages we meet with it in connection with 
the C^i^n (themselves mentioned but eight times), figures which, 
according to II Chron. xxxiv, 4, stood above the altars of Baal. 
In some way or other these D''i^n were symbols of one aspect 
of Baal worship, while the 'Ashera, also placed near the altar, was 
probably a symbol of another aspect, and that the most licentious, ff 

* From Guigniaut, Perrot, and Chipiez, Art in Pliocn., Vol. I, p. 276, E.T. 
t Hist. II, 3. X II Kings xi, 18. § II Chron. xxviii, 2. 

II II Kings X, 26. 

T na^'O, Gen. xxviii, 18, refers to a stone in its rough state, andlsmall enough 
to be set up by one man. 

** II Kings xvii, 16 ; xxi, 3 ; xxiii, 4 ; and in II Chron. xxviii, 3. 
tt The name CJ^DPI is doubtless to be connected with HOn, "solar heat;" 
they were the prototypes of Baal Mammon of Carthage. 



It is noticeable that we never find the 'Ashera mentioned in 
connection with 'Ashtoreth. This would of course be natural if 
they were but different names of the same divinity but, failing 
this explanation, it seems to imply that they did not resemble one 
another as objects of worship. It may be said that in taking the 
'Ashera to represent an aspect of Baal cultus we are assigning 
to the Israelites an object of worship which has apparently no 
counterpart in the religion of the Phoenicians, but in the first place 
the inscriptions from Phoenicia are too few in number to justify 
an appeal to this argumetitiim e silentio. Moreover, while we do 
not meet with the word 'Ashera, yet we do meet with traces of 
phallic worship in the remains of Phoenician art ; and again, although 
no doubt many of the chief features of any one Semitic people 
are also found amongst the various members of the wide-spread 
Semitic family,* yet there are some indications of religious character- 
istics being isolated or local, as was the worship of Yahveh, the 
national god of the Israelites, and the 'Adon, which is peculiar to 
Phoenicians and Israelites. Baal of course, as a god, had his 
priests, his figures, his pillars, and his molten images,! while moun- 
tains and trees were dedicated to him ; and so too 'Ashtoreth had 
her altars and her incense, :J; but the 'Ashera had nothing of the 
kind. It had, as Baal also had, its prophets § (but whatever was 
their office they certainly were not priests), and this, with the 
exception of the fact that some kind of furniture (as was natural) 
belonged to the 'Ashera worship, || is all that we know about its 
service. One point more I would touch upon. Kuenen, in his 
Religion of Israel ^^ makes this remark: "The Israelites in Canaan 

allowed themselves to be seduced into secluding themselves 

with the ' Kedeshas,' the women dedicated to 'Ashera, and practising 
unchastity with them." Now this is just one of those assumptions 
which, without any evidence in their favour, have led to a mis- 
understanding of the subject. 'Ashtoreth was served by Kedeshas,** 
and according to Herodotus (I, 199) every Babylonian woman was 

* E.g., a Baal amongst the Moabites and Philistines; Dagon in Assyria, cf. 
Ismi Dagjon (1850 B.C.) ; the Babylonian Anu, and 'Anath and Anathoth of the 
Israelites, and Tanit of the Carthaginians, the Anna, sister of Dido, of Vergil. 

+ II Kings X, 19 ; xi, 18 ; x, 26, 27 ; II Chron. xxviii, 2. 

X I Kings xi, 5, 8. § I Kings xviii, 19. || II Kings xxiii, 4. 

\ Vol. I, p. 307. 

** See Inscription of Larnaca mentioned above. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

obliged, once in her life, to act as priestess to the goddess.* But 
quite different from this was the service of the 'Ashera ; for it there 
were Kedeshim, eunuchs or male prostitutes. f and this very differ- 
ence regarding the sex of the officials is again another indication 
of the difference which existed between the worship of 'Ashtoreth 
and the 'Ashera. 

The evidence therefore, as far as I have been able to collect 
it, seems to point on one hand to the 'Ashera being more than 
a mere sacred pole or tree, and on the other to its having had 
no connection whatsoever with 'Ashtoreth or any other female 
divinity. J 

* Miiller, Sitzungberichte der Philos. Hist. Classe der Acad, der IVissen- 
schaften, Bb xxxvii, p. 19, refers to the Kedesha of Gen. xxxviii, 21, as being 
connected with the licentious 'Ashera cultus, and the consequent predilection 
for the he-goat, Gen. xxxviii, 17, but this is somewhat fanciful, and opposed to 
the simplicity of the narrative. 

t II Kings xxiii, 7. 

X Bertheau {Buck der RicJiter, p. 72) having appealed to the old translators, 
who he says must have had a distinct view of the worship of the 'Ashera, it may 
be well to say a word as to the help we really derive from them. Of the two most 
important versions of the Old Testament, the LXX and Peshitta, the former 
exhibits marked consistency in giving the incorrect translation "grove," while 
the latter has a variety of renderings in cases where the word must necessarily 
have had exactly the same signification ; for example, out of the forty times where 
" 'Ashera " occurs in the Old Testament, it is thirty-five times translated " grove " 
by the LXX, and in one case it is omitted altogether ; whereas the Peshitta makes 
use of eight wholly different words to express the same idea ; and a similar 
confusion prevails in the translation of "Ashtoreth. These facts, as well as others, 
do not tend to inspire confidence as to the value of the authority of these versions 
upon this subject. There is however one point in which a comparison between 
them and the Hebrew is interesting, although it is not pertinent to the question 
under discussion : I refer to the general appropriation of one word by a particular 
book in the Peshitta. This must not be pressed to any great extent, but it 
certainly seems to imply that the translation was made in books, the same 
hand in some instances being recognisable throughout the greater part of some 
of them. But for anything like assistance towards arriving at the meanin<T of 
the 'Ashera we look in vain to the ancient versions. 

Remarks were added by the Rev. A. H. Lewis, D.D. 
Rev. R. Gwynne, Rev. G. W. Collins, and Mr. T. Tyler. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 

June 4] 




Par G. Maspero. 

Le medecin en chef I y ■¥" ^^ Sokhit-ni-6nkh avait decore 

le mastaba qu'il possedait a Saqqarah d'une grande stele en calcaire 
fin que Mariette a retrouvee, et qui, contrairement a I'usage des 
monuments de cette espece et de cette epoque, contient quelques 
details anecdotiques d'un certain interet.^ Apres les formules or- 
dinaires, on lit sur les montants de la fausse porte les deux inscrip- 
tions suivantes. A droite c'est le Pharaon Sahouri de la V® dynastie, 
qui prend la parole : — 

I i ^AAAAA 1 ^i AA^vV\A «:JU I V /\V\AA 









—a... □ © 

' Mariette, Zes Mastabas, p. 202-205. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

" Sa Majeste dit au medecin en chef Sokhit-ni-onkhou : ' Vigueur 
a ton nez,' toi dont les dieux aiment les marches vers I'Occident, 
et grande vieillesse comme a un feal."- J'adore le grand roi et je 
prie tout dieu^ pour Sahouri, car lui il me connait ainsi que toute 
ma suite.^ Or done toute chose qui sortit de la bouche de Sa 
Majeste s'est reahsee pour moi/ car le dieu (Anubis) lui a donne 

^^^ T /r^ Fenzou est une orthographe frequente du mot '^^^^ '^~^ 
a I'epoque des Pyramides. Le mot-a-mot de la phrase nous donnerait : " Vigiieur 
de ce nez" 011 |' 11 Sonhoii est substantif comme le prouve la reprise 

(I ^v (^ V\ r^% dans le second membre : '-' ce, ici, comme dans beaucoup 

d'autres phrases analogues, est une maniere emphatique et legerement dedaigneuse 
de designer I'inferieur a qui Ton parle. Le tout est une formule du genre de 
celles par lesquelles on salue un vivant ou un mort en lui souhaitant " le vent 
frais du Nord " ou " Pair pour son nez." 

2 (I y ^- lj> marque I'etat de I'homme qui, de sa propre volonte et 
librement, s'est voue a un autre homme ou a un dieu, reconnait son autorite, et lui 
api^artient tout entier. Le vivant est amakhou kher souten, fJa/ sons le roi; 
le mort est feal sons le dieu qu'il s'est choisi parmi les dieux des morts, sous 
Osiris, si c'est a Osiris qu'il s'est voue ; sous Sokaris si c'est a Sokaris ; sous 
Khontavientit si c'est a Khontamentit. Le mot (I y ^v y^ amakhou nous 
reporte done a un etat de societe identique a celui ou nous ramenent les mots 1 5 
SEmIrou, a»ii et Xu _V 'W' ^^^ ^^"-^ '/'" portent le collier, d'un particulier, 
d'un roi, d'un dieu, et re9oivent certains privileges en retour des obligations qu'ils 
contractent envers lui. Au temps des Pyramides, ces termes avaient deja perdu 
leur force premiere, et n'etaient plus que des epithetes honorifiques, ou I'indice d'un 
rang determine dans la maison d'un particulier, d'un roi, ou d'un dieu. 

^ Cette phrase et celle qu'on lit h. la ligne 5 nous donnent I'origine de la 
locution ^ ■)!<; qui a fini par signifier simplement, ronercier, coniplinientcr o;p,t\o^\x\. 
Le I >lc solennel, si souvent represente sur les murs des temples, se fait quatrefois 
1^1 comme toutes les ceremonies ritualistiques, une fois pour chacune des quatre 
maisons du monde. 

•* Ici, comme partout dans I'inscription {cfr. plus bas •^3>~ iri.>j.[i]^ qui 
fait h moi), le pronom '^ i de la premiere personne du singulier, simple 
voyelle, n'est pas ecrit. r~\Y~i |l ^ 2^ ^^^^ siiosou est un collcctif ainsi 
que I'indique le pronom singulier qui suit K^-^ : il designe non seulement les 
domestiques, mais tous ceux qui sont H la suite du personnage principal et qui 
sont representes sur la stele, sa fcmme, ses enfants, ses freres. 

* Hi totoui-i, 2jITOOT. 

305 2 A 


d'exceller aux choses de la medecine,^ a cause de la grandeur de 
la veneration qu'il a pour lui plus que pour tout autre dieu. O vous 
qui aimez Ra,- priez tout dieu pour Sahouri qui me fait ces choses, 
car moi je suis son feal, jamais je ne fais mauvaise action contre 
personne.'" Sur le montant de gauche, Sokhit-ni-6nkhou nous 
raconte ce que le roi a fait pour lui de plus remarquable : — 

Pour etre bien compris le texte exige I'intelligence exacte des termes 
d'architecture qu'il renferme, surtout celle du mot ' ^ ^^ rnl 
qui s'y rencontre par deux fois, 

Le mot <;:5> ^ _^ s'ecrit au moyen du syllabique _g:^ qui n'est 
que <3> R, L, vocalisee _^ ou, puis des deux elements alphabetiques 

* Sur cet emploi, expletif pour nous, de © t^, voir Erman, Comnieuta7- zur 
Inschrift des Una, dans la Zeitschrift, 1882, p. 5. 

- " C'est 'i vous aimez Ra, priez pour Sahouri." s'adresse, comme 


le prouvent les formules ordinaires, h. ceux qui liront plus tard la stele : Sokhit- 
ni-onkhou les conjure, s'ils aiment Ra, de joindre le nom du fils de Ra, Sahouri, 
qui I'a recompense a son propre nom dans leurs prieres. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

<rr> R et _P ou qui doublent le syllabique, enfin du o t. 
Le o n'est pas comme on pourrait le croire reporte avant I'ou ^ I 
mais, d'aprbs un usage frequent a I'epoque des Pyramides au moins 
dans les textes trace's en colonnes, tout signe place plus bas que la 
tete de I'oiseau qui I'accompagne est considere comme etant derriere 
lui, J^\ SiBOU et non Bisou, Jv\ ^^^"^ oubnou et non bounou, 

c> ^ OUT et non tou. :^^ <=> _p doit done se lire rout, il ne doit 
pas se lire routou. Le mot est determine une premiere fois par ?/;/c 
porfe formee de trois pieces, deux montants et un linteau, une seconde 
fois par tate stele en fo7-me de porte. Le sens porte du mot est bien 
prouve par de nombreux exemples empruntes aux textes des Pyra- 
mides : celui de stele en forme de porte derive naturellement du 
precedent, la stele etant toujours dans les tombes de I'Ancien Empire 
la porte de la chambre du mort, porte fermee aux vivants, et dont la 
bale ne s'ouvre jamais. Quel est celui de ces deux sens qui convieni 
le mieux en cet endroit? Sokhit-ni-6nkhou declare que le roi lui a 
fait donner une rout pour son tombeau : le tombeau existe encore 
aujourd'hui, et peut-etre y trouverons-nous en I'examinant la partie que 
son proprietaire appelle rout. C'est un mastaba oblong de 18'" 20 

sur 8'" 600. II est plein, sauf le puits a 
qui a un peu plus d'un metre de cote, et 
traverse la magonnerie pour s'ouvrir sur 
la plateforme : la chambre du sarcophage 
est brute et creusee dans le rocher. 
Mariette constate qu'il est construit en materiaux d'assez mauvais 
choix, mais ajoute qu'au fond de la niche b on voit une magni- 
fique stele gravee avec toute la perfection de I'epoque,' celle-la 
meme sur laquelle est ecrit le texte que j'essaie d'expliquer. J'ai 
pu verifier que le gros oeuvre est edifie avec le calcaire marneux 
qui compose le plateau de Saqqarah, mais que la stele est en 
calcaire fin de Tourah. Cela dit, il me parait que le doute n'cst 
plus possible. Le mastaba n'a point de chapelle interieure, par 
consequent pas de porte^ mais nnc stele en forme de fausse porte 
encastree a I'extremite' nord de la face Est : la rout en pierre dc- 
Tourah de I'inscription est done la stele en calcaire de Tourah 
du mastaba qui tranche par sa blancheur et par sa finesse sur les 
materiaux plus grossiers qui I'environnent. Je traduis sans hesiter la 
premiere partie de I'inscriptions : " Le medecin en chef Sokhit-ni- 
' Mariette, Les Mastahas, p. 202. 

307 2 K 2 

N — 4 — 


ONKHOU dit sous Sa Majeste : ' C'est ton double/ O ami de Ra, qui a 
decrete divinement de me donner une stele-porte en pierre pour ce 
tombeau-ci du cimetibre." Le reste de I'inscription explique a quelle 
occasion le roi fit ce cadeau a notre homme. " Sa Majeste, dit-il, 
ordonna qu'on lui apportat deux steles-portes de Roiou" en pierre, et 
de les mettre dans I'interieur des deux niches^ de I'edifice Khaourri 
Sahouri (Apparition de couronne de Sahouri). Le commandant 
en chef des deux corps d'artisans des ateliers sacre's* y mit* des 

' La locution X _^ J _^ reparalt dans OuNi, I. 47 et 51 : c'est Texpression 
officielle pour designer a cette epoque un ordre royal rendu en faveur d'une 
personne. Elle parait devoir se traduire fi V^ ^Pq>- T v\ .... " Le dieu 

Hou est I'ordre de " Le dieu Hou joue dans la phraseologie egyptienne le 

role de dieu de I'elocution : aussi dit-on d'un roi que ledieu Hou est dans sa boiiche, 
siw scs Icvres, sous le lieu de sa bouche. Je n'ai pu rendre eel idiotisme de fa^on 
intelligible en fran^ais, et me suis permis de le remplacer par un a-peu-pres. 

2 Tourah, la Troja des geographes d'epoque classique. 

3 Cfr. Brugsch, Diet. H. Suppl, p. 133 1- 1332 s.v. ^ '^ /\^' Le 
duel resulte ici du fait des deux steles-portes mentionnees plus haut : le i qui le 
marque n'est pas ecrit, et les formes en ^ sont seules indiquees, \ ^^ c-^=^ ^ 


Zadou[i] et Tk NOu[i]. Zadou me parait designer des chambres ou des 

niches analogues aux chambres fermees du temple de Seti i"^"" a Abydos. Toutefois 
I'encorbellement de celles-ci est un fait purement local : le Zadou avait un toit plat. 
Le determinatif IH Vv\ ne prouve pas necessairement que le mot designat tou- 
jours une salle soutenue par deux colonnes : il montre seulement qu'il designait 
une salle pouvant etre soutenue par des colonnes. 

•• Le determinatif double '^ "^ de notre stele n'est pas une faute de copiste, 
car on le retrouve derriere le meme titre dans Lepsius, Denk»i., II, 37 b. Les 
deux corps d'artisans ainsi designes sont les tailleurs de bois et les tailleurs de 
pierre, les menuisiers et les sculpteurs ou iTia9ons. Ici, comme il s'agit d'objets 

en calcaire, les ouvriers emi:)loyes sont les tailleurs de pierre T XV?^rJrVAr 

0:^ A. ^± clL cli 
[cfr. Max Midler, Ucbcr einige Hieroglyphenseichen , dans le Kecucil, T. IX, p. 168) 

II resulte d'un certain nombre de passages que Ic mot /^ ouabit sert a 

designer la chambre ou les chambres ou les artisans de diverses especes attaches 
aux temples exer9aient leur profession. Comme la decoration des steles etait une 

(euvre eminemment religieuse on la confiait a ces ouvriers sacres. Le titre 

\} /. o Q Z"^*^ r\ 
■^^^ y T MvV\v / ^^ se trouve ici pour la premiere fois a ma connaissance 

5 _a CUD n'est qu'une variante phonijtif|ue dc ^k DOU, viettre en U7ir 
place, ieter, donner. C'est une l-oi en Egyptien ([ue toute racinc formee 


June 4] 



artisans tandis qu'on en executait le travail. Sa Majeste etait au 
chantier chaque jour/ voyant ce qu'on leur faisait comme decoration 
salutaire,- tout le long du jour. Sa Majeste y fit mettre des 
sculptures (?) dont la peinture est bleue." '' Le detail presente des 
difficultes, mais le sens general est clair. Le roi faisait tailler, decorer, 
et couvrir d'hieroglyphes peints en bleu selon I'usage, les deux steles- 
portes qu'il voulait mettre dans le temple funeraire attache a son 
tombeau : il profita de I'expedition envoyee a Tourah dans cette 
intention pour faire venir la stMe qu'il donna a son medecin Sokhit- 
ni-6nkhou, et que nous possedons encore aujourd'hui. 

L'exemple d'une faveur pareille n'est pas unique, loin de la. Un 
siecle plus tard, Ouni en recevait autant de son maitre Pepi P"", et 
rinscription de Sokhit-ni-Onkhou peut nous servir h. expliquer un 
passage demeure jusqu'a present obscur de son autobiographie. 




^ ^ 

fry r\ a/vaaaa R 

(T^Ii:^^ (J 1^ 



7- ^ 

d'une consonne et d'une voyelle en admet le renversement sans pour cela 


O I'>T 

changer de sens : /^^^^ anou et — 1 

et A Tiou, perc, ^ 1 w 1 ""^^^ ousil et 1 w 1 [i "^^^ suou, z'lVc, ici ^ 

«. ^\- .... ^ 

' Le texte de Mariette presente ici plusieurs signes indccis qui m'empechent 
d'assurer le sens : la traduction est en partic conjecturale. 

" B^ cto*^ ''^' " '^^'^ /ransinission du sa.'' Les tableaux et les inscriptions 
tracees sur la stele ont pour effet de lui communiquer la vertu religieuse ou 
magique des actes representes et des formules gravees, c'esl-a-dire la sa. ]e 
renvoie pour de plus completes explications a ce que j'ai dit ailleurs de cc mot a 
propos du Livrc des Fiincraillcs de Schiaparelli dans la Rcvtic dts Relii^^ioiis. 

•* Lit. " en lapis-lazuli." 







I D © ur^ jff>^ ^ 
M. Erman' a le premier reconnu le sens reel de ce 

passage que Rouge avait mal interprete,' mais il n'a pas ose traduire 
les mots techniques. Le texte de Sokhit-ni-onkhou nous a donne la 

valeur de ^^0] rout, mais comment rendre ""^^ Y^IJO^ 

ROuiT, S ^. K ^ ^ip GAMHOU et g -^ C^ '^^ SiT ? Un autre 
passage de la meme inscription d'Ouni nous propose de nouveau 
ces termes. 

37. ra^j^^J^ 38. 


§ J J ^£t) 



I Illllllll , 


oIZD 40- 



D o 

I^ A/>A/WA 

41. ^\ ^( o 




1 1 ^"^ ^ 1 1 


>^ I = = 




1 Erman, Conimcntar ziti- Inschrift dcs Una, dans la Zcitschrift, 1882, p. 6. 
II a donne plus tard a Rout le sens general de stele dans son Acgypien, p. 625. 

2 E. de Rouge, Recherchcs sur ks momunents, p. 112— 120, avait compris 
qu'il s'agissait d'un sarcophage destine a Pepi lui-meme. Comme le sarcophage de 
la pyramide de Pepi est en granit, M. Wiedemann avait tire de la contradiction 
qu'on remarque entre le fait materiel et le temoignage de I'inscription d'OUNI des 
conclusions historiques [Aegyptisclie GescJihhfe, p. 210-21 1), (pii toinbent avec 

'interpretation de Rouge. 


June 4] 







— o n III 



I I 


o ^ 

/v\A/w\ OOP] gi 

.=^ nnn ^ 


^A/^AAA \^__---^ i 


^ in 



[^ _ 



o nil 
n III 

«Q) c==oo=a .1 'III. 

\^^^^^wwvv^J i A 

^ D 

II s'agit comme on voit de 

deux expeditions successives. L'une commence a Abhait,' afin d'y 
prendre le sarcophage du roi son couvercle et le pyramidion de la 
pyramide ; elle continue a Elephantine, afin d'y chercher des pieces 
de granit rose pour la pyramide. La seconde se rend a Hatnoubou - 
afin de chercher une enorme table d'offrandes en albatre pour la 
pyramide. La pyramide de Mirinri a ete decouverte a Saqqarah 
dans les premiers jours de 1881 : voyons si I'examen des parties dont 
elle se compose nous permet de determiner la valeur des divers 
termes d'architecture employes dans le texte d'Ouni. 

On remarquera d'abord que les deux inscriptions ont pour objet 
de rapporter trois especes de materiaux differents. Le gros oeuvre 
de la pyramide est construit comme partout en calcaire marneux 
de Saqqarah, et le revetement exterieur, les fondations des chambres, 

^ l| J rn ^^ r^^ Abhait est peut-etre Mahallah, en face de Sehel. On 
trouve la des filons de granit gris assez puissants pour etre exploites avec fruit, 
assez rapproches du fleuve pour qu'on puisse transporter ais^ment le produit des 
travaux. Or, le sarcophage de la pyramide de Mirinri etant en granit gris, la 
matiere qu'OuNi allait chercher est necessairement du granit gris. La seule 
localite oil il y a des carrieres de cette matiere, est done Abhait. 

* D'apres Brugsch {^Geschichte Aegyptcns, p. loi, note), Benoub el-IIamman, 
surla rive droite du Nil, dans le voisinage de Siout, oil il y a des carrieres d'albatre 
qui ont ete exploitees dans I'antiquite. 



les chambres elles-memes et les blocs qui les recouvrent, les pare- 
nients des couloirs, sont en calcaire de Tourah. Les architectes 
ordinaires du roi avaient sufifi a fournir cette sorte de pierre, dent les 
gisements etaient voisins, aussi ne la nomme-t-on point : ce que le 
roi confie a Ouni c'est le soin d'aller chercher au loin les materiaux 
qu'on n'avait pas sous la main a Tourah. Le texte ne nous dit 
pas quelle roche il prit a Abhait ; mais comme le sarcophage de 
Mirinri est en beau granit noir d'un grain tres fin/ nous sommes 
obliges d'admettre qu'Abhait avait des carrieres de granit noir ou 
gris, et nous en concluons que le pyramidion de la pyramide lui 
aussi etait en granit noir. Le pyramidion n'existe plus, mais I'usage 
de terminer une pyramide par une pointe de pierre sombre etait 
constant en Egypte, et nous voyons par les peintures des hypogees 
que, meme a Thebes et sous la XX'' dynastie, les chapelles sur 
montees d'un toit pyramidal le finissaient par un pyramidion dont 
les artistes indiquent soigneusement la couleur noire. Dans la 
seconde partie de I'expedition, Ouni charge ses bateaux de granit 
rose de Syene. Ici, de meme que dans I'expedition pre'cedente, 
le texte montre que la pierre etait destinee a des parties differentes 
de la pyramide. II enumere en effet : — 

La derniere enumeration est la plus facile a comprendre. |' ^ J f^^ 
siBA, SBA, designe la porte par laquelle on passe, la porte qui s'ouvre 
ou se ferme a volonte, ^^^^ lt^ shopit reparait assez souvent avec 
q A prothetique, sous la forme ashpit 1 ^^^. cr^' dans les inscrip- 
tions ptolemai'ques relatives a la construction des temples. Ainsi 
a Denderah : " La fille de Ra vient du double ciel a Denderah, 

entre dans son temple en paix — -^ '(J^S ^ ' ^^'^ M ^ \f 


, , , voit sa chambre garnie de ses 

fcrmes, munie ainsi qu'il convicnt pour elle, batie de maniere 

' Maspero, /a Py7-aiinde de Mirinri I*''", dans le Recueil, T. IX, p. 17S. 


June 4] I'ROCEEUINGS. [1889. 

achevee ..." * Sans rechercher quelle partie speciale du temple de 
Denderah ^^ shopit designe, il me semble que ^!^^ 

ne peut marquer ici que la chapelle exterieure (le texte e'gyptien dit 
super ieur e <z:z:>^ songeant a la position des chambres interieures de la 

pyramide qui sent au-dessous <cii> du niveau du sol) dc la pyramide. 

Cette chapelle n'existe plus aujourd'hui, mais celle de la seconde et 
celle de la troisieme des grandcs pyramides de Gizch ont laisse des 
debris considerables. D'apres le texte d'Ouni, nous devons nous 
figurer la chapelle de Pepi i^"" construite de la meme fa^on que le 
Memnonium de Ramses II a Abydos, par exemple, les murs en 

calcaire, les portes en granit rose. Le mot ^ ^^^ v\ d! qui 
accompagne 1 ^Jk: 1 CT] a ete traduit dubitativement par Rouge, 
base, seiiil,- table a libations par Erman.-^ Le sens ne me parait 
pas etre douteux. Le mot est uni a v\ a^ , etc., a la 

ligne 7 et a la ligne 30 d'OuNi, dans ce dernier avec un pronom 
qui montre que Fobjet qu'il designe est attache a I'objet nomme 

Or, quand on a vu en place un grand nombre 

des steles en forme de porte de I'Ancien Empire, on remarque 
qu'elles ont toujours un soubassement, un socle, qui avance de 
quelques centimetres sur I'aplomb de la facade. Si le soubasse- 
ment manque a beaucoup de celles qu'on rencontre dans les 
Musees, c'est qu'en general les fouilleurs arabes ou europeens ont 
neglige de le prendre et se sont bornes a enlever la partie en forme 
de porte. Quelquefois il est taille en forme de table d'offrandes, la 
gouttiere tournee en dehors, et alors le sens de fable a libation d'Erman 
serait admissible ; le plus souvent la table d'offrandes ne faisait pas 
corps avec lui et e'tait posee en avant, sur le sol de la chambre. 

De ces explications il resulte que ^ L^ designe le bloc qui scrt 

de seuil a une vraie porte, de soiibasseiiicnt a unc fausse i)orte. 
lusque la je m'accorde avec Rouge, mais je me separe de lui (.juand 
il afifirme que " dans ce mot I'homme dans I'attitude d'un laveur ou 

' Diimichen, TetJipelinschrifteii, II, pi. XLVI, 1. 1-2. 
- E. de Rouge, Rcchcrches sur les Monuments, p. 138. 
•■* Erman, Comvicntar zur Iiisihrift des Una, p. 7-22, et Acgypten, p. 625. 



du boulanger petrissant sa pate n'est qu'une expression phonetique 
de la syllabe saf." Le signe represente un homme lavant une pierre 
avec de I'eau, et reproduit une des ceremonies initiales de tout 
sacrifice, celle qu'on voit en tete du resume des operations du 
repas offert aux morts, le lavage a I'eau du seuil de la porte de 
I'habitation du mort ou du dieu. Laver, oindre de parfums un seuil 
de porte est un fait connu dans I'antiquite classique : I'usage en etait 

canonique en Egypte. Je crois qu'ici I'objet ^ f-^f^ 1^ ^^"^ ^ P"^ 

son nom de I'operation qu'il subissait, et qu'on pourrait en expliquer 
le nom par la racine |l \, \ 2=3^ jl ^^^ lancer I'eau, arroser d'eau : 
SIT est la pierre lavee, par suite, d'une maniere generale, le seuil 
<i'une porte, le soubassevient d'une stele. 

La seconde partie de I'enumeration des objets en granit rapportes 
d'Elephantine, me parait done devoir se traduire : " pour apporter 
granit, les portes et les seuils de la chapelle exterieure de la pyramide 
Khctnofir de MirinrV La premiere partie de la meme enumeration 

se divise a son tour en deux sections : 1° -^^ v\ // ^ \\ v 

(,j^ cm 1 " un stele en forme de fausse porte et son soubassement." 

Les parois des chambres interieures des pyramides de Saqqarah sont 
couvertes d'hieroglyphes sauf a I'endroit du sarcophage ou on a reserve 
un espace vide ; si elles avaient renferme quelque stele monumentale, 
on verrait quelque part un second espace vide, comme pour le sarco- 
phage. Du reste les steles sont toujours dans la partie exterieure 
des mastabas, ou elles marquent pour les visiteurs I'entree toujours 
fermee du domains propre au defunt. La stele et le soubassement 

dont il est question ici etaient done dans la Pwr ct) <::zr> chapelle 

exterieure de la pyramide, comme les portes et les seuils mentionnes 
dans la partie de I'enumeration expliquee plus haut. 2°. Au contraire 

I'^s "™||| <z> v^ [I [I i2i CZ] Aou Rouixou doivent etre cherches dans 

la pyramide. La pyramide de Mirinri, comme celles de ses prede- 
cesseurs et de son successeur immediat, ne renferme de granit que 
dans les couloirs. Qu'on se reporte au plan que j'en ai donne, et ' 
Ton verra que le couloir qui conduit de I'antichambre k la chambre 
de I'Est est un long boyau de calcaire, coupe par des barrieres de 

' Maspero, La pyramide de Mirinri ler, dans le Kecucil, T. IX, p. 179. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

granit : trois herses au milieu, une baie ouverte a rextremite qui 
donne sur la chambre. Or "imnnr ou ' ^^^ aa sert a designer la dalle 
en pierre ou la planche qui ferme une porte ou une ouverture : c'est 

a la ligne 38 \a/ermefure, le couvercle du sarcophage de Mirinri. Les 
'Jiiiiiii' Aou de notre passage sont done les trois blocs de fermeture, 

les trois herses en granit rose de la pyramide, et par suite les 

I v\ [I [J £:^ im ROUiTOU sont les haies, les encadrements en granit 

entre lesquels les herses jouent et le couloir debouche dans la chambre 
Est. Quant a la troisifeme expedition, la table d'offrands en albatre 
qu'elle rapporta, et qui e'tait de taille gigantescjue a en juger par les 
dimensions du navire sur laquelle elle fut chargee, se trouvait comme 
tous les objets de ce genre dans la chapelle exterieure : elle est perdue 
aujourd'hui. Ces explications donnees, je me crois autorise a tra- 
duire, comme il suit, le long passage relatif a la pyramide de 
Mirinri : " Sa Majeste m'envoya a Abhait pour rapporter le sarco- 
phage royal avec son couvercle, ainsi que le pyramidion auguste de la 
pyramide Khanofir, maitresse de Mirinri. — Sa Majeste m'envoya 
a Abou pour en rapporter, granit : une stele en forme de porte avec 
son soubassement, granit : les herses et les baies ; pour en rapporter, 
granit: les portes et les seuils de la chapelle exterieure de la pyramide 
Khanofir, maitresse de Mirinri. Je descendis le fleuve avec jusqu'a 
la pyramide Khanofir de Mirinri avec six galiotes, trois chalands, 
trois pontons (?), un navire de guerre : jamais navire de guerre 
n'avait ete a Abhait ni Abou au temps de n'importe quel roi, et tout 
ce que Sa Majeste avait commande s'accomplit comme Sa Majeste 
me I'avait ordonne. Sa Majeste' m'envoya a Hatnoubou pour 
rapporter une grande table d'offrandes en albatre de Hatnoubou. 
Je lui fis descendra [de la carritjre] cette table d'offrandes en dix-sept 
jours, et comme il y avait impossibilite dans Hatnoubou de I'expe- 
dier par le Nil en cette galiote,^ je construisis une galiote en bois de 

> Lit.: "suppression" V^ )]/ ^^*^ (''A- I^i"gsch, Did. //., p. 269, SitppL, 

p. 326) en Hatnoubou de faire (<rr> A Lj^ iivec la forme subonlonnee en l|.j 
I finale de la racine qui est parallele a la forme en C^ T) " venir ello en descendant 
le fleuve en cette galiote." Le texle constate que, le bloc une fois descendu de la 
carriere, Ouni reconnut qu'il ne pourrail I'amener a pied d'ctuvre en se servant de 
la galiote qu'il avait a sa disposition : Ic liloc etait probablement trop gros et Iroj) 
pesant pour elle. II fut oblige de fabricjuer une galiote de proportions inusitces 
a moitie aussi large qu'elle etait longue. 


S07it de soixante coudes de long et de trente de large, et je partis^ le 
dix-sept du troisieme mois de Shomou ; or bien qu'il n'y eut pas eaii 
sur les bas-fonds' j'arrivai heureusement a la pyramide Khanofir de 


Revenons maintenant au premier passage de I'autobiographie 
d'Ouni, celui ou notre personnage enumere complaisamment les 
pieces de calcaire que le roi Miriri Pepi i*^'*" lui a donne'es pour son 
tombeau. La paroi sur laquelle I'inscription est grave'e n'en fait 
point partie, car elle est en calcaire des environs de Girgeh d'un 
gris sale. Nous connaissons deja le sens de la plupart des mots : 

est un terme general, la stele en forme de fausse 


porte, '^~~^ _p iJL I ^ I represente la baie, les montants et le linteau 
qui encadrent la fausse porte fTTJ et qui, en effet sont parfois indepen- 

H jJ-Y^ 

dants du reste du monument. y^ EH est le soubassement, le 

seuil de la fausse porte, que peut designer S ^^^^^ 9 ^ j-|p^ (ou ^) ? 
Je ne vois plus pour le mot Gamhou que les blocs qui forment 
le fond de la stele et bouchent la fausse porte, et qui sont en 
effet parfois au nombre de deux. Je traduirai done : " . . . . pour 
m'apporter ce sarcophage de Roiou. II vint avec dans un grand 
chaland de I'administration royale ainsi que son couvercle et une 
stele en forme de fausse porte : I'encadrement, deux blocs pour le 
fond et un soubassement, jamais pareille chose n'avait ete faite a 
quelque serviteur que ce filt." En resume, il me parait ressortir de 

^ [1 '-' rt3 SOPIT-NI, lit. " je naviguai." Le verbe sopit est assez frequent 
clans les textes des Pyramides comma substantif et comme verbe. 

2 c=<»^ '="*-' ZosiT, me parait se rattacher au meme mot que TCOC, 
T. M. siccari, arescere : les ZosiTOU sont les dos de sable, les bancs qui encombrent 
la riviere quand le Nil est au plus bas, et qui empechent d'ordinaire la navigation. 

t=o=a E 

La phrase , 

n'etant eau sur les dos de sable," ce que j'ai traduit par a-peu-pr^s pour etre 
compris plus aisement. Ces barri^res ont rarement plus de cent ou deux cents 
metres de large : Ouni les franchit probablcment, comme il m'est arrive de 
le faire avec des bateaux tirant plus d'eau que le sien, en y creusant i la pioche 
un chenal suffisanl pour livrer passage a sa galiote. 

June 4] 



cette etude comparative des textes avec les monuments, que Ton peut 
considerer comme tres probable les sens 



[ID I 




(ZD , iniiiiii AA 

II II ' ii ii iiiir 


S ^ I "^ "iP Gamhou 

Fmcsse porte, stele en forme 
de porte. 

Bate, cadre, chnmh-anie 
d^une porte 

Couverde, herse, d'une ma- 
niere generale, tout bloc 
qui bouche une baie de 

Soubassevient, socle ; seiiil. 

Blocs formant le champ 
d'une stele en forme de 
fausse porte. 

Les deux premiers mots semblent etre des doublets, dont chacun 
s'est specialise dans un sens different, mais qui tous deux se rattachent 
a I Ro, bouche, porte. 

Paris, le 28 Mai, 1889. 




Queen's College, Oxford, 

May 21, 1889. 
Dear Mr. Rylands, 

In the Proceedings of this Society for May, 1888, I gave 
under reservation my imperfect copies of certain interesting ex-votos 
in honour of the god Besa, in default of anything better (pp. 384 — 
386). This winter I paid a hasty visit to Abydos, chiefly with the 
object of obtaining better copies of these texts, and though the Hght 
was not very favourable at the time I was there, I am now able to 
correct my former copies in several important particulars. My new 
copies are as follows : — 

III. Toi' hvpioi' B?y(7ai' /(»yf(? UTToXi^^yarw ctt u<^ja6u) ro TrpoffKiDj/ia 
B)]ffavt'ov Bjycrt Tifiodcou Gvv7rj3i'ov {sic) avrov kui CiSvju.i'wf 
i(sic)viu.nin aVToo Kal ^aXa (?) kuI Qwpiwuo-i Trapa tw Kvpi'w 
Qeu) B?/<Ta. 

" The lord Besa ! Let no one expunge, for good luck, 
the act of worship of Besauios the son of Besa, of Timo- 
theos his companion and his two sons, and of Salas (?) and 
of Thorion, to the lord god Besa." 

The following inscription serves to show that the introductory 
words are not governed by /mjSei^ airaXei^aiw, " let no one expunge 
(the name of) the god Besa. For good luck is the act, &c." 

IV. Tov Kvpiov Bi'jffaV [to 7rpjo(TKvin]/ia 'Apov7{?)ofiov 'K{?)ei'7re{?) 
Kai'O/Liov . , TToXiTov (Tvv To7* ace\(po7^ Ta'TTu'iiiov .... viL'Oov Kal 
'K{?))jpT]7t 'A7rfl/j/y(T([o]s- Kcu . . Trt7r(i'/<(?)<^(^/r)o k(U rTj ^^vvaiK^'i] 
Tn7ra'[y«(ovj kui Qcnpio\^'/\ Kai Ylapov^ K'll 'AT/(f[ToJi' ry!)<\T«To[i']. 

" The lord Besa ! The act of worship of Arutomos the 
son of Khenpekanomos (?), a citizen, with the brothers of 
Tapomis the son of . . yothos and with Kheretis the son of 
Aparesis and with Tapo . . ., and with the wife of Tapomis 
and with Thatriog and Parous and Atios : the (god) most 
beloved ! " 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889- 

V. r....I.A ..H....1 \f}l](T/ilOCol^ (?) . . Ktl'l \\TeVff70l^ Km 

ci.\r]^ olKovfiei\oi) /Liafnvpov^evov ovpumou Oeov iBijaai' 
e]S6('o-a[/<Gi']. To Trpofncvi'ij/iii 'H/J«A.\G/[f]oi» Mevc^ici^. a\i-o< 
ifXTTopov vapa rw G[c](t" Kvpi^oj B/yrra] kuI [t];/? avfifiiov ^lur 
['H/JaJ/cXe/aS' Kai ru:i> rcKiufu fiov 'Ai'ovfti'ivuo^- '0\i'fi7rioviKor 
K<i( 'Qpiwvo'i Kcn 'y<i\tpO'-- Kill Kncn'<\oi> [toT' -/JXi/A.-fTf/Tos (sic) 
o (?) Kui Bi'jffouros: 

" Khresmodo . . and Ateuston and the inhabi- 
tants of . . . we have feared the heavenly god Besa to whom 
we bear witness. The act of worship of Herakleides 
Menemen . . ., a merchant, to the god the lord Besa, and 
of my wife Herakleia and of my children Anubion Olym- 
pionikos and Orion and Tales and Kasylos my favourite 
and Besous." 

It is interesting to find the Greek name of Olympionikos attached 
to the semi-" barbarous " name of Anubion. 

The Comte de Baillet, a member of the French Archaeological 
School at Cairo, has been passing some weeks this winter at Abydos, 
where he has been taking photographs and squeezes of the Greek 
inscriptions. Scholars, consequently, will before long have facsimiles 
of these interesting texts placed in their hands. 

A. H. Savce. 




Two Passages of Cylinder 85, 4-30, i. 

^Proceedings, March, 1889). 
By the Rev. C. J- Ball. 

The passage I, 38-43, runs thus :— 

e-temen-ana-ki zi-ku-ra-at ka-dimmer-ra-ki 

e-ur-me-imina-ana-ki zi-ku-ra-at bar-sib-ki 

bi-ti-ik-si-na ka-la-mu i-na ku-up-ri u a-gur-ri 

e-pu-us u-sa-ak-h-il-ma 

ki-ig-^i el-lu ma-as-ta-ku ta-ak-ni-e 

i-na a-gur-ri na-za-gin el-h-tim i-na ri-e-sa-a-si-na na-am-ri-is 
^'- Etemenanaki, the tower of Babylon, 

Euriininanaki, the tower of Borsippa, 

The work of them entire, with bitumen and kiln-brick 

I made, completed, and 

The glorious sa?iciuary, the chamber of the bed (?), 

With kiln-brick (and) gleaming marble, on the top of them 
splendidly I made.'" 
mastaku, " chamber," " sleeping-chamber," prill^ ; Heb. siluit, quievit, 
se composuit, Jonah i, 11, 12. Herodotus informs us that on the 
top of the solid tower (tti'/j'/o? arepco'i) of the temple of Belus there 
was a large sanctuary, and within it a great bed well- furnished, and 
beside it a golden table. The priests asserted that the god himself 
was in the habit of visiting the temple and reposing on the bed 
{ufiTravcffOai kwl riy? kKivij^). I take kiccu to be the haram or holy- 
place marked off from profane intrusion (X^!Jp, praecidit, abscidit). 
Herodotus tells us that no man might pass the night in the sacred 
chamber, but only the woman of the god's choice (Hdt. i, 181, 182). 
Qi^^u and mastaku occur together, 5 R. 38, Obv. 2, 14, 15 : 

takne : perhaps taqne, "ministration," \{n-iovp'^ila: -/ TMp) ^f 
Ethiopic 4*^? ■ which in III. means ministrare Deo, sacra curare. 
But in E.I.H. 3, 6, huracu Jiamri ti-ik-ni'" melammi usalbissu should 


Junk 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

probably be rendered " with bright gold, a covering of splendour, 
I overlaid it;" from the root H^S, \J^) Tl^p :, with the primitive 
meaning "to cover:" cp. the cognate C, texit. 2 R. 23, 28 a.b. 

pa-as-sur tak-ni-e = yy su-rus-si {cp. si-ri-su-u, 5 R. 19, 27 a. I).) 
But 2 R 23, 62 c.d. tak-ni-tu" = ir-su, "bed." Is taknu also a 
covered or canopied bed? Cp. also ^3 , 'i^^j Pki? cubuit, acciiluiit, 
recubuit ; and Abp. 3, 90; 10, 108. 

I have rendered na zagin "marble," because of the epithets 
ellitu, "bright," "gleaming," and ibbu, "white;" and because Rich 
actually found fragments of white marble on the Borsippa mound 
{Birs Nimrud). His words, taken from his journal, under the 
entry Dec. 19, 181 1, are these: "The whole sides of this mound 
are covered with pieces of brick, both burnt and unburnt, bitumen, 
pebbles, spar, blackstone (? basalt) ; the same sand or lime-stone 
which covers the canal at the Kasr, and even fragments of white 
marble" {Babylon and Fersepolis, p. 33). In E.I.H. II, 49, and 
elsewhere, I have rendered the term na zagin, " onyx mxrb'e," 
that is. Oriental alabaster, and na gissirgal, "alabaster." As 
Sargon mentions na z.agin and na gissirgal among the materials 
of the seven documents which he placed at the foundation of 
his palace, and as two of the documents found by M. Place at 
Khorsabad were actually slabs of marble and Oriental alabaster, 
while the other five were of metal, we have to choose between 
"marble" and "Oriental alabaster" for the meaning of na zagin 
{uknu). The reasons already assigned, and the fact that na 
gissir-gal, "stone of great light," points to a semi-transparent stone, 
like Oriental alabaster, seem to be decisive for Oppert's rendering 
of NA ZAGIN by " marble." Lcnormant quotes from Oppert an 
equation of na gissir-gal with ^^S\ ^^'^V\\ III^T <i^-^b-tu, which 
he compares with the Samaritan Hiorn, the rendering of n"TI3C> 
Exod. xxxix, 10. {See Oppert, Les Inscriptions de Donr-Sarkayan ; 
and Lenormant's article, Les Noms de I'Airain, etc. T.S.B.A., VI, 2.) 

Nebuchadrezzar's Second Palace. 

The other variant passage of the cylinder is as follows (III, 
12 i-na di-hi bada a-gur-ri a-na ti-ib im si-di 

e-gal a-na ni-gi-ir-ti ba-bi-lam ki c-bi-5u 

li-ib-ba ub-la-am-ma 
15 e-gal gab-ri e-gal ka-dimmer-ra-ki 

321 2 H 


i-na ku-up-ri u a-gur-ri ki-ir-ba-su u-se-bi-is 

I sussu am-ma-at ap-pa da-lum a-na ut-kip-nuu-ki ak-zu-ur-ma 

na-ba-lam ab-si-im-ma 

i-si-id-sa i-na i-ra-at ki-gal-lam 
20 mi-hi-ra-at mi-e 

i-na ku-up-ri u a-gur-ri u-sa-ar-si-id-ma 

ri-e-si-su ul-la-am-ma it-ti e-gal u-ra-ad-di-ma 

i-na ku-up-ri u a-gur-ri 

u-za-ak-ki-ir-sa hu-ur-sa-ni-is 
35 gis-erin da-lum-tim a-na zu-lu-li-sa u-sa-at-at-ri-ig 

gis-gal gis-gal gis-erin ta-ah-lu-up-ti zabar 

as-ku-up-pi u nu-ku-se-e bi-ti-iq e-ri-i 

e-ma ka-ka-sa e-ir-te-it-ti 

e sa-a-tim d. na-bi-um-ku-du-ur-ri-u-gu-ur li-ib-lu-ut 
30 lu-la-ab-bi-ir za-ni-in e-sag-illa a-na su-mi-su am-bi 

1 2 Hard by the wall of kiln-brick, facing the north, 

A palace for the protection of Babylon to build 

I made up my mind ; and 
1 5 yi palace over against the palace of Kadimerra 

With bitumen and kiln-brick withifi it I ca^ised to be made. 

Sixty cubits {long) I built the great front toward Sippata, and 

I set up a nabalu, and 

Its foundation iti the bosom of broad earth, 
20 Over against the waters, 

With bitumen and kiln-brick I laid. 

Its head I reared, and zvith the palace I joined it, and 

With bituf?ien afid kiln-brick 

I made it high as the wooded hills. 
25 Huge cedars for the roofing of it I laid o?i in rows ; 

Doors of cedar 7vith a plating of copper. 

Thresholds a?id hinges of bronze-work, 

In its gates I set up. 

That house ' '■Nabukudurucur-lihlut-lulabbir-zanin- 
30 Esagilla"* for the name of it I called. 

14. libba ubla : " I brought the heart" ; iibila, ubil, aor. or impf. 
I. I, oi abalu, ^m, Heb. ^y^ ; Hke ulid, " I begot." Cf the phrase 
3.7 Q'^IZ?, Mak ii, 2 ; also Exod. xxxv, 21 ; Deut. xxiv, 15. 

* " May Nebuchadrezzar live ! May the Replenisher of Esagilla live long ! " 


June 4] 



GAB-Ri : see ^ R 40, 4 Rev. 48 s^^. gab-ri mi-ih-ru 

gab-ri-a-ni mi-hir-su 

gab-ri-e-ne-ne mi-hir-su-nu 
cf. ;/////;>«/ (:=mihrat), 1. 20. 

Nebuchadrezzar's language here coincides remarkably \vith that 
of the old historians. " Next this temple (of Belus), on the same 
east side of the river, stood the old palace of the kings of Babylon, 
being four miles in compass. Exactly over against it, on the other 
side of the river, stood the new palace ; and this was that which 
Nebuchadnezzar built" (Prideaux, Connection, I, 138, from Diod. 
Sic, ii ; Philostr., i, 18 ; and Berosus ap. Joseph. Ant., x, 11). 

17. apj)a: cf. ^sl ' D^Qb^i. 
5 R 38, Obv. 2, 27 : KA A 

bu-u (" mouth,"///) ; 
ab-bu {appu). 

18. For the term nabalu see Proceedings, April, 1889, pp. 197, 
216. It appears to mean a dyke or river-^vall, and to be a synonym 
of halfu. 

19. ina irat ki-gal-lam. Phillipps' Cyl. Ill, -^Zi ^'^ kigallam restl 
in irat irzitim rapastim seems to indicate that ir^itu rapastu, " broad 
earth," is a gloss upon kigallu (ki-gal). 

20. viihirat : E.I.H. VII, 61, mihrat. See note on Bors., I, 5, 
(February Proceedings, p. 119). 

26. za-bar, from which the Assyr. siparru seems to come, 
apparently means copper rather than bronze (URUDU, eru). In 
5 R 23, I Rev., II sqq, we have the table : 




' "^TT 4 m. 

^^ [^m-] 

^HI [^-] 

^ [Igf] 

tr-TT [iiij] 

HI [^-] 

-H^ [ill!] 


>^ V [iinj 

'-H 4 [?] 


2 B 2 


The brackets indicate restorations, the second and third of 
which were communicated by Mr. Pinches from a dupHcate. For 
the rest I am responsible, za-bar-rum appears in the Syllabary 
(S*^ 113) as ZA-BAR. If the second group may be regarded as a 
dialectic form, and transcribed ut-ka-bar, the likeness of the second 
half of the word to cuprum, " copper," becomes evident ; and it may 
be doubted whether the Latin ciipniin is really derived from Cyprus 
(aes cyprium) as asserted by Pliny. In Armenian the word for 
" lead " is l^iuufiup -. kapar or kabar ; and we know how the names 
of the metals have been interchanged (aes, "copper," "bronze"; Sansk. 
ayas, " iron," Eisen). And that this resemblance between an Acca- 
dian and Armenian term is not fortuitous, is made probable by the 
comparison of Ace. guski or gusgi or guskin "gold," with Armenian 
nul^l1 : oski " gold," and Ace. an-na anag, Assyr. anaku " tin," 
with Armenian ai'buiif. -. aiia^ " tin." As siparru is clearly related 
to the Accadian zabarrum, zabar, it is futile to look for a Semitic 
etymon of the term. The X^\ ^Tlf*^ qu-'J is interesting, because 
it seems to be identical with the ki-e in 2 R. 18, 54, a, b, ki-ma ki-e 
mas-si lim-ma-sis ; 4 R. 4, Col. Ill, 42 f. zabar-dim im-su-ub-ta 
ge-en-ta-su-ub = ki-ma ki-e mas-si lim-ma-sis, apparently, " Like a 
bright copper caldron may he be bright !" Qu may thus mean a 
pot or kettle of copper. The Accadian seems to say : " Like the 
copper in a bright pot {i.e., of which the pot is made, S*" 289, imi = 
di-du ; cf. Heb. TH oUa) may he be bright ! " ^^\ ^TIT Qu-um 
is defined by ]]{ V ^Jr ha-sa-lu'", S^ 206; "to beat out" corn, 
or plates of metal; comp. t!-p "hulled barley" or "wheat"; 

and Syr. majs» malleo diduxit, cudit ex metallis ; 7UJn contudit, 
comminuit, Dan. ii, 40 ; and ^I^^ ^ITT^ msiy, therefore, mean 
copper beaten out into plates, and then anything made of sheet 
copper, such as a kettle. The next term in our list of equivalents or 
things made of zabar is ^|^iy "jj^"- sab-bu ; cf. t^lltT "armlet," 
"bracelet." Assyrian armlets of the kind may be seen in the 
Museum. Then we have ^ J^ kak-ku, " weapon," and we know 
that swords, etc., were made of this metal, more or less alloyed, 
throughout antiquity. Three suitable epithets follow, viz. t!^yf| |[^ 
el-lu "bright," )^ 4<^>- ib-bu "glistering," and ^^-^^^j^ ^IH nam-ru, 
"shining"; the first from 77n, the second from ^l^ Heb. 

"to shout," Syr. "to blow the trumpet," Arab. ^ _^\ "to shout in 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

battle"; so that ibbu means "clear," "shrill," and then "bright"; 
cf. the two meanings of T7n and hTVl in Heb. The eighth 
equivalent of zabar is ^^y^ C^^ ^TII^ ruq-qu, lamina, " metal 
plate," like Heb. D"'^J>i") "thin plates," Num. xvii, 3; or the term 

might be ruq-qu, from pp'y ; cf. |Tp"1 " ^ thin cake," and Ar. .. . 

Next we have >t^ ^ ^TT mu-sa-ru = mu-sar-u, 3 R. 16, 64, 67 : 
"an inscribed tablet," which might be a plate or sheet of copper, 
like the one found at Khorsabad. 

The passage of the well-known Hymn to the Fire-god, 4 R. 14, 
2 Rev., 16 uj. 

urudu an - na dug-dugga-bi za - e me -en 

sa e - ri - i u a - na - ki mu - bal - HI - su-nu at - ta 
may be rendered : 

Ace. — " Copper, tin, the improver (?) thereof thou art " ; 
Assyr. — " Of copper and tin their liquefier thou art." 
Lenormant rendered the Accadian thus : 

" Le cuivre I'etain melangeur — leur tu es ; " 
but the verb baldlu seems rather to mean "to moisten," "wet"; 
Abp. X, 83; and in H, i, "to reduce to liquid," "to melt." Cf. 
'^tyhl Ps. xcii, 1 1 ; and Ar. j^ rigavit, madefecit. Hommel trans- 
lates: " Kupfer (und) Blei sein Schmeidigmacher du bist." See 
his Die Semitischen Vblker und Sprachen, p. 278, Leipzig, 1883 — 
a valuable and suggestive work, which has, besides, the rare merit 
of being readable. 

30. ambi : = *anbl = abb}, aor. I, i, oi nabu. 




By Professor A. H. Sayce. 

During my visit to Cairo in December, 1888, I copied most 
of the cuneiform tablets and fragments of tablets discovered at 
Tel-el-Amarna during the previous season, and now preserved in the 
Boulaq Museum. Thanks to the courtesy of M. Grebaut, Brugsch 
Bey, and the other officials of the Museum, every facility was 
afforded me for my work, and I am consequently able to lay my 
copies before the Society, together with transliterations and trans- 
lations of them. It must be remembered, however, that the frag- 
mentary nature of so many of the tablets, the occurrence in them of 
unknown words, and the difficulties arising from the identification of 
some of the characters or from novel constructions and forms of 
words, must render these first attempts at translation more or less 
tentative. Until all the tablets are published or made otherwise 
accessible, there will be much in them which must remain obscure or 
doubtful. It will be seen that the new materials which have been 
placed at my disposal by the authorities of the Boulaq Museum 
have enabled me to correct on several points the readings or 
translations I proposed in my Paper on the tablets belonging to 
M. Bouriant's collection. Had I had access to the collections of 
the British Museum these corrections would not have been required. 
Owing to circumstances into which I need not enter, I was 
not able to copy the whole of the collection at Boulaq, the im- 
portant letter of Assur-yuballidh king of Assyria, for instance, a 
portion of which has been published by Dr. Winckler, having 
escaped my notice. On the other hand, the kindness of Rostovitch- 
Bey, M. Golenisheff, and the Rev. Ch. Murch, has allowed me 
to copy tablets in their possession, which had not been copied 
before. The tablets belonging to Rostovitch-Bey and one of those 
belonging to M. Golenisheff are, it will be seen, of exceptional value 
and interest. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

Since my return to England, Dr. Hugo Winckler has been good 
enough to send me a copy of his valuable " Bericht iiber die 
Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amarna im Koniglichen Museum zu Berlin 
und im Museum von Bulaq," communicated to the Royal Academy 
of Berlin, December 13th, 1888. In this he has published the 
important letter of the king of Arzapi to Amenophis III (No. VII), 
and I find that like myself (see my letter to the Academy of January 
19th) he has come to the conclusion that the language of it is 
probably Hittite. We have also explained many of the words 
occurring in it in the same way. Dr. Winckler has further published 
the letter of the king of Alasiya (No. VI), as well as a letter of Pitya 
of Ashkelon, in accordance with which we must correct my faulty 
publication of the letter in M. Bouriant's possession, given in the 
Proceeditigs of this Society for last June (No. I). 

The members of this Society are already well acquainted with 
the circumstances under which the tablets were found and with 
the age to which they belong. I shall, therefore, add no word of 
preface to the present Paper, but plunge at once /// medias res. 
The first tablets to be transliterated and translated will be those 
which are in a perfect condition, and written in characters easy 
to read. 


A small tablet of grey clay, uninjured ; the characters large and 
clear : — 

1. a-na sarri bili-ya 

To the king my lord 

2. ki dhe-ma 
by letter 

3. at- ma d.p. Da-as-ru 
/ speak, (I) Dasni 

4. arad ki-it-te sarri 
the servant of justice of the king : 

5. a-na sepa sarri bili-ya 

at the feet of the king tfiy lord 

6. VII su u VII TA-A-.\N am-kut 

7 times and 7 times I have prostrated myself. 

7. gab-bi mi-im-me 

All whatsoever 



8. sa pi-te-su 

(which comes) from his open (vwjith) 

9. sarri 


a-na mati-su 

of the king 

7ny lord, 

for his country 

1.0. gab-bu 


all is 


1 1 . ma-rab 




The reverse 

of the tablet is blank. 


2. Ki dhema is litemlly "according to information," but dhema is 
technically used in the sense of a " letter." 

3. Atma, " I speak," from tamii. The first character is usually 
written correctly, but in one or two instances has been formed like 
urn, as if the scribe had confounded the word with umma, " thus." 

4. For the expression arad kitte see my last Paper (^Proceedings , 
June, 1888, p. 493). 

7. The transliteration gabbi, "all," is preferable to qabbi, "words." 

8. The scribe has omitted//, "mouth." For the expression see 
my last Paper (p. 492).* 


A large tablet of grey clay ; uninjured ; the writing clear. 

1. ana d.p. sar-ri bili-ya 

To the king my lord 

2. ki dhe-ma at-ma 
by letter I speak, 

3. D.p. Sa-mu- D.p. IM D.p. LIM 

(I) Samu-Addii the Governor 

4. D.p. Sa-ara-khu-na 
of the city of Samkhuna ; 

5. a-na sepa d.p. sar-ri-ya 

at the feet of 7ny king 

* Dr. Winckler ingeniously proposes to read '^|'~ as ma, so that a-pi-te would 
be a-nia-te, " words," but in this passage I could see no trace of a. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

6. VII u VII mi 


7 and 7 times 

7. am-kut 


I prostrate myself. 

All (the words) 

8. a pi-te-a* 


of my open mouth 

my kitig 

9. is-te-mu u 

has heard, and 

10. GIS KA pi 


the Porte, the ?nouth of Judgment 

II. D.p. sar-ri-ya 

of my king, 

12. eli is-te-mu 

besides has heard 

13. gab-bi a 

pi-te-su * 

all (the words) of 

his mouth. 


I. One of the peculiarities of these tablets is the use of the deter- 
minative of an individual before words like " king." 

3. The Hebrew form of the name would be Shem-Hadad. It 
might, however, be read as Assyrian Samu-Rimmon, " Rimmon is the 
heaven," but this is improbable. In Assyria the limmu was the 
officer who gave his name to the year. 

4. The last character may be ud. In this case Samkhud may be 
Samhud or Diospolis the capital of the 1 7th nome of Lower Egypt. 

6. Mini gives us the Semitic reading of the ideographic ta-a-.'VN. 

8, 13. The scribe has written a instead of//, misled by the fact 

that pi has the value of a. See my last Paper (and note above on I, 7.) 


Small tablet of brown clay, broken at the bottom : — 

1. a-na sar-ri-ya ili-ya 

To the king, my gods, 

2. D.P. Samsi-ya d.p. Samsu sa is-tu 

my Sun -god, the Sun -god 7vho {rises) from 

* Or a-ma-te-a "my words" according to Dr. Winckler's reading. 

June 4] 



my gods, 


7vho {rises) 

one has made me bow 

3. D.p. s'a-me at-ma d.p. Pu-d.p.-im 

heaven, I speak (I) Fu-Addi 

4. arad-ka nisu sa ali Pi-taz-za-Ki 
thy seriHint, a fiative of the city of Pitazza ; 

5. a-na 11 sepa sarri bili-ya 

at the tzi'o feet of the king my lord, 

6. ili-ya d.p. Samsi-ya d.p. Samsu 
my Sun-god, the Sun-god 
is-tu D.p. yu-me lu-u 

from the divine day, itideed 
VII. su 

7 times 

9. u VII. TA-na tsi-ru-ma 

and 7 times : both supreme 

10. u ka-ba-tu-ma 

and also glorious (is he). 

1 1 . e-nu-ma abil na-za-ru a-sar 
At this time the guardian {s) of the place 

12. sarri bill d.p. Samsi-ya d.p. Samsu 
of the king the lord, 7ny Sun-god, the Sun-god 

13. [sa] is-tu ili sa-me 
tvho rises from the gods of heaven 

14. ... a-me amili ur . . . 
the men 



the direction 

the king 





bil-ya ili-ya 

my lord, my gods, 

sa ili yu-[me] 

of the gods of day. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


I. A comparison with other tablets makes it clear that although 
the plural ///', "gods," is used here, the epithet applies to the 
Pharaoh. Cp. the use of the plural Elohim for the singular in the 

3. In other tablets (as in line 7) we find yunie, " day," instead of 
saj/ie, "heaven." With Pu-Addi, "the mouth of Hadad," compare 

the Biblical names 73"'^Q (Gen. xxi, 22) and DPy^D (Xumb. xxv, 
7 ; I Sam. i, 3). 

4. The second character in the name of the city may also be 
read ur and lik. It is also possible that the scribe may have mis- 
written it for ib, in which case the name will be Pibza. 

8. htakhakh, written istikhakh in the next tablet, is the Biblical 

ninniirn (^s. xiii, 5, 6, &c.). 

9. TA-na is to be read mina. 

With the language of this tablet we may compare that of the 
letter of Pitya of Ashkelon, published by Dr. Winckler. 


Tablet of coarse grey clay, well preserved. 

1. a-na [sarri] bili-ya d.p Samsu 

To the king my lord, the Sun-god 

2. sa is-tu D.p. sa-me 
who irises) from the divine heaven^ 

3. at-ma d.p. Su-ma-an-di 
/ speak (/) Sujnandi 

4. arad-ka ip-ri sa 
thy servant, the dust of 

5. II sepa-ka a-na ii sepa 
thy tivo feet ; at the feet 

6. sar-ri-ya ili-ya 
of 7ny king, my gods, 

7. D.p. Samsi-ya d.p. Samsu sa 

77ty Sun-god, the Sun-god ic/io 

8. is-tu d.p. yu-me-i 
{rises) from the divine day, 




7 times and 7 times 

I o. is-ti-kha-khi-in ka-bad-ta-ma 

one has made me bow: thou art both glorious 

11. u tsi-ru-ta 
a7id si{preme. 

12. D.p. Kha-an-ya sa-par 

Khanya send 

13. sar-ru bili-ya d.p. Samsu 
O king my lord, the Sun-god 

14. is-tu D.p. yu-me a-na ya-si 
(rising) from the divitie day, to me. 

15. u a-nu-ma 


A?id noiv 

has heard 

16. [a]-ma-tu (?) 



the report 

the king 

my lord ; 

17. u a-nu-ma 

ba-ad . . 

and now {I have brought 1) 

18. [ii]i C alpi u 

(3)00 oxen and 

19. D.p. TUR-RAK-MES U 

the girls and 

20. tag-la-ma-at 
the votive offerings, 

21. sarru bili-ya, d.p. Samsu 
O king my lord, the Sun-god 

22. sa is-tu [d.p. yu-]me 
7uho {rises) Jro?n the divine day. 


10, II. Kabadta and tsiruta are 2nd persons of the Permansive. 

12. Sapar may be the 3rd person of the Permansive, "has sent," 
though the correct Assyrian form would be sapir. 

20. With taglamat compare taglimu, "a votive offering," W.A.I. 
V, 1 1, 2, and taglime, K. 2087, I, 8. The initial guttural is uncertain. 


June 4] 




Small tablet of dark clay, well preserved; inscribed on both 
sides : — 

1. a-na d.p. sar-n 

To the king 

2. be-li ya 
my lord 

3. ki dhe-ma 
by letter 

4. at-ma d.p. Khum*-ya-pi-za 
/ speak, (I) KImmyapiza 

5. arad-ka is-mes : ip-ri 
thy servant, the dust 

6. sa sepa-ka u 
of thy feet, and 

7. Ki-MES sa ka-pa-zi-ka 
the place whereon thou treadest, 

8. Gis-GU-ZA sa a-sa-bi-ka 
the throne whereon thou sittest, 

9. Ki-Gis-NiR-GiN : gi-is-tab-bi 

the footstool 

10. sa sepa-ka 
of thy feet ; 

11. a-na sepa d.p. sarri bili-ya 
at the feet of the king my lord, 

12. D.p. Samas ?-MES 

the Sun-god of ... . 

13. : li-me-ma 
i.e., of. . . . 

14. VII su a-na pa-ni 

7 times by 

15. VII TA-AN-ni am-kut 

7 times I have prostrated myself 

16. be-li-Mi D.p. Samsi-Mi 
Afy lord (is) my Sun-god 

17. i-na D.p. .sa-me u 

ifi heaven, and 

18. ki-ma a-tsa-i d.p. Samsi-MES 
like the risings of the Sun-gods 

19. is-tu sa-me ki-na an-na 
from heaven, the habitation ofAnu, 

20. tu-bar-u-na ardi 

thou revealest 7into {thy) sen'ants 

21. a-tsa-i a-ma-te 

the utterances of the words 

22. is-tu siri-ka 
from thy body 

23. : bi-i be-li-su 

{or^ the mouth of his lord. 

24. a-nu-nia a-na-ku mas-du 

Awo I bring up 

25. tsabi-ya u narkabti-ya 
my soldiers and my chariots 

26. u mas-du akhi-ya 
and (I) bring up my brothers 

27. u mas-du nisi sagasi 
and (I) bring up executioners 

28. u mas-du : ya 
and (I) bring up : mine 

29. ami-lu-te-ya 

?)iy men 

30. a-na pa-ni tsabi 

to the presence of the soldiers 

bi-ta : [bita]-te 
of the house [err] houses 




1. a-di a-sar pi mas-bu 

as far as the place of the entrance of the assembly 

2. D.p. sarru be-li-ya 

O king my lord. 


The scribe was imperfectly acquainted with Assyrian or, indeed, 
any other Semitic language, as is shown by his writing Kapazi for 
Kahasi (DHS) in 1. 7, and bi for// in 1. 23, but his desire to display 
his familiarity with the Assyrian syllabary has led him to give the 
phonetic equivalents of the ideographs he employs, and thus to make 
the tablet of peculiar value. 

8. The ideographs acquaint us with the signification oi gistabbi^ a 
word borrowed by Assyrian from the Accadian gis-taba or "double 
piece of wood." 

12, 13. The ideograph may represent the Assyrian J^|^>flff. 

15. TA-AN-?// must be read mini. 

18. The Assyrian form would be atsi, not atsai. The expression 
"Sun-gods" throws light on the conceptions of Egyptian theology. 

19. I imagine kina to be either a deri\ative from kanu (p^) or 
to stand for qina^ " nest," as in XIV, 20. 

20. Una seems to be used for ana, unless we are to suppose that 
the scribe intended us to read tubaru 'na. But see note on XXXI, 6. 

24. Masdit means " to raise," or " bring up," according to 
W.A.I. II, 32., 80., 81. Cf sutti 7nasdati, " exciting dreams," Baby- 
lonian and Oriental Record, III, i, p. iS. 

27. ^agdsi ; see W.A.I. II, 26. 13., 31. 81, and compare the 
Accadian sigisse, "a sacrifice" (W.A.I. II, i, 157), and the Assyrian 
sagasu, " to slay." 

JSdge I. Pi masbu: here niasbu represents the Heb. 211^1^ • 


Large, well-baked tablet of grey clay; one side only inscribed 
with clear and well-preserved characters : — 

I. a-na sar mat 



To the king of 


my lord, 

2. ki dhe-ma 

by letter 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

3. at-ma sar mat A-la-si-ya akhi-ka-ma 
/ speak (I), the king of Alasiya thy brother. 

4. a-na ya-si sul-mu 
Unto myself {is) peace, 

5. u a-na eli-ka lu-u sul-mu 
and upon thee may there be peace ! 

6. a-na biti-ka SAL-us-MES-ka abli-ka 

To thy house, thy children, thy son, 

7. DAM-MES-ka narkabti-ka ma-du d.p. KUR-RA-MES-ka 

thy wives, thy chariots numerous, thy horses, 

8. u i-na mat Miits-ri mati-ka * 
atid in Egypt thy coujitry 

9. ma-rab lu-u-sul-mu 
exceedingly may there be peace / 

10. akhi-ya d.p. abil-sip-ri-ya 
O my brother, my messenger 

11. kha-mu-ut-ta na-ats-ri-is 
a cosily gift carefully 

12. us-se-ra-su-nu u is-mi 
has directed to them and has heard 

1 3. su-lu-um-ka 
thy salutation. 

14. nisu an-nu-u dam-gar-ya akhi-ya 
This man (is) my minister, O my brother ; 

15. na-ats-ri-is kha-mu-[ut-ta] 
carefully the costly gift 

16. us-se-ra-su-nu 

has he directed for them. 

17. D.P. dam-gar-ya elipi-ya 

My minister my ship 

18. amil(?) paf-ga-ri-ka ul 

has not 

* Winckler's copy omits this line. 

t Probably to be read GIS ; see VIII, 18. 



19. ya-ga-ar-ri-ib 20. it-ti-su-nu 

brought along luith them. 

On the back of the tablet is a docket in hieratic Egyptian, 
written with black ink, which reads : " The correspondence of the 
prince of the land of Alosha." 


The hieratic docket shows that Mr. Tomkins was right, in 
a letter to myself, in proposing to identify " the country of Alasiya" 
mentioned in these tablets with the Syrian district of Alosha (usually 
read Arosha) mentioned on the Egyptian monuments. 

It will be noticed that whereas the officers of the Pharaoh 
call themselves " servants " of the king, a foreign prince addresses 
him as "my brother." 

II. For khamutta see my first Paper, p. 504, where we must 
read khamiitis, "his gift." The word must be allied to the Hebrew 
ni^n, as in Dan. xi, 38. 

14. The damgar here seems to signify "a minister." 

18. For this line, see No. VIII. Independently of Mr. Tomkins, 
Prof. Maspero identified Alasiya and Alosha in his RecKcil, X, 3-4, 
pp. 209, 210. 

Large tablet of grey clay, well-preserved and clearly written : — 

1. (a)-na* d.p. Ni-mu-ut-ri-ya sarru rabu sar mat Mi-(its)f-ri 

To Nimiitriya the great king, the king of Egypt, 

2. saj D.P. Tar-khu-un-da-ra-is (?) d.P-§ sar mat Ar-za-pi-Ki 
of Tarkhimdara{s) the king of the la)id of Arzapi 

the letter. 

3. kak-ti(?)|| mi KURU-in E-MES-mi DAM-MES-mi TUR-MES-mi 

Unto vie is peace ; to viy houses, my wives, my sons, 

* Dr. Winckler reads ma. 
t Dr. Winckler reads Ali-its-tsa-ri. 
X Winckler . . -na. 

§ Dr. W'inckler reads J^f (?) du{l) But the original has ^f. The 
character >->-I occurs in line 25. 

II More probably the two signs are to be read as one. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


the officers in my army, my horses, 

5. bi-ib-bi-id-mi KUR-KUR-MES-mi gan-an{?)-da 

my chariots, {and) my lands exceedingly 

6. khu-u-ma-an-KURU-in 

may there be peace ! 

7. du-uk-masf kak-ta (?)J khu-u-ma-an-KURU-in Gis-MES-tu 

Again . . . may there be peace to thy trees, 


thy houses, thy wives, thy sons, the officers in 

9. PiR-MES-ti D.P. KUR-RA-MES-ti bi-ib-bi-id-ti 
thy army, thy horses, thy chariots, 

10. KUR-MES-ti khu-u-ma-an-KURU-in Gis-MES-tu 

{and) thy lands ; may there be peace to thy trees. 

11. ka-a-la-at-ta-mi e-nu-un d.p. Ir-sa-ap-pa 

O my brother noic Irsappa 

12. D.P. kha-lu-ga-ri-tsi§ an-mi-in a u ma akh tur-rak-Ii 

the Khabi-gari-tsi (messenger) ?nine (says ?) O brother, thy daughter 

13. p.p. UD-mi ku-in dam an akh u-pi-da an-zi 
O my Sun-god for{?) a wife O brother a present {?) 

14. num (?) si li-il khu-ud i akh an sak du|| si 

O brother 

15. ka-a-la-ta up-pa SAL-khu-un i Su-kha tsi-li-ya gusqin 
O brother one ivKHA have I scnt{?) 0/ gold 

16. KURU-an-ta 

as a peace offering for thee. 

17. a AKH-YA at-ta la mu ku-un1[ da as kha ki ra a .^ 

O my brother thou{?) 

* Omitted by Wincklcr. 

t Dr. Winckler may be right in considering that >f- here has the vahie of (/a. 

X Doubtless to be read as one character, perhaps the ideograph . . <lai/> = 
itritkhkhu in Assyrian. 

§ Winckler identifies this character with ki ; but ki is formed tiiflTerently in 
line 29. 

II Probably these two characters sjiould be read ideographically qaqqadi', 

^ Winckler reads c. 

337 2 c 


18. bi-bi* pi ra-at mu ne-it-ta up-pa SAL-khi EGiR-an-da 
a chariot (J) viine{?) afterwards 

19. ARAD-as-ta D.p, Kha-lu-ga-ri-tsi at-ti-in am-me nik (?) tsi 
servajit thine the Khalu-gari-tsi thine 

20. D.p. Kha-lu-ga-ri-tsi an egir pa pa ra a khu-u-da-a-AK 
The Khalu-gari-tsi may he make. 

21. na-i-na-at u-pi-an-du 

thy present {?). 

22. ARAD-ta u-pi an-zi kid-da an-zi ku-uk (?)t-ta TUR-RAK-ti 
Thy servant a present (?) and (?) thy daughter 

23. D.P. Kha-lu-ga-ri as-mi-is d.p. Kha-lu-ga-ri-tsi-ta 

the Khahi-gari thy Khalu-gari-tsi 

24. ku-is-tu nik e qar na-as ag-ga-as 

the house 

[ub-bi-is-ta * « -un 

25. nu-mu AN-tu nin(?)| pu (?) tik (?) as ga-as MAT-ya-as 

thy god country 

26. zi-in-nu-uk-un khu-u-ma-an-da 

may there be . . . 

27. NU Kha-at-te sa-as-sa sad-e I-ga-id 
The prince of the Hittites the mountains of Igaid 

28. na-at gis-kal§-la bi-ib-bi xxx tu-up-pa khu-un-tsi-li 

usu-zuood for a chariot, 30 may he send {?), 

29. ki-is-sa-ri-is-si d.p. Ir-sa-ap-pa d.p. kha-lu-[ga-ri] 

Irsappa the messenger 

30. en su-kha tsi-li-ya gusqin ki-lal-bi tu . . . 
one hikha have I sent {?) of gold its weight 

31. XX ma-na guskin hi kak si in kak pir-kar || . . . . 
20 manehs of gold, 3 kak of ivory, 3 kak of .... 

32. Ill KAK khu-uz-zi VIII KAK ku-si-it-ti-in 

3 kak of . . . ., 8 kak of . . . ., 

33. C KAK AN-NA IV DUK-AN ^f C KAK kha-ab . . . 

TOO kak of lead, 4 a/id . . of. . 100 kak of. . . ., 

* Winckler reads ub-bi. f Or sa. J Or sal su. 

§ Instead of gis-kal Winckler reads /;a-a. 

ll More probable than Dr. Winckler's du-a. 

^ Dr. Winckler's reading here is quite different from mine: iil{'>)-pi-a!{})-ga-ai!. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1^89. 

34. c KAK sir tsil*-li-ya as-sa t .... 
100 kak of . . have I se?it {?) 

35. IV TAK ku-ku-pu NA(?)-ta(?) V TAK ku-ku-[pu] 
4 kiikupu stones for a couch (.?), 5 kukupu stones 

36. SA KUR TABA III tc-bu, XXIV KHiR + CIS pa-na- . . 
of a good kind, 3 . . . , 24 plaiits of the . . . tree^ 


10 thro7ies of uiw-wood from the ivhite mountain, 

38. X sal-khu-uz 11. gis-kal tsi-li-[ya] 
10 ... ,2 ui\i-trees hai'e I sent (J). 

The two introductory lines of this interesting letter are in 
Assyrian, like one or two technical phrases in the list of presents at 
the end, but the rest of the tablet is in an unknown language, which 
I suspect to be a Hittite dialect. At all events "the prince of the 
Hittites" is mentioned in 1. 27 in conjunction with the "mountains 
of Igaid," which may be "the land of Igadai " referred to in the 
Travels of a Mohar. The name of the king also is Hittite, like the 
names of Tarkhu-lara, Tarkhu-nazi, Tarkondemos, &c., and the land 
of Arzapi over which he ruled may possibly be the Razappa of the 
Assyrian inscriptions, the Rezeph of 2 Kings, xix, 12. A comparison 
of the text with that of similar letters gives us the meaning of several 
words which are written phonetically, and though the precative form 
khumafi-K.\j^\j-iii, and the possessive pronoun mi, remind us of 
Accadian, // and tu, "thy," bibln', "a chariot," bibbid, "chariots," 
belong to a hitherto undeciphered language. Indeed the possessive 
mi and //, tu have an Indo-European character. 

1. The letter is addressed to Amenophis III, or Neb-mat-Ra, 
and the cuneiform transliteration shows how the Eg)'ptian words 
should be pronounced. The feminine suffix of mat or 7nut was, we 
see, still sounded, while neb was probably pronounced niv. The 
representation of Ra by riya is similar to the representation of Alasha 
by Alasiya. 

2. I cannot identify the last character in the name of the king. 

3. It is probable that ^f>-'^Y is not to be read ideographically in 
the sense of "prosperity," but that the word for "peace" was pro- 
nounced sag-in. 

* Not r/, as Winckler, t Ox la-ut, % Winckler :«. 

339 2 c 2 


7. It will be observed that it is only after the word " trees " that 
the possessive pronoun has the form of tu. 

11. Parallel texts seem to show that kalatta must signify 
" brother " and enun " now." 

12. Khabi-gari-tsi is apparently the representative of the Assyrian 
tur-sipri, " messenger." The purport of the letter appears to be a 
request on the part of the king of Arzapi that the daughter of 
Amenophis should be given him in marriage. 

15. The position of tsiliya seems to imply that it signifies "I 
have sent." 

19. A comparison of this line with 1. 12 makes it clear that afimin 
must mean "mine" and aitm (for antin) "thine." 

21. We have upi-da anzi in 1. 13, vpianzim 1. 22, iippa in 11. 15, 
18 and 28, and 7ipi-ante corresponding to sag-anta (1. 16) in 1. 21. 

27. In the "Travels of a Mohar" (Brugsch's translation) the land 
of Igad'ai is described as bordering on the territory of the Hittites, 
northward of Aleppo. 

Tablet of white clay, of which the first half is broken ofi": — 

I as-pu-ru .... 

/ have sent .... 

2 im-ma la-a 


3 u at-ta si-in-[nu] 

and do thou the tusk 

4. [su-pu-]ra-am-ma akhi-ya 

send, O my brother ! 

5. i-nu-ma a-na su-ul-ma-ni-ka 

Now for a peace-offering to thee 

6. AB eri iii bilat eri rus[si] 

a sea (?) of bro7ize, 3 talents of hardened brotize, 

7. I si-in-nu sa bi-ri i gis-ku 
one tusk of an elephafit, one chair, 

8. AB (?) sa elippi ul-te-bil-[ka] 
and the hull (?) of a ship I have sent to thee 


June 4] 



9. [an]-ni-tu akhi-ya amilu an-nu-tura 

These thi?igs, O my brother^ these vieri 

10. [ina] elippi an-nu-u sa sar-[ri] 
{in) this ship of the king 

11. [yus-se-ru] u at-ta lu-u 
{have conveyed), and do thou accordiiigly 

12. [eli-ya] kha-mu-ut-ta 
{imto vie) a costly gift 

13. [na-az-ri-]is su-pu-ra-[am] 

carefully send 

14. [u at-]ta akhi-ya 

{And) do thou, O my brother, the 

15. [sa as-]te-ri-is-su-um-ma 
{ivhich) I have asked for 

16. [a-]na a-na-ku i-ti-na-am[-ma] 

to me give 

17. [amilu] an-nu-u ardu sa sar-ri 

This man (is) the servant of the king 

18. u amilu Gis-ga-ri-ka it-ti-a 
and the boat-builder with me 

19. ul i-gi-ri-ku eli-su-nu 

has not finished the boat in additio?i to them ; 

20. u at-ta akhi-ya na-az-[ri-is] 
but do thou, my brother, carefully 

21. kha-mu-ut-ta su-pu-ra-am-ma 
a costly gift despatch. 

3, 7. Sinnu, Heb. V^, " ivory." Biri is the piri of Strassmaier, 
No. 41 01, the pirdti of Lay. 98, No. 3. Thothmes III hunted wild 
elephants near Ni, in the vicinity of Aleppo, and Tiglath-pileser I 
did the same in the neighbourhood of Carchemish. 

5. Sulmanu, from D/tT, is a frequent word in these tablets in 
the sense of a present sent by a vassal prince to his sovereign lord. 

6. AB may be tamtu, "a sea," as in W.A.I. IV, 26, j8; V, 

39> 15- 



16. The verb "to give," it will be noticed, has the usual Semitic 
form with t as second radical, instead of the usual Assyrian form 
with d. 

18, 19. See above, VI, 18. The verb shows that the root is 
ys^ or "^np. 

The style and writing of this fragment shows that it was a letter 
from the king of Alasiya. It is therefore interesting to find him 
speaking of sending ivory to the Egyptian king. 


Rectangular tablet of yellow clay, much worn ; the central part 
is destroyed : — 

1. a-na d.p. Du-u-du bili-ya a-bi-ya 

To Diidit my lord, /iiy father, 

2. at-ma d.p. A-zi-ru abli-ka arad-ka 

/ speak Aziru, thy son, thy sen'ant ; 

3. a-na sepa a-bi-ya am-kut 

at the feet of my father I prostrate myself ; 

4. a-na sepa a-bi-ya lu-u-sul-mu 
jinto the feet of my father may there be peace ! 

5. a Du-u-du a-nu-um-ma [bin?]-ti 

O Dltdu, 710W the daughter (1) 

6. [sarri ?] bili-[ya] [d.p.] Ga-ma . . , 
of the king (?) my lord, Gama . . . 

7 e-khu is-du-u 

the foiindatio7i 

8. sa bit bili-ya sar-ri is-sid 

of the palace of my lord the king has been laid, 

9. u a-na [bit-]ili an-di 
a?id for a temple I have founded. 

10. an-ni-tam a-kin at-ta i-ba-as ya-nu 

This I have done ; as for thee there is none (else) 

11. a-bi-ya u [a-]nu-um-me e-ri-sa-ti 
my father ; and notv the plantations 

12. D.P. Du-u-du a-bi-ya su-sid 

O Diedu my father set in order. 

June 4] TROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

13. u a-pa-ku lu-u Ijin-ti 

and I will look after indeed tJie girl. 

14. [u] at-ta a-bi-ya u bili-ya 
Atid thou {art) my father and my lord ; 

15. [lu-u] a-pa-ku bin-tuv sarri a-mu-ri* 
{verily) I will look after the girl ; the kings I have seen ; 

16. . . . ka u biti-ya is-tum 
. . . thy, and my house from 

17. . . mi-nu-um-ma e-ri-is-du-tum 
and the flafiting 

18. [us-si-]ra-am u el (?)-lu (?) 

/ have directed, and the precious things (?) 

19 e-ri-is-du-tum lu-u ad-di 

the planting indeed I planted. 

the presence 

the companionship {?) 

temeni biti ul-du 
the foundation stones of th^ palace I laid 

23 za . . . . ta 

20. [u] at-ta 


And thou 


2 1. [bili]-ya 


of my lord 


22 mu . 

24. [a-bi-]ya [at-ta] a-na pa-ni 

O my {father) {thou) to the presence 

25- [bili-y]a ti (?) 

of my lord 

26 ta la-gup-pi ina kiri 

the trees (?) in the garden 


28 bili-ya . . . [a-na] ya-si 

. . . . mv lord ... to me 

29 ina 


Or perhaps : "the kings of the Amorites. 


30 a-ma-te ni-pu-ur-ta 

(^by) word of mouth the seeding 

31 tsalmu-ya la-gup-pi ina kiri 

.... my image the trees (?) in the garden. 

32. [u] a-na-ku ar-du sa sarri bili-ya 

And I {am) the servant of the king my lord, 

2,T). [sa] is-tu a-ma-te sarri bili-ya 

(who comes) from the orders of the king my lord 

34. [u] is-tu a-ma-te d.p. Du-u-du a-bi-ya 
(and) from the orders of JDi/du my father ; 

35. [kal] a-pa-at-ta-ar a-di ta-ri-is 
(everythifig) I obseri'e tmtil his I'etum 

36 [? tur sip-ri] i-ra-am 

.... (? a messenger) he sends ; 

37. di-i-ka i-ra-[am] 
a soldier he sends, 

38. u a-na-ku lat-ba-am [ana]-ka 
a?id let me come to thee. 


The tablet is a very interesting one, as the name Dudu, the Biblical 
Dodo (2 Sam. xxiii, 24, Judg. x, i, i Chr. xi, 12), Dod or David, 
hitherto never been found outside the Old Testament, except on the 
Moabite Stone where the ^t^lt^ or "hero of Dodah " (rniT) is 
placed in parallelism with the "heroes of Yahveh" (mrT^)- The 
Carthaginian goddess Dido, however, shows that the name was known 
to the Canaanites, and the Assyrian Dadu, or " Beloved One," is not 
only an epithet of Tammuz, but also the equivalent of the Syrian sun- 
god Hadad. In Gen. xxxvi, 35, the Edomite king Hadad is called the 
son of Bedad, i.e. TTTl- Dudu was clearly a high official at the 
court of the Pharaoh, a fact which shows the high position held in 
Egypt by Semites, belonging to the Canaanite, if not to the Hebrew, 
race, at the close of the XVIIIth Dynasty. The rise of the XlXth 
Dynasty marks the reaction against the Semitic faith and sur- 
roundings of Amenophis IV, and explains the statement of Exod. i, 8, 
that Rameses II was a "new king who knew not Joseph." 


June 4] rROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

2. Aziru, the son of Dudu, is probably the officer mentioned in 
XII, 8, who was the representative of the Pharaoh in Phanicia. His 
name is probably the Biblical l!^t^ with weakened sibilant. 

8. Or we may read is-rid. 

10. The translation of the latter part of this line is very uncertain. 

1 1. Afiujn}?ie, perhaps a form of amimma. 

13. ApaJai, (xom. pnqii with weakened guttural. 

17, 19. Erisdutian seems to stand for eristuium, like tsalamdu for 
tsalai7itu. But it may be intended for eris guptum, " the planting of 
the " 

26, 31. Laguppi is a new word to me, which I cannot explain. 

30. Niburta, from eburu, " crops." 

38. In ordinary Assyrian we should have lutbam instead of latbavi. 


A small tablet of yellow clay, minutely written ; the upper portion 
lost : — 

1. [u] i-na-an-na d.p. Pi-ir-qar(?)-Ki 
And again the city of Pir-(qar) 

2. dura sa ina pan mati an-ni-tu 
a fortress ^ohich (is) in front of this country 

3. ana sar-ri am-mi-num e-nu-ma 

to the king I made faithful. At the same time 

4. D.p. Kha-za-ti-Ki a-na sar-ri sa ina 
the city of Gaza belongi?ig to the king ichich (is) on 

ur tam-du 

the coast of the sea 

5. a-khar mat ali Gim-ti Ki-ir-mi-il-a-Ki 
tvestward of the /and of the city of Gath-Karmcl, 

6. a-na d.p. Ur-gi u amili ali Gim-ti-Ki 

to Urgi and the men of the city of Gath 

7. ma-ku-ut i-na gis-ni s.v-ni-tu as-si 
fell away : in .... a seco/id time I rode (?) 

8. u lu ni-bu-us mi-e-til ma 
ajid then ive made a march up (from Egypt), and 

9. D.p. La-ab-a-pi 




10. u matu sa te-mi-ikh 
and the country 7vhich thou holdest 

11. a-na a-mi-li kha-bi-ri itti 

to the men confederated with 

12. D.p. Mil-ki-ar-il SA-ni-tu ip (?)-tal(?)-[khu] 

Melech-Ar'U a seco?id time revolted (?) 

13. u abli iTSAB-bit mi-ki-tu-nu 
and the sons he took as hostages (?). 

14. ina-nu-mi qab-bi e-ri-is-ti-su-nu 
At the same twie(l) he utters their request 

15. a-na amili irtsit Qar-ti-Ki 

to the men of the land of Kirjafh^ 

16. u lu-u ni-ip-tu-ur ali U-ru-ur-si-Ki 
and then we defended the city of Urursi. 

17. amili ma-tsar-tu-MES sa tu-ma-sar 
77/6' men of the garriso7i whom thou hadst left 

18. ina-su d.p. Kha-pi tur-sipri-ya gab-e 
in it Apis my messenger all 

19. [e]-ki-mi d.p. Ad-da-si-ra-ka-an 
collected. Addasi-rakan 

20. ina biti-su ina ali Kha-za-ti-Ki 
in his house i?i Gaza 

21 MES a-na mat Mi-its-ri-Ki 

to Egypt 

Edge : — 
i-din-num a-na [sarri] 
He gave to (the king). 

I. The traces of the character that are left seem to confine our 
hoice to the two values qar and am. 

3. Amininum with mimmation from "j^^. 

4. This use of a7ta occurs on other Tel el-Amarna tablets 
despatched from Palestine. It corresponds with the Heb. jl^. 
With ur compare r\1*^i^) Is. xix, 7. 

5. This seems to be the transliteration of the latter part of the 
line ; but it is also possible that the first ki is the determinative affix 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

of Gi»iii, in which case we should have the unknown name " Irmila." 
With this we may perhaps compare Jarmuth, now Yarmut (Josh, x, 3), 
the Heb. form of the name being Yeremiel. 

6. Makiit, permansive from r\'\)t2 with weakened guttural. 

7. In W.A.I. IV, 26, 13, Gis-Ni seems to mean "the handle " of 
a weapon. In V, 29, 8, it is rendered by utaqqu. 

11. For kJiabiri see my former Paper, p. 495, lines 13, 24. The 
word occurs in an interesting hymn (K 890) copied by Dr. Briinnow, 
where we read {Rev., line 4), yuj?ie annute istu khabiri-ya anaku, and 
line 8) istu pa-an kha-bi-7'i-ya ip-tar-sa-an-7ii a-a-si, " from the face of 
my associates he has cut me off, even me." In M. Bouriant's tablet 
given in my former Paper, the amili khabiri (line 13) must refer to a 
particular body of men who called themselves " the confederates," 
and inhabited the neighbourhood of Hebron. In all probability the 
name of Hebron was derived from the '' confederacy " of the three 
or four nations (Hittites, Amorites, and Canaanites) who met around 
its great sanctuary, which accounts for the absence of the name in 
the Egyptian geographical lists. 

12. Milki-ar'il is an interesting name, as the second element in it 
must be the ^t^"^^ (Is. xxxiii, 7), h\^'\X^ (Ezek. xliii, 15), or ^«ilb^ 
(Ezek. xliii, 15, 2 Sam. xxiii, 20, Is. xxix i) of the Old Testament. 
It occurs on the Moabite Stone, where king Mesha speaks of having 
dragged before Chemosh the DT'i^lh^ of Yahveh and of Dodah (or 
David ?), and a passage in an Egyptian papyrus shows that it had 
the sense of " hero." The name of Milki-Ar'il, when compared with 
names of similar composition like Melchi-zedek, Malchiel or Malchiah, 
makes it plain that Ar'il was a divine title, and represented a South 
Palestinian deity, while the spelling with >->-y implies that it was 
regarded (as by Isaiah) as being a compound of '////, " god." 

13. Milatunu seems to be a plural feminine from ^^7^. 

14. Nuini is a word unknown to me. 

15. We have two famous Kirjaths in Southern Palestine to choose 
from, Kirjath-Arba or Hebron, and Kirjath-Sepher or Debir. 

16. Compare the name of "the city of the country of Ururusi " 
mentioned in my former Paper, p. 495, line 15. If we could read 
the third character sa we should have Uru-sa-lim or Jerusalem, 

1 9. The name is Addasi-rakan, the character being a clearly-formed 
ra and not da. 




Small tablet of dark cla}^, closely written : — 

1. a-[na] sarri bili-ya 

To the ki?ig viy lordy 

2. [ili-Jya d.p. Samsi-ya 
my gods, my Sun-god, 

3. ki dhe-ma 
^?y letter 

4. at-[ma] [d.p.] Su-ar-da-ka 
/ speak, (I) Su-arda-ka 

5. ardu-ka ip-ri sa sepa-ka 
thy servant, the dust of thy feet : 

6. a-na [sep]-i sarri bili-ya 
at the feet of the king my lord, 

7. ili-ya d.p. Samsi-ya 
my gods, my Sun-god, 

8. VII [su vii] TA-A AN am-ku-ut 

'] by 1 times I prostrate myself. 

9. sar [mat] ... pi yus-si-ir 
The king of the country of . . . the mouth directed 

10. a-na e-pu-us nu-kur-te 

to make war : 

11. i-na ali Ki-el te 

i)i the city of Keilah 

12. ip-pu-us nu-kur-ti-ka sul-lis 

he made war against thee the 2,fd time. 

13. rag-ma-at a-na ya-ti-ya 
A complaint to myself 

14. su-te-ra-at Alu-Ki-ya 
was brought : my city 

15. a-na ya-ti-ya 
belonging to myself 

16. eli-qa-an-ni 
adhered to (?) me. 

17. is-tap-par d.p. Abdu-dhab-ba 

Sent Ebed-tob 


June 4] 



18. a-na amili d.p. Ki-el-te 

to the men of Keilah : 

19. is-ta-par xiv caspi u 
he sends 14 pieces of silver and 

20. [illi-] ku-ni a-na ar-ki-ya 
they marched agaifisi my rear ; 

21. u si - di sarri be-li 
and the domains of the king 7ny lord 

22. i-nu ki-el-te-Ki 
they overran. Keilah 

23. alu-Ki-ya d.p. Abdu-dhab-ba 

my city Kbed-tob 

24. is-tu bar-ti-ya sa-ta 
fro7n my jurisdiction removed : 

25. si-is-sa-an d.p. sarri be-li 
the pleasure-park (?) of the king my lord 

26. u dur* D.p. Bil-nadanu 
and the fortress of Baal-Jiathan 

27. u dur Emeri is-tu 
afid the fortress of Uamor from 

28. mu-khi-su u ki-it-tu-su 
before him and his Justice 

29. sa-ta DP. La-ab-a-pi 
he removed. Lab-api 

30. ba-dhil sa pi el-te-ku 
wicked (1) of speech occupied 

31. alu-KHAL- . . . -ni-nu u 
the fortress of . . 7iitiu, afid 

32. a-nu-ma d.p. La-ab-a-pi 

?iow Lab-api 

33. it-ti d.p. Abdu-dhab-ba u 
together luith Ebed-tob and 

34. [amili-su] el-te-[ku] alu-KHAL- . . [ni|-nu 
(his men) has occupied the fortress of . . ninu 

Or perhaps isda. The character is to be iilentificd wiili t:^^. 



[JNE 4] 






35- • 



a-na ; 


. . . 7ci/ien 

! //le ki7ig 

to his 





ip-si an-ni u 

la-a : 



tliis matter also, 


2. si-na 






twice //as returned the king (his) message. 

4. The Assyro-Babylonian name of Su-arda-ka is noticeable, since 
it shows either that Babylonians were in the service of the Pharaoh, 
or that Babylonian names were adopted in the West along with the 
use of the Babylonian language. 

5. From XVI, 4, we learn that we must read yussir. Con- 
sequently J^ JflC, /// or //, must here have the value of ir. 

II. For Kelte or Keilah (i Sam. xxiii, i — 13), see my former 
Paper, p. 496. 

T2. I have here taken the liberty of emending the text, supposing 
that the scribe has misplaced the character «"<y<. If the text is 
correct, the only possible translation would be a very forced one : 
" (then was) the action of thy enemy." 

13, 14. Ragmaf, literally an "uproar." Siiterat, permansive 
Istaphal oi aric, "to send." 

15. Yati-ya is a curious construction, _>'^7//, "myself," being con- 
strued as a simple reflexive pronoun. 

16. Eliqa may be connected with ^Lc • 

17. The latter part of the proper name may be read Khi-ma ; 
" Abdu-Khima." 

22. /«», from H-i^- 

24. Barti is the Heb. H''"^!? "covenant." Sata must be the 
3rd sing. Permansive Kal of T\^ ■ ^^e find it again in a different 
context in XIV, 16, 56. 

25. I imagine sissan to be the Heb. 711i?;l^. 

26. The proper name may also be read Bil-sumi (Baal-Shem). 

27. The name of the " Amorite " is written with the ideograph 
of an "ass," as it is in Gar-emeris, the Assyrian name of the kingdom 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9. 

of Damascus. Similarly in Genesis xxxiv, the " Amorite " of She- 
chem (Gen. xlviii, 22) is called Khamor or "ass." Dr. Neubauer 
has suggested that the " mountains of Aloriah " (Gen. xxii, 2) repre- 
sent an abbreviated form of the same name. 

30. The expression may have a physical significaticm only, 
" defective of speech." Elteku, Iphteal of laqu with softened 
guttural. Throughout these tablets laqu appears as laku. 


Flat tablet of yellow clay, broken in half : — 

A. I. [a-na] sar-ri bili-ya [ki dhe-ma] 

(To) the king my lord (by letter) 

2. [at-ma] d.p. Ri-ib-AN-iM [ardu-ka] 
(I speak) (I) Rib-Addu (thy servant), 

3. [a-na] nin sa-a is-tu [risti ?] 
(to) the master who from (the beginnifig?) 

4. [dan-]ga a-na sar-ri bili-ya 
is strong, to the king my lord, 

5. [a-na sep]i bili-ya AN-UT-ya 
(at the feet) of my lord, my Sun-god, 

6. [vii] TA-AN am-ku-ut d.p. Ri-ib-fAX-ni] 
(7) times I prostrate myself {/) Rib-Addu. 

7. is-ta-par. a-na bili-su la-mas-[sc] 

Sends to his lord the colossi 

8. [d.p.] A-zi-ru ka-li ali 

Aziru. All the cities 

9. alu Du-la i-na i-ki-ni-sc . . . 
the city of Dula in 

10. ir-ti-kha-at a-na ya-si u 

did arm against me, and 

11. [epusu] mi-lik a-na arad ki-ti-ka 

thev< 7 '^^^'"^^^ \ aminst the sen'ajit of thv rii'hteousncss. 
■^ [made a inarch J '^ y . .■> 

12. a-nu-ma i-ti-li tsabi i-na 
At the same time there went up the soldiers into 

13. alu Du-la u la-mas-se 
the city of Dula and (also) the colossi 



14. i-na-na a-di ilu pa-khi-ru-ka 
again together ivith the god who has chosen thee 

15. Ali u AN Bar-ku se a i . . . . 
The cities aiid the god Barak (?) 

16. i-zi-zu-su a-na-ku tab ii mas (?) 

set him up. I 

17. . . . ki a ma pi mas-bu la-ki .... 
e7it ranee of assembly, taking 

18. ... ali D.p. Ri-[ib-AN-NiM] .... 
. . . the cities Rib-Addu 

19. alu Tsu-mu-[ra] 

the city of Simyra 

20. ... mi-ya 

7)iy . 
21. . . si 

B. I. hi 

a-na pa-an 

to the face 

a-na ya-si a-nu-[ma a-na] 

against me. At the same time (at) 

a-tsa sarri u amili [sa sub-tu] 

the going forth of the hing a?id the courtiers 

ki-ma a-bu-ti am-ku-[ut] . . . 

like a reed I prostrate myself . . . 

amili sa sub-tu is-tu .... 
the courtiers from .... 
a-khar a-na-ku u-ul ippalkitu .... 
behind jue did not cross .... 

. . . ma-la-a-tum mes u a-na 
and to 

pa-ni yus-si-ir sarru nisi 

my face directed the king the men 


10. [bi-]ta-ti a-na la-ki alu 

of the palace to take the city of. . . 

11. [Alu] a-pi-li u-la-bar-[sa] 
{The city) I conquered, I subdued {it) 

12. u-la-bar-ma alu Du-la [sa] 
/ subdued also the city of Dula {which) 

13. [is-]tu bar-ti-ka la 

from thy jurisdiction {had revolted 1). 

14. ... ki-se-e ak-ra-ri . . 

15 tal-kut sarri a-na tsa-[bit] 

the march of the king to take 

16 ma ar-du 

.... and I pursued 

17 ar-ta 

es i-na 

. . iti . . 

19 u III amili ... 

the 3 7nen . . . 

20. [tur]-MES se-ip-[n] [sa sarri ?] 
the messengers {of the king?). 


This is one of a series of flat tablets of yellow clay sent from 
Phoenicia by Rib-Addu, all alike written in the same small peculiar 
characters, difficult to decipher, and half obliterated. One is pub- 
lished in my former paper. 

A. 7, 13. Lamasse must be a weakened form of the Assyrian 

For Aziru see IX, 2. Here he appears as a lieutenant of Rib- 
Addu or RibHadad in Phccnicia. 

9. Dula must have been near Simyra. For the last word see my 
former Paper, p. 516, 1. 14. /(v may be iku "the plain." 

10. For irtikhat, see my former Paper, p. 515. 

12. /////must be for etili, the present parti(i[)le jilural Tphtoal. 

353 -^ i> 


15. A title of the Assyrian Rimmon was Barku for Barqu, "the 

19. For Tsumura or Simyra, the Zemar of Gen. x, 18, see my 
former Paper, p. 515. 

B. 4, 6. Instead of a';;//// sa siibtii, " men of the throne," we may 
read amili sarutu, " men of the kingdom." 

5. For alntti^ see Delitzsch : " Assyrisches Worterbuch," p. 25. 
10. The city meant may be Simyra. 

II, 12. I connect nlabar y^\\\\ laharu in se)in labaru, "an oppres- 
sive chain " (Haupt : " Akkadische und Semitische Keilschrifttexte," 
87, 64). 


I insert here a fragment belonging to M. Golenisheff, which he 
was kind enough to allow me to copy, as it forms a sequel to the 
preceding tablet : — 

1. [a-na sarri bili-ya] 
To the k'uig my lord 

2. AN-UT-ya [ana sepa sarri] 
my Sun-god, at the feet of the king 

3. [vii su VII ta-]an am-ku-ut 

7 times seven I prostrate myself 

4. [d.p. Rib-ib-AN-iM. amil]-i ali Du-fla] 

(/) Rib-Addu. The 7nen of Diila 

5 tu-nu ali Ma-ga-[diJ 

had taken (?) the city of Megiddo 

6 ka is-tu 

thy, from 

7 [i]-ti-li ma-la 

they went np as many as 

8 du pan epis-ti 

before the deed 

9 [a]-na pan is-la-a 

before he lifted itp 

10 ab-su-ti 

clothing (?) 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

II ['T'?]-g^'r epis-tam 

.... /(?) surround {>) the work 

12 ta-ri-tus 

/lis return 

13 [yus]-si-ra-si 

he directed it 

14 ti-si 

15. ... [amil]i mat Me - . . -za 

. . . the men of the land of Me . . za 
1 6 ma sarrani 

.... a7id the kings 
17 ut-ta-ma (?) 

18 su-nu lim-na-ti-ya 

. . . they, viy enmities 
19 se tsabi i-du 

.... the soldiers knew 
20. ... [a]-na sarri bili-ya 

... to the king my lord 
21 khar(?)-ri ur-ra 

by day 

22 [its-ba]-tu-ma a-tsa bi-ta-ti 

.... they took also the exit from the houses 

23. ... gu-MES ka . . . 
. . . thy 

24 li-ti ma-ti A . . . . 

the hostages (?) of the land of A . . . . 

25. ... [sar]-ri bili sa . . . 

. . . the king the lord who . . . 

26 D.p. sar-ri 

the king 


5. The defective word is perhaps itsba-tunu. The restoration 
of Megiddo is confirmed by the tablets now at Berhn. 
9. I^la from salu. 

355 202 


10. Absuti : see Delitzsch s.v. 11?2h5- 

11. For the first word see XIV, 61. 

15. The second character of the proper name may be ip^ lii, 
kii, or a. 


A long rectangular tablet of yellow clay covered with minute 
characters partly obliterated. 

1. [a-na sarra] raba sar matati-Ki sar [mat Mitsri] 

To the great king, the king of the world, the king of Egypt, 

2. [am]-kha-ar epis nin sa ra-bi-[ti] 
/ present inyself, O creator of everything which is great, 

3. arad bili danni a-na sar-ri 
(I) the servant of the mighty lord, to the ki?ig 

4. [bili-y-]-a a-na sepi bili-ya an ut 

my lord, at the feet of my lord, the Sun-god, 

5. [vii su] VII TA-AN am-ku-ut lu-u i-su 

7 times seven I prostrate myself Verily is 

6. [sar]-ru be-li i-nu-ma dannu ma-rab 
the king my lord. Lo powerful exceedingly 

7. ka-nu i-nu-ma pi mas-pu-udh i-na 
is he constituted. Lo a mouth of judgment in 

8. [pa]-ni-ka i-ba-sa ad-mi 
thy presetice exists. The men 

9. alu Tsu-mu-ra a-na sar-ri a-du 

of the city of Siniyra belonging to the king {air) subjects 

10. sarri i-nu-ma su-par-ti ma-a ali Zarak 
of the king. Lo the message {is) thus from the city of Zarak ; 

11. its-tsa-ab-tu iv abli d.p. arad a-si-[ir-ta] * 
there have been captured the four sons of {thy) righteous servant, 

12. u ya-nu sa-a a-ba-lu a-ma-[te] 
afid there is none who has brought the tidings 

13. [a-na] sar-ri u mi-lik i-nu-ma 
to the king and counsel. Lo 

* Or El)ed-Asherah. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9. 

14. [d.p.] arad ki-ti-ka a-na-ku u ka-tu 
thy righteous servarit {am') I. And as for thee 

15. sa-a es-mu as-pu-ru a-na bili-[ya] 
zuhat I have heard I have sent to f?iy lord. 

16. sa-ta mi-lik* a-na alu Tsu-mu-[ra] 
One has made a fnarch against Simyra 

ly. sa ki-ma itstsuru sa i-na ri-bi-khu 
ivhich like a bird of whom on a precipice (?) 

18. sa-ak-na-at ki-na-su ki-[nis] 
is situated its nest firmly 

19. [i]-ba-sa-at dannu ma-rab 

is strong exceedingly ; 

20. u amili tur-si-ip-ri sa-[a] 
and messengers of tuhom 

21. is-tu ekalli si-dir (?)-ti ta [-as-ku-un ?] 
from the palace {thou didst appoint the array ? 

22. [as-] pu-ri ma [i]-na alu Tsu-mu-[ra eribuj 

/ sent saying : into Simyra they have entered, 

23. [a]-mu-ra (?) [su]-ri-ib-ti-su-nu 
/ have seen (?) their entrance; 

24. u D.P. Ya-[pa]-AN-iM ki-na-na-tu 
and Yapa-Addu the female-slaves (?) 

25. u-ul [it]-ri-its it-ti-ya 
did not place with me ; 

26. ka-sa-du-ma amil 

they took also the men . . . 

27. ra-ak-bi-su u . . . ab(?)-na 

his riders, and the stone (?) 

28. sa(?) ki-ti-ya ma abna ... u 
of(?) my justice also the stone . . . and 

29. an-nu-tu gis-mes-pa abna sarr-ut 

these sceptres, the stone of sovereignty, 

30. il pi-si-ru-ut sar-ru u 
the god of the oracles of the king ; and 

* Or " one has taken counsel," the .Vssyrian milik signifying both " march " 
(from "]?n) and "counsel" (from 1?D). 



31. ya-aq-bi sar-ru a-na sa-su-nu 

spake the king to them, 

32. u tu-khad-dal su-bat tal-ku-ni 

'■''and thou dost give tip the seaf{s) thou hast taken {?) 

2,2,- ma-la ya-ab-nu sar-ru a-na sa-su-nu 

as matiy as had created the kifig for them 

34. u abil arad bili u sal e(?) 

and the so?i of the servant of the lord atid the women servant." 
The father, 

35. il AN-Ki sarru gab-ba a-na nisi 
the god of heaven and earth, the kifig, speaks to the men 

36. [ma] . . ni-iz ka-li ardi-ya . . 
thus: I . . . all my servatits . . 

37 su a-na 

his to 

38 ti-il-li na . 

thou shall go up{?) . . . 

39 pani-ya u 

before me and 

40 na . . . . na ma 

41. [u] eli-ya ya-nu mi-im-[mi] 
(and) above me there is not any 

42. sa-su-nu sa-a 11 sa-a iii a . . . 

of them whether ttiio or three .... 

43 u ilu es-mi-[i] 

and the god heard 

44. a-ma-te arad ki-ti-su u an-[ut] 
the report of his righteous servant, and the Sun-god 

45. ya-ab-bil ba-la-ta a-na arda-su 

brought life to his servant, 

46. u epis ardi-su is-ta-la ta-sa-ni (?) 
and the action of his servant he enquired after. The exaltafioti (?) 

47. sa-lidh tab-bal a-na ya-si u bili 
of rule thou didst bring to me, and, lord, 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

48. ma-la* sa baladhi it-ti-ka u 

t lie fulness of life (is) with thee and 

49. pa-as-kha-ti biti lu-u d.p. A-zi-ru u 
the domestics of the palace. Then Aziru and 

50. D.p. Ya-pa-AN-iM la-ku a-na-ta 

Yapa-Addu held a meeting 

51. eli-ya u la-a i-li-hu 
ivith me, and they tvent not up 

52. rai-im-mi si-is-ta su-kin-nu 
any {of them). A conferetice they held 

53. it-ti-ya Ki-su na-ma-ri [sa] 

with me. That place of observation {which belonged) 

54. a-na ya-si sa ab-a MU-ni 

to myself which (to) my father had given 

55. sar-ri is-tu da-ri 

the king for ever, 

56. sa-ta a-raa-te a-na-ku arad ki-[ti] 
One brought the report to me the righteous servant^ 

57. u ul-za ma a-na ya-si a-nu-ma 
and I rejoiced accordingly loithin myself. Now 

58. a-ma-te an-ni-ta a-kin a-na-[ku] 

this report I make, I 

59. ip-ru sa-a sepi-ka sar-ru 
tJie dust of thy feet O king ! 

60. a-bu a-bu-ka la-a A-zi-ru 
O father, thy father (is) not Aziru ;\ 

61. la-a i-gur matati-Ki-MES-[at] 
he has not girdled the world : 

62. kha-za-ni-su u nam-sub-su [u ?] 

his prefects and his diviiuition (and?) 
6 2,. ill u ila-te u d.p. Ku . . . 

tJie gods and the goddesses and the god .... 

* Or perhaps hasiiia ( f: I *~ t:|) "the gratificalion." The characters are 
written so closely together that it is impossible to determine with certainty liow 
they should be divided, 

t Or perhaps ; " O father, father, restrain {kald) Aziru." 



64. e-pi-is ardu-su u 

(are) the work of Ids servant, and • 

65. a-na is-pu-un bit a-bi-ka . . ^ 

to sweep'ay the house of thy father ; . . 

66. [a]-na d.P. Tar-ku-mi-ya i-su-[ru] 
against the land of Tarknmiya marched 

67. abli arad a-si-irta u 
the sons of (thy) righteous servant, and 

68. la-ku mat sarri a-na sa-su-nu 
there took the comitry of the king belonging to them 

6g. sar mat Mi-ta-na-na-nu u sar 

the king of the country of Mitana-7ianu and the king 

70. mat Tar-ku-si u sar mat Kha-ta 

of the country of Tarkusi and the king of the land of the Hittites. 

71. ilu pi-si-ra sarri tsabi sarri (?) 
The god who inspires the ki?ig the soldiers of the king (?) 

72. it-ti D.P. Ya-an-kha-an arad 
with Vankhan the servant 

73. sar mat Ya-ri*-mu-ta 
of the king of the country of Yarimuta 

74. [u Nis] Gis-BAB Mil-ku-mi . . . 
atid the porter Melech-mi . . . 

75 MES 

took with them ? 

76 UD-DU-Ni-[ma] 

they came forth and 

77 is-ta-par-[su-nu] 

he sends them. 

Edge-: — I ab-la-[ka?] 2 a-na arad ki-ti-su 

thy ? son to his righteous servant. 


7. Maspudh, the Heb. 13512?^, docs not occur elsewhere in 
Assyrian, and is probably derived from the Canaanitish language of 
the scribe. We cannot read maslmt, pL of masbu, V, Edge. 

9. Adi}, literally " property." 

* Written like k/tii ; but the true reading is given by XXXI, 29. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89. 

12. Abalii is a Hebrgeo-Phoenician 3 Sing. Perf. Kal ; not an 
Assyrian 3 Sing. Permansive, which would be abil. 

18. Kina-su ought to be kina-su, but the substitution of ti^ for D 
in the pronunciation of the Canaanitish scribe illustrates the repre- 
sentation of ;i^ by D in the Assyrian reproduction of Hebrew proper 

24. Kinanatu seems to be connected with the Assyrian kinati 
and kiiiattutu (W.A.I. II, 48, 4). But we are also reminded of 

31, 33. Yaqbi and yabnu for iqbi and ibmi^ are Canaanitish forms. 
So 2\%o yabbil in line 45. 

34. The sense of this line escapes me. 

49. Faskhati, literally "the women who remain" in the harims, 
from paseik/m "to rest." The masc. /^ry/'/^^/Z occurs in XV, 10. 

50. Literally, "took a meeting before me," eli being used like 
mukhi. With anata compare the Heb. ^^^^• 

52. Sista^ from sasu, "to speak" or "consult." 

61. Igiir, possibly from '^^^\^, see above, XIII, 11. 

69. The addition of the syllables na/iii to the name of the 
country of Mitana is curious. 

71. More literally, "the god of the oracles of the king." From 
11. 27-30 it would appear that it was a stone, like the Hebrew Urini 
and Thummim, which was carried about by the officers of the 


A small tablet of yellow clay, greatly injured ; in the same hand- 
writing as the preceding : — 

I [nisi?]-MES-ya 

my 7nen 1 

2 ki D.p. Ri-ib-AN-iM 

.... Rib-Addu 

3. . . a-na amili gaz-mes 

. . to the executioners 

4. . . . u ya-nu sa-a 
. . . a7id there was none who 

5. [il-li-]ku mi-im-ma-su is-tu 

went, anyone at all, from 



6. [pa-ni-]ya a-na mi-ni la-a ki-[ni] 
my prese7ice to a countless number. 

7. [bi ?]-in-ti yu-us-sa-ar-[ri] 
The girl (1) he directed 

8. [a-]na e-kal kima tab-bi-ya [u] 

to the palace, the habitation of my companion, and 

9. alani-su-nu a-na sa-su-nu u 
their cities belonging to them and 

10. pa-as-khu-ti DU-ak an UT-[ya] 
the domestics. I march, O {my) Sun-god, 

11. i-na pa-ni-ka u su-up-ru-[ni] 
i7ito thy presence, and do thou send {me), 

12. u la-a tam-na sum-su-nu 
a?id thou shall not recount their name 

13. is-tu mu-khi-ka u [lu-u] 
from before thee ; and verily 

14. D.p. A-ma-an-ma sa ki la . . 

Amawna tuho .... 

15. sa-a-su u AN-zi-[ti] 

him and the god of life 

16. it-ti-ya ina ? a-la-[ki] 
with me in {the course) of the march 

17. LX ru-ku-bi-ya a-na mu-khi-ka [ina] 
of my 60 chariots to thy presence, in 

18. pa-ni pa(?)-ri ma su par-ru . . 

19. ya-nu sa-a a-ba-[lu] 

There is none who has brought the neztfs 

20. a-na mu-khi-ka u sa-[a] 

to thy presence and of whom 

21. sar-ru a-na d.p. A-[ma-an-ma] 
the king to Amanma 

22. [iq]-ba 

has spoken 



June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

24. sa-ni-tu [mi-na] 

a second time 

25. la-a ti-im-[na?] 

thou dost not say ? .... 

26. u amilu Kha-a-su 

atid the Khasu 

27. sa-a u ina ? kha-a-[su-su] 
7vho also in {the course) of {his) inspection 

28. sa-ni-tu lu-u-mi-id 

a second time has committed 

29. ar-na u ya-aq-[bi] 
a sin ; aiid he speaks 

30. i-na 


31. D.p. Ya-pa-AN-TM tur-[sip-ri] 
Let Yapa-Addu the messenger 

32. ar-na li-ma-ad . . . 

the sin bear .... 

■^■t^. a-pa-ruv sar-ru a-na sa-a-su 

a conspiracy (?) the king {? has heard) against himself. 

34. sa-ni-tu mi-na ip-sa-ti a-[na] 
A second time my business {is) with 

35. D.P. Ya-pa-AN-iM i-nu-ma iz- . . 

Yapa-Addu. Behold {he has brought) 

36. D.P. NA D.p. NA MA a-na ya-[si] 

certain animals to me. 

37. a-nu-ma 11 elipi-ya kha-ar-pa-ti 

Now my 2 ships, pointed (/) 

38. [ma]-rab TUM-MES-ya u si-im-mi-i 

very, my treasures (?) a fid my . . . 

39 ma-rab it-ti-su 

.... very, along with him 

40. [yus]-si-ra sar-ru nis-iz-bab-su 
has directed the king. His porter 

41. [is-tap]-pa-ra ina be-ri 11 [clii>i] 

he has sent in the company of the two ships. 



42. ya-nu mi-im-mi sa-a 
There is none at all who 

43. [il-li]-ku is-tu sa-a-su 
has gone from him. 

44. [amil] gaz-[mes] 

The executioners 

45. ... it-ti - [su] 

. . . zvith [him) 


1. u D.p. Ya-pa-AN-iM [tur-sip-fi] 
And, O Yapa-Addu {my messenger) 

2. til-la a-na alani .... 
yoti shall go up against the cities 

3. [dhe-]mu aq-ru is-[mu] 

The letter I have read {the king) has heard. 


I o. For paskhuti see above, XIV, 49. 

16, 27. I cannot identify the character, which seems to mean 
" course " or " progress." 

26, 27. Khasii appears to be the full word, "an inspector," from 
khasu "to see." 

33. Apariiv seems to mean "conspiracy" in my former paper, 
p. 511, line 8. 

T^(i. The animals are possibly "mules." 

37. Kharpati, perhaps connected with , J r^ • 

3.S. TUM-MES, perhaps "seals;" see Briinnow's Classified List, 
p. 2 1 6. Simmi I can throw no light upon. 

41. Beri, literally "sight," from baru, "to see." 


Small tablet of red clay, broken in half. 

1 . ina an-ni-ta an UT .... 

In this the Sun-god .... 

2. D.p. abla-ya yus-si-ir-ra-[am] 

my son directed 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

3. D.p. sarru bili-ya ili-ya A\-UT-ya 
even the king my lord, my god., my Sun-god ; 

4. u pi yus-si-ra narkabati 
arid the speech he directed. The chariots 

5. sarri bili-ya ili-ya AN-UT-ya 
of the king my lord, my god, 7ny Sun-god, 

6. it-ti D.p. abli-ya u ardu na-tsa-ru 
{are) with my son and the servant of the guard 

7. ALU-KHAL-MES sarri bili-ya ili-ya AX-UT-ya 
of tlie fortresses of the king my lord, my god, my Sun-god; 

8. u yus-si-ra narkabati 
a7td he has directed the chariots 

9. sarri bili-ya [ili-Jya AN-UT-ya 
of the king my lord, my god, my Sun-god ; 

10. u ti-ili-ku-ni a-na mu-khi 
and they have gone to the presence 

11. sarri-ya ili-ya Samsi-ya 
of my king, my god, my Su7i-god ; 

12. u e-ri-da a-na pa-ni 
and I descended before the face 

13. sarri bili-ya ili-ya AN-UT-ya 
of the king my lord, my god, my Sun-god ; 

14. u lu-Li e-te-bi-sa e-bu-is 
afid indeed I have performed the business 

15. eli sarrani u a-kini-mi ana-ku 
relating to the kings, and I have united, even I, 

16. khu-ki it-ti sarri bili-ya ili-ya AN-UT-ya 
my bosom with the king my lord, my god, my Sun-god ; 

17. u .... mi lim-ni-te a-na pn-ni 
and I have .... what is hostile to the presence 

18. sarri bili-ya ili-ya AM-UT-ya 
of the king my lord, my god, my Sun-god ; 

19. u yus-si-ra narkabati 
and he has directed the chariots ; 



20. [u] ti-ili-ku-ni a-na mu-khi 
a7id they have gone tip to the presetice 

21. [sarri bili-]ya ili-ya AN-[uT-ya] 
of the king my lord, my god, my Sun-god. 


14. The misspelling or mispronunciation ebuis for ebis is notice- 

16. Khiik{i) must be the Hebrew pSr\ with the guttural 


Tablet of medium size and black clay, much worn : — 

1. [a]-na bili-ya [sarri] 

To my lord [the king'] 

2. AN NIN sa mat [Mi-its-ri sa] 
the divine lord of the land of {Egypt, ivho) 

3. Ti-DiN tsab-bit 

life has received 

4. [a]-na sepi bili-ya ili-[ya AN-UT-ya] 

at the feet of my lord, my god {my Sun-god), 

5. [vii] su VII A-AN am-ku-ut 
seven times seven I prostrate myself, 

6. ardu-ka En-ni-mi-nu-[ma] 
(/) thy servant En}ii-mimi\_ma\ 

7. rag-ma-at ali Du-la-Ki 

The complaint of the city of Dula : 

8. gi-is-da-ri dhar-gis-mes 

the sceptres 

9. sa Gis tik(?) dan-nu pap sa-ga-am 

of strong . . wood, of the tall species, 

ID. lit (?)-[ti?]-yaga-am-ru abli [dam-] gar 
my complete {export ?), the sons of the 7ninister 

II Gis-MEsi-na [sa ?]-da-ni 

the trees in the mountains (?) 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1SF9. 

12. [is-tu ?] mat Ya-ri-ti-Ki (?) i-na 
{from ?) the country of Yariti (?), in 

13. i-na ba-la-adh napis-ti [sa] 

in the presentation of the life of 

14. biti-ya sal-da sa (?) ina ku (?)-mu-um (?) 
7fiy house .... luhich (?) {is) in the court (?) 

15. ma-si-el tim-ma-li 

like yesterday 
r6 im as-ta-pa-ar-si-[na] 

I sent them. 

17. . . . ta-ni a-na E-GAL-tim ti z\ sa 

for the palace, the preservation of the life of 

18 i-da-gal (?) a par(?) 

he sees (?) 

19 du-na li-es-mi 

may lie hear 

20 temeni 

the foujidatioji stones 

The two next lines are destroyed. 

23 ardu-ka . . . 

tliy servant . . . 

24 sar-ri ili-ya d.p. A-du-(u) 

of tlie king my god, Adft 

25. [i-na] ali Ni*-bar . . [k.i] i-du-ku-su 

in the city Nibar . . they slew him 

26. . . . MES kurunni a-na-ku . . ma ya-nu 
(with draughts T) of wine. I {there) was not 

27 a-na mati [sa] 

{They ?narched) against the country of jk 

28. D.P. arad a-si-ir-ta u [ir-]ti-khu 
{thy) righteous servant] and armed themselves. 

29. D.P. Mi-na-an-mas (?) . . . [sar] mat [Kha-ti] 

Minan-mas . . . king of the country of the Hittitcs 

30. its-tsa-bat [ina] ali Ar- . . -ta 
was captured {in) the city of Ar . . ta, 

* Or perhaps ir. t Or, perhaps, Ebcd-Ashcrah. 



31. [a-na sar-]ri sa [mat Mi-ta-]an-na 
belofigi/ig to the ki?ig of Mitanna 

32. lim-[ni-]ya am-mi-ni ti-du-ku-su 

my enemy. Why did you slay him ? 

2,z- en(?)-su(?) Kha-ti-[Ki] 

He 70 as sick (?) the Hittites 

34. bu-ut mat Ar-tsi sarri bil mati-Ki 

at the entrance to the land of Artsi of the king the lord of the land. 

35. i-nu-ma its-tsa-bat sar Kha-ti-[Ki] 
At that time 7vas caftii?-ed the king of the Hittites 

36. ina li-mat mat Ku-ti-ti-Ki 

in the vicinity of the cotmtry of Kutiti. 

37. sar mat Mi-it-ta-ni-Ki 
The kifig of the country of Mi tana, 

38. sar mat Na-bu-ma-Ki 
the king of the country of Nabuma 

39. u sar sar-ra-tu [a-na] 
and the king of the kingdom {against) 

40. D.p. arad a-si-ir-ta [il-li-ku] 
{thy) righteous servant {marched). 

41. [a-]na-ku pi us (?)-[si-ir ?] 

/ the mouth directedQ) 


It is unfortunate that the tablet is in so mutilated a condition, as 
it is one of the most interesting in the collection, and seems to give 
the name of a Hittite king. 

3. The phrase reminds us of the sculptures on the Egyptian 
monuments which represent the Pharaoh receiving the symbol of life 
from the gods. 

8. Gisdari ; see W.A.I. II, 3, 590. 

9. Sagam for saqam, from sagu, "tall." 

10. For damgar, see VI, 14. 

12. If my transliteration is right, the scribe has erroneously 
repeated ina twice. But it is possible that we ought to read mat-ya 
dal-ti ki-i-na, " my country, a strong door." 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [ibSg. 

14. Salda I cannot explain. 

1 5. Timmali, the Heb. hyOiT^- 

25. The name of the city may be Nimas . . or Irmas . . or Irbar . ., 
though the first character seems to resemble ni more than />. The 
last character of the name is lost. 

28. For irtik/iu, see above, XII, 10. 

35. Artsi is evidently the Semitic VHi^, " land " 


A fragment of grey clay, broken in half : — 

1. amil ma-tsa-ru 

The guard 

2. sa ad-in 

whom I gave 

3. u al (?)-ku-u ti 

and 1 have gone{?) . . , . . 

4. u al (?)-li-[ka] . . ma-a-ri 
and I went {2) 

5. su-ut-tal te-[lat-su-nu] ebu-sa-su 
cause to go up their march up {jvhich) I have made for him : 

6. u XIII mi-e su-nu-ma 

and 13 thefn, and 

7. su-ut-tal til-la-at-su-nu 
cause to ascend their tnarch tip. 

8. i-nu-ma i-ka-si-is a-na-ku 
Behold he overcomes me. 

9. PAL DUB (?) nu si tu i-na ya-si 

ifi myself 

10. u su-ut-tal te-la-at-su-nu-ma 
and cause to ascend their march up also ; 

11. u li-im-lik sarru ardu-su 
and let the king counsel his servant ; 

12. li-si-ra sarru amil ra-bi-tsa-su 
let the king direct his night-guardiau ; 

369 ? « 


13 i-na as-ri-su-nu : 

in their place. 

14 mi . . is-ta-khi-id 

he gives (?) 

15 emiri pi kaspi 

the asses, a mouth of silver 

The next 4 lines are obliterated. 

19 pi is-mi be-[ili] 

.... {^the words) of my mouth my lord heard 

20 ardu-su pi ab be-ili i- . . -su 

his servant the speech of the father my lord (obeyed). 

21 im-ma su 

22 me iz sa ru . . . . ma 

23 ya a-ma-te-ya [sa] pi 

.... my {lord) my message of my mouth 

24. ... a-ma-te is-mi (?) sarru .... 
. . . the message the king heard .... 

25. Gis bat-te a-na sarra be-ili-ya .... mi 
the beams (?) to the king my lord 

26 ta-ti u ti . . . . ta 


27. mi-e-mi (?) pi-ku-ur ab-nam [u se-iz-] ni 
the flower of the crops and the corn 

28. tsabi bitat sarri be-ili . . . 
the soldit rs of the houses of the king my lord \took f\ 

Edge : — 

I [mi ?]-e-nu-mi-ma a-na bila . . , 

also to the lord 

2 [us-]si-ra . . . a-na . . . 

he directed ... to ... 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


5. ■S'/^Z/rt/ istaphal imperative of H'^i^- 

12. Rabitsa, literally "a lier-down," and apparently, therefore, 
denoting a guard who lay in front of his master's sleeping apartment 
at night. 

14. Istakhid ; comp. Heb. IHU^- 

24. The strange character in this line seems to be intended for e. 

25. Gis batie c^n have no connection with battu-batte, "round 
about." From XXI, 13, it would seem to signify "beams." 

27. For AB-NAM = Sasurru, see Jensen in the Zeitschrift fur 
Assyriologie I, pp. 409 sq. 

E I. For miniifni, see XXIV, 10. 


Small tablet, blackened on one side. 

1. [a-]na sarri bili-ya 

To the king my lord, 

2. ilani-ya AN-UT-ya 
my gods, my Sun-god, 

3. ki dhe-ma 
by letter 

4. at-ma d.p. Mil-ki-li ardu-ka-ma 
/ speak, (7) Malcliiel, thy sen'ant, and 

5. ip-ri sa sepa-ka 
the dust of thy feet. 

6. a-na sepi sarri bili-ya 

At the feet of the king my lord, 

7. ilani-ya AN-UT-ya 
my gods, my Sun god, 

8. VII su VII TA-A-AN am-ku-ut 

seven times seven I prostrate myself. 

9. a-ma-at ul te-bi-la 
Messages I have brought, 

10. sarru bili-ya ilani-ya 
O king my lord, my gods, 

11. AN UT-ya a-na ya-si 
my Sun-god, by myself. 

371 2 K 2 


12 a-nu-um-ma i-su si-im (?)-su 

NoT-V I have his despatch ( ?) 

13. a-na sarra bili-ya 
for the king my lord, 

14. Samsi-ya u il sa-me 
my Sun-god and the god of heaven; 

15. u lu-u-pi-i-ti 
a7id 7nay he open {it), 

16. sarru bilu-ya ili-ya 
e7'e?i the king my lord, my gods, 

17. Samsi-ya i-nu-ma 
my Sim-god. Behold 

18. sa-si a-sar 
this (is) the place 

19. sarri bili-ya sa 
of the king fny lord, who 

20. it-te-ya 
{is) with me. 


12. If tm is the right reading, we should get si>n, from satnu, 
" to appoint." 

14. Same represents the Assyrian same ; as a proper name Sanni 
or Shem in Assyrian would naturally appear as same in Canaanitish. 


Small tablet of yellow clay, much broken, 

I bili-ya 

my lord 

2. a-na ardu-su u ka-ra-ti bar-ru 
for his servant atid 

3. eli sepi-su a-na sib-bi-ir-ti su 
Over his feet for its payment {?) 

4. a-sar i-ba-sa-at 
a place exists. 

5. si-bi-ir-ti sarri bili-ya 
The pay men t {?) of the king my lord 


7iiith me. 




the . . . 





t/ie king 

my lord 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S89. 

sa-ri-bat la-[a]yu-ba-[as]-si 
.... exists not : 

u us-si-ru na-si 

and have directed the princes {?) 
a-na sarri-ya sa-ri-bat ittiya 
for my king the 
[u] a-nu-um-ma 
{And) now 

. . . ru sad-a 
. . . the mountain 

ta-zi-i (?)-bu 
you have abandoned ij)., 
i-na alani us-si-ru : 

in the cities they have directed. 
13. ina ni-tsir sa sarri bili-)a 

Under the protection of the king my lord 

The three next lines are undecipherable. 

17. a-na sarri bih-[ya] 
for the king my lord ; 

18. u a-na-ku [d.p.] ardu-[ka] aniil ta-az- .-gi 
and I thy servant the man ... 

19. sisu sad-a sa 
a horse of the mountain of 

20 a-gis sa etsi 

of wood 

21 . u 


22 a-na sarri bcli-ya 

for the king my lord. 

The fragment contains a number of words which are new to me. 

2. Perhaps karati is to be identified with karattu, Slrassmaier, 
No. 4186. 

3, 5. Sibbirti or sibirti is the equivalent of tlic Accadian ^JJ ^V 
t^^, paddu, "an account." 

6, 8. Saribat or saribe I cannot explain. 

7. Nasi seems to be identical with t^''C2- 
9. Irite is unknown to me. 




A small fragment of brown clay, much worn : — 

1. [a-na] sarri bili-[ya] 

To the king ?)iy lord 

2. [i-na] ali A-bi-is 

{in) the city of Ahis 

3. VII u VII a-na sepi 

7 {times) 7 at the feet, 

4. a-na isid ili sarri banu bin-su 

at the throne of the god the king who created his son, 

5. D.p. Kha(?)-sa ardu-su u arad 

Kha{})sa his sen'ant and the servant 

6. sarri [a-na-] ku a-na 
of the king {am) I. To 

7. D.p. A-na-ni-ri ali sarri 

Ananiri of the city of the king 

8. u a-na-ku nin 
ayid me the lord 

9. VI su . . . . i-na tsal-mu 

6 times (gave orders f) in thr shadow 

10. [sa] ali sarri bili-ya u 
of the city of the king my lord and 

11. a-na bi(?)-i-ra biti 

for the well (?) of the house 

1 2. a-na sa-ga-lu 

to fnrnish (?) 

13. pa-ni-tum bat-te-e 

the front with beams {J) 

14. AN-TA id-din 
aboz'e he gave 

15. kan-ni-su 
his injunctions 

16. [a]-na arad bili-su 

to the servant of his lord ; 

17. u te-id-din-su 
and thou hast given him 


Junk 4] PROCEEDINGS. [i8}?9. 

18. al bit-ib-bu 

the city of the jvhite house 

19. ba-su-ti-su 

as his possession ; 

20. u pu-rid-du-ti 
and the messages 

Edge : — 
I a-na a-bu-ti-ya 

to viy fathers 

2 a-na a-bu-ti-ya 

to my fathers 

3 ka-bi-ti ya-pi. 

numerous he increases. 


2. For the city of Abis, see my former Paper (p. 511). It seems 
to have lain on the north-eastern frontier of Egypt. The name 
reminds us of that of the country of Absha, from which the Semites 
came who are mentioned in the tomb of Khnum-hotep at Bcni- 

12. Sagalu I cannot explain. 

13. For battc, see XVIII, 25. 

15. Kafmi, from kanu. Cf W.A.I. V, 15, 46 5<7. 

19. Basuti, from basu, "to exist," like l>usu, "property." 

20. Purridduti, akin \.o piiridu ox piridu. W.A.I. IV, 26, 45. 

E. 3. Yapi, like yabnu and yaqhi, for the Assyrian ipi : hence the 
first part of the name of Yapa-Addu. 


Large fragment of coarse clay : — 

1. XIII sarrani nin 
Thirteen kings the lord 

2. sa mat Mi-its-ri-Ki 
of Egypt 

3. sa-me bu-su-me 


June 4] 





the si^ht 


[u] i-na 
(and) in 

amil SA-GAZ-MES 

of the executioners 


/ received 

eli cxL 
besides 1 40 

the despatch 


200 pieces of silver 


n is, h t-S'uardians 




sa ell ya-si-ya 

who (are) over myself 
u amili sa ib-bu-su 
and the 7nen who performed 

ip-sa-ti an-nli-u 

this business 

it-ti biti sa Samsi 

with the house of the Sun-god 

i-na Gis ki-ri sa 
in the garden of 

sarri (?) da (?)-na-ti 
the king {?) 

u lu-u-sib II ardi-ME 

arid may he settle 2 servants 

3. Buhane is unknown to me. 

8. The meaning of the phrase will be that the presents were 
"conveyed by the rabitsi" about whom see above, XVIII, 12. In 
this word V has been softened into t, as is so frequently the case in 
the tablets of Tel el-Amarna. 

12. The grammar here is defective : we ought to have anniti. 

13. The "house of the Sun-god" will be equivalent to the 
palace of the Pharaoh or "great house" (Egyptian /cr-ari-). 


June 4J PROCEEDINGS. [iSi'g. 


A large tablet of brown day, the latter portion of which is left 
blank : — 

1. [a-na d.p. Ni-]im-ut-ri-ya sar mat Mi-its [ri-Ki] 

To Niiniitriya king of Egypt 

2. ki dhe-ma 
by letter 

3. [at-ma Ris-takul-]lim-ma-D.p. en-zu sar mat 

I speak (/) Ris-takidlimma-Sin ki?ig of the country of 

Ka-ra-D. p.-du-[ni-as] 

4. [eli-ka lu-]su-ul-mu-a u a-na DAM-ka abli-ka 
Unto thee (be) peace from me and to thy wife^ thy children^ 

5. [u] mati u narkabati u sisi-ka 

and the country and the chariots and the horses of thee ; 

6. [a-na amil]i-ka da-an-ni-is lu-su-ul-mu 

to thy people greatly may there be peace I 

7. akhi binti tsu-kha-ar-ti binti 11 bani-ya sa a-na 
O brother, as for the little girl, my second daughter, whom for 

a-khu-za ti-du as-pu-ra 

a possession thou knoivest I sent, 

8. D.p. Ir-ta-bi sa zi-ka-ri-si i-su-ub um-mu-sa 
iinz.) Irtabi, of whom her husband did her mother turn away even 

da (?)-am-ga (?) 
Dainga (?) 

9. i-na pa-na tur-si-ip-ri a-bu-u-a i-sa-ap-pa-ra- 
in the presence of the ambassador (luhom) my father sends to thee^ 


10. yume ma-h-du-ti ul-ta-ka-ta-la su-kha-sa (?) 
for many days I have detained her dmcry (?) 

11. li-ki-sa-da-as-su u su-ul-ni;i-na sa-a 
may she obtain it and the gift which 



12. ana a-bi-ya tu-se-ib-bi-la-am 

to mv father thou didst send. 

13. i-na-an-na a-na-ku tur-si-ip-ri u as-pu-ra um-ma 

Again I an ambassador also have sent, sayiftg : 

14. MU VI KAM ta-ak-ta-la-ma u sa-a sanat vi kam 
the 6 th year thou hast tea i ted for, atid also in the 6th year 

15. XXX ma-na khuratsi sa-di kaspu tibku a-na su- 

30 inanehs of gold of the mountain (and) silver molten for my 
ul-ma-ni-ya tu-ul-te-bi-la 
present thou hast sent ; 

16. IV ban sa-a-su a-na pa-na d.p. U-si-i tur-si-ip-ri-ka 

4 bans of it in the presence of Usi thy ambassador 

17. yuts-tsi-id-du-ma i-ta-ma-ar. 
one has collected afid presented. 

18. i-si ina na-ra-ba a-di-na-as-su-nu tur-si-ip-ri-ka 
The whole in a ... . have I given them. Thy ambassador 

19. ul-ta-as-pu-ra um ma a-bil-ka-am-ma 

I have sent saying: I bring thee again 

20. u su-ul-ma-ni sa-a i-si tim-ni-[in-ni] 
also the present which the whole {of it) thou didst pay {to me), 

21. an-nu-u xxx ma-na khu-ra-tsi sa tu-[se-ib-bi-la a-na] 
this namely, the 30 ma^iehs of gold which thou didst send for 

22. [su-] ul-ma-ni sa-a e-im-taq-[qa-an-ni ?] 

a present which was pleasing (to me) (?) 

23 e-te-bu-us ■ i-na tu (?) 

I (?) have done in 

24 bi te-e-te-bu-us 

thou hast dofie 

25 u sa ka i ri 


26 ut-te-ru-ma ad-din a sa ka . . . 

.... they (?) have brought back a7id I have given 

27 sak-ka-am-ma it-ti-ya 

thee and with me 

28 si-i-ti 



29 sa at-ta te-bu-su 

which thou hast done 

30 XV SAL-MES ? La.. 

15 women 1 50 . . . 

31 ul-te-bi-la-[am] 

/ have sent 

32 X Gis LAL MES etsi [clhabi] 

10 lal trees, good trees, 

■^T^. [ul-te]-bi-ra a-na su-ul-mani ka-li 

/ huve transported for a present ; all 

34. ul-te-bi-la-ak-ku. 
/ have sent to you. 


On the blank part of the tablet is written the Egyptian character 
tiuter, " god." 

I. Nimutriya represents, as Prof. Erman has pointed out, the 
name of the Egyptian king Amenophis III, usually transcribed 
Ra-mat-neb or Ra-ma-neb by Egyptologists. The form of the name 
shows that the final / was sometimes pronounccnl in the Avord mat. 

3. I have restored the first part of the king's name from Dr. 
Winckler {Bericht, p. 3). 

7. Binti saniti hani-ya, "the second daughter of my begetting." 

8. The form si instead of sa in zikari-si seems to be due to the / 
following. Isub is the Heb. ^.TC?- 

TO. Ultakatala must be from ^572, h'ke tahtala in 1. 14, but the 
form is peculiar. Other peculiar forms in this text are likisada for 
likusada, 1. 1 1, and ultebilakku for nltebilakka in 1. 34. Siikhad seems 
to be the Heb. intir. 

15. Tibkn, "refined" metal, from tabaku, "to pour out." 

17. Yutstsiddu, from etsidu, "to harvest." 

18. ///.• more usually in the sense of " with ;" see .Mckn Smitli, 
" Keilschrifttexte Assurbanipals," II, p. 32. iXaraba : in W..\.I. II, 
48, 32, dik iij^) is given as the A(-cadian equivalent of narabu. 




Large rectangular tablet of grey clay : — 

1. [a-na-ku] d.p. Su-ub-bi-ku-uz-ki sar [sa] 

I {am) Subbi-kiizki king of 

2. [mat] ma(?)-ti-Ki a-na d.p, Khu-ri-i-[ya] 

the country of .... ti. To Klmriya 

3. [sar mat Mi-]its-ri-i-Ki akhi-ya ki dhe-[ma at-ma] 
Izing of Egypt my brother by letter (/ speak) 

4. [lu-u]-sul-mu a-na makh-ri-ka lu-u-sul-[mu] 
May there be peace before thee ; may there be peace 

5. [a-na DAM-]ka abli-ka biti-ka tsabi-ka narkabti-[ka] 

to thy wife, thy children, thy house, thy soldiers, thy chariots : 

6. [u ina lib]-bi mati-ka ag-gis lu-u-sul-mu 
and within thy coutitry exceedingly may there be peace ! 

7. akhi tur*-sip-ri-ya sa a-na a-bi-ka as-pu-ru 
O brother I my messenger ivhom to thy father I have sent, 

8. u mi-ri-is-ta sa a-bi-ka e-ri-su a-na sarri 
and the request which thy. father asked of the king 

9. um-ma rubu ya-um lu-u-ni-ib-bu-us liii-lik ... 
saying: ' O prince, to-day let us take counsel {together)^ 

10. la-a aq-bi . . mi-nu-me-e sa a-se-im-sa-ka 
I do not mentio?i tvhich I . . . .for thee, 

11. amil bil (?)-., .-ku-u e-bu-us u mi-ri-is-ta sa 

the officer has performed, and the request which 

12. u a-na a-bi-ka e-ri-su a-bu-ka me-im-ma u-ul 
also as regards thy father asked thy father {but) no one 

13. ? khup am-te-lu-u sa-ti-na 
{attended to ?), I have fulfilled all this. 

14. Gis ? ? a-kum-ka pal-tu (?) la-bi-tu a-te-ri 
The . . . . I collected for thee the / despatched, 

15. sa u-se-bi-la akhi-ya am-me-ni tak (?)-la-as-su-nu-ti 
which I have sent, O my brother, 7vhy didst thou detain {!) them 1 

* The scribe has erroneously used the character which rejuesents dur for the 
syllable tur. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [iSJ^'g. 

16. i-na-an-na akhi-ya a-na gis-gu-za sa a-bi-ka 

Again, O t)iy brother, for the throne ichich thy father 

17. ya-te-ru u ki-me-e a-kum-ka u a-na-ku 
despatched both the robes (?) have I collected for thee ei'en I, 

18. c(?)xLii ma-na i-na bi-e-ri ill kha-as-kha-nu-ma 

142 (?) manehs in the sight of the god we have desired, and 

19. u i-na-an-na ma-zu-ta u a-na-ku i-na be-ri 
also again a libation-bowl, even I, in the keeping 

20. ka-an-na-ku-u sa-a pa-nu u mi-ri-is-ta 

of a seal in fro?it ; and the request {which) 

21. a-na [sarri] a-na a-bi-ka aq-bu-u a-na akhi-ya-ma 

to {the king), to thy father, I have uttered to my brother again 

22. [aq-bi] . . . uz-za-ta i-na bi-e-ri ili i-ni-ib-bu-us 
{I speak), '•a {co7^enant ?) in the sight of the god let us niakei' 

23 [mi-ri-is-ta] sa a-na a-bi-ka e-ri-is-[sa] * 

{the request) luhich to thy father I made, 

24 ya la-a ta-bil-la-a-su 

my thou didst not bring it 

25 um-ma-a-ni sa khuratsi est-en 

a7i army of gold, one 

26 est-en sir u-ki 11 qar-qar-mes sa khuratsi 

.... one snake ... 2 of gold, 

27 KA abnu uknu sa bi-ta u a-na 

ivory, crystal of the house and for 

28 an-na-su-nu ra-bu-u akhi-ya 

.... their chief ornament, O my brother, 

26 ma .... a 

30. [u-se]-bi-la-su u 

/ have sent it and 

31 u sum-ma akhi-ya . . . 

and thus, O my brother . . . 

32 ya sir it-ti su-nu-ti . . 

my a snake witli them . . . 

* The scribe has written ta l)y mistake. 


33 akhi-ya a-na na-a-dan (?}-ni-su-nu-[ti] 

O my brother, for their gift (?) 

34 u II ki-me-e Gis-DA-MES-ya a-na 

and 2 robes, my yokes for 

35 khu-us-si XLV tubku a-na akhi-ya 

45 libation cups for my brother, 

36. u-da-ar-su-nu-ti u mi-nu-um-me-e 

1 . . . . them, and the 

37. sa akhi-ya kha-as-kha-ta [as]-pu-ra-am-ma 
which, O my brother, thou didst desire, I have sent a?id 

38. as-se-bil-ak-ku 
have despatched to thee. 

39. a-nu-um-ma a-na sul-ma-ni-ka i bi bar ? 

JVoia for a present to thee i cup (?) 

40. kaspi ku-lum v ma-na ki-lal-bi i bi bar ? 
of refined silver, 5 manehs in lueight i cup (?) 

41. kaspi ku-lum ina mit-pu-u khi-ku (?) iii ma-na ki-lal-bi 
of refined silver 3 manehs in weight, 

42. II ga-ag-gab Hb (?) kaspi x ma-na ki-lal bi-su 

2 of silver 10 manehs i?i weight 

43. II Gis-Ni kib-tum sa a-bu-tim ul-te-bil-ka 

2 spear-shafts, the weight of a ... I have se?it to thee. 


2. It is unlucky that the name of the country is lost, as it was 
probably situated in northern Syria, in the neighbourhood of the 
Hittites. The form Khuriya for the name of Amenophis IV. 
usually read Nofer-kheperu-Ra, is interesting, as it explains the 
Greek form Oros, given by Manelho, as Wiedemann has shown, for 
the king who occui)ies the place of the monumental Amenophis IV. 

10. Alinume, written minumme in 1. 36. 

Asemsa I cannot explain. 

12. If the ka oi abi-ka is right, this must be the translation ; but 
I have little doubt that the scribe intended to write abi-ya, " of my 
father thy father asked." 

15. I cannot identify the first character of the last word, which 
must begin with t. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [iSSg. 

17. Yateru^ like aferi {\. 14), iphteal oi am, "to send." 
28. Anna, Heb. Vr\. 

34. In Assyrian pidhni. 

35. Tuhkii, from tabaku. 

36. C/"^ar I cannot venture to explain. 

40. Kiilum for qulitm, from H /p- As Dr. Oppert has shown, 
^rt/// is used in the later contract tablets for coined metal. 

41. I have no idea as to how the words should be read. 

42. The scribe has added the possessive pronoun su to its ideo- 
graphic equivalent Bi. 

43. Abutifu can scarcely be abuti, " wish " or " purpose," nor can 
kibiu?n sa abutim mean " the glory of ancestry,'' as this would require 
abutiya, " my ancestors." Perhaps it is connected with abu, " a reed." 


Fragment of large tablet of dark clay, finely written, belonging to 
the Rev. Chauncey Murch : — 

1. akhi 


2. u 


3- u 


4. u ra 


5. akhu-ka 

thy brother 

6. D.p. Na-ab-khur-ri-[ya] 

Nofer-kheperu-Ra (Amenophis IV). ■ . 

7. u khar-ra-na sa [at-ta] 
and the road which (thou) 

8. la ta-pa-[ta-ar] 
dost not protect 

9. it-ti D.P. Mi-im-mu-ri-ya [abi-ka] 
With Neb-Ma-Ra (Amenophis III) (thy father) 

* A double line is drawn here and after line 27 on the tablet. 



TO. a-mas-si-el sa pa-an [u] 
/ conferred formerly^ (and) 

11. it-ti D.p. Na-ab-khur-ri-ya [a-num-ma] 
7vith Nofer-khepeni-Ra (no7ci) 

12. ag-gis ag-gis ar-ta-[gu-um ? sa] 
very exceedingly I enter a complaint (?). Of 

13. D.p. Mi-im-mu-ri-ya MU 

Nofer-kheperu-Ra for . . years . . . 

14. sul-ma-a-ni ta-a-na-[da-ni] 
the presents excellent 

15. mi-it-kha-ri-is la tu-se-[bi-la] 

together thou hast not sent 

16. sa ab-gu-ti up-pu 

of p07C'der(?) a casket (?) .... 

17. e-te-ti-is uni-ma 

like a 

18. XIV sa abnu uknu sad-a .... 

14 (pieces) of crystal of the mountain .... 

19. u i-na-an-na d.p. Na-ab-[khur-ri-ya • • •] 
And again, O N'ofer-kheperu-Ra, the . . . 

20. sa etsi u-te-ikh-khi-iz-ma .... 
of wood I take possession of, a7id 

21. IV qani e-til-lu- (?)-su-u 

the 4 papyri I have 

22. sa ablu-ka im-kut-su-ma 

ivhich thy son cut, and 

23. ap-pu-na a-na u (?)-si 

at once for 

24. ra-a-hi-mu-ka an-nu-u 

loving thee this one 

25. el a-bi-i-su a-na 

above his fathers for 

26. yu-ut-ta-ra-an-ni me 

he restores to me 

27. sa a-bu-u-su yu-ma-[khir] 

7iihich his father presefited. 
__ _ 


28. a-ma-a-te-MES an-[na-te] 

words these 

29. ta-ak-ta-bi 

thou speakest 

30. am-mi-ni 


31. a-na pa-[ni] 

before the face 


On the edge of the tablet is a portion of an illegible docket 
in hieratic, in which the symbols denoting a cartouche are alone 

It is peculiarly unfortunate that the tablet is in so fragmentary 
a condition, as most of the characters have Assyrian rather than 
Babylonian forms, and it may therefore have been a letter from the 
Assyrian king. Moreover 1. 22 seems to imply that Amenophis IV 
had a son, a fact about which the Egyptian monuments have hitherto 
been silent. The connection of the lines, however, is very uncertain, 
and 11. 19, 20 may signify : " Nofer-kheper-Ra has taken possession 
of" {yutekhkhiz). 

10. Amassel, like the Heb. 7';i^D- In W.A.I. IV, fnasalu is used 
in the sense of a " sentence." 

16. Abgiiti and uppu (if this is the full word) may be connected 
with the Heb. npli^ and the verb apapu, "to enclose." 

17. Etetis I cannot explain. 

21. I am unable to identify the character which I have doubt- 
fully read lu. 

Fragment of tablet of medium size : — 

1. [a]-na sar mat Mi-its-ri-Ki 

To the khig of -Egypt 

2. at-ma d.p. A-ma-ki-zi ardu-ka-ma 
/speak (even) Amakizi thy senuint, and 

3S5 2 V 


3. ID VIII a-na sepa sarri bili-ya 
8 times at the feet of the king my lord 

4. [AN-UTJ-ya am-kut 

my Sun-god I prostrate myself 

5. a-na sarra bila-ya um-ma te-su 

To the king my lord thus : thou hast 

6. bita ina pan ali As-(?)na-te u a-na-su 
a house in front of the city of As(?)nate, a?id to it 

7. be-li-ya 

my lord (has gone 1) 


1. [i]-na MU III MU . . 

In the 2,fd year, the year 

2. e-nu-ma a[bu-u?]-ya 

at that time my father (?) 

The contracted form oi ya used in this tablet is curious. 
2. The second character of the proper name may be read ba as 
well as ma. 

6. The first character of the name may be read Dil as well as As. 


Fragment of a large tablet of grey clay : — 


I e-ir 

2 e-ya 

3 [ilanu its-Jri-ya itti-a it-bu 

(the gods) my heifers ivith me came. 

4 ma lu-u-du-uk-su 

arid I will kill him. 

5. al-li-ka-am-ma nam-ta-ru i-da-ab-bu-ub a-na i-la-ni 
I went a7id the plague-demon plotted against the gods. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

6. al-su-su-ma i-la-nu i-da-ab-bu-bu it-ti-su mu-u-[sam ?] 

I cried to him and the gods consulted with him during the night (?) 

7. a-mu-ur-ma i-la sa i-na pa-ni-ka la it-bu-u 
Hooked and the god tuho (is) in front of thee had not come. 

8. li-ki-e-su a-na ma(?)-ar be-li sarri(?)-ka 
Seize (?) him for the son (?) of my lord thy king(?). 

9. im-til-su nu-ri ma i-lu ar-ku-u gu-bu-ukh 
Has shorn him my light and the god behind is become bald(?) 

10, ya-a-nu-su i-[na]* biti [i-]"''i pa-ni-ya la it-bu-u 
He is not in the house ; in fro7it of me he came ?iot. 

11. [u il]-la-ak nam-ta-a-ru e-im-su 

(Then) goes the flague-demon him. 

12 [su-]nu-ti-ma 

. them, and 

13 ar-ku-u 


14 ya-a-nu-ma 

he is not, and 


1. ilu um-ma-an 

The god the army 

2. it-ti-ka a-bu 

with thee the father 

3. e-ri-is ki-gal ra-bu (?)-u (?) -ma ab-ka 

the planting of the great (?) floor (has effected ?), and thy father 

4. amil bi-ru-um-mi-ma a-na-ku lu-ru-ub a-na ma-[an-zaz]e-li-ti-ka 
(is) a seer(?) and let me enter into thy lofty mansion. 

5. e-ri-is ki-gal a-na gis sa-ab-ra-ku il-li-ik-ma 
He planted the floor ; to the sabraku tree lie went, and 

the guardian (?) 

* Omitted by the scribe. 

387 2 Y 2 


6. ik-ta-bi a-na nam-ta-ri pukhru is-te-en i-na . . . ba-a-bi 

says to the plague-demon : 'ati assembly in the ... of the gate 
is stationed ; 

7. al-ka ba-bu-ka ri-its-ma li-ru-ub yu-tsa [istu-su] 
I go : thy gate joyously (1) may it enter ; has gone forth (from it) 

the plague-demon. 

8. i-mu-ur-su-ma kha-a-ki-du an-ni is ... . mis ik-ta-a-bi 
He saw him, and he says : 

9 ti su-bat e-li-ti i-na ar-kha-a . ... 

a seat exalted .... in a month .... 

10 al-la-ka lu-u-du-[uk-su] 

I go ; I ivill slay him. 


This is a curious copy of some mythological text relating to 
navitaru, the plague-demon or destiny, which has been made by 
an Egyptian scribe, probably as an exercise in Babylonian. 

8. Like probably stands for liqe, as in the other Tel el-Amarna 

9. //;//// seems to be the iphteal of 7')?2- 
Gubukh. Compare the Hebrew HU- 


4. Birummi, possibly a derivative from baru, " to see." 

5. Sabraku is a new word to me. 

Atii: see W.A.I. V, 32, 28. ^ ^ [ni-] gab = a-tu-u. 

7. I imagine ritsma to be a mimmated adverb from TV^- 

8. Khakidu is the notnen agentis of some verb which I have 
not otherwise met with, governing anni, which may signify either 
"favour" or "punishment." 


Large rectangular tablet of red clay, much worn, belonging to 
Rostovitch-Bey : the characters only partly decipherable. Marked 
1901 in the collection of Rostovitch-Bey. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


1. a-na d.p. Nap-khur-ri-ri-ya sar mat Mi-its-ri-[i] 
To Amenophis IV king of -Egypt, 

2. akhi-ya kha-ta-[ni-] ya sa i-ra-[am-an-ni] 
my brother, my son-in-law, who loves 7ne 

3. u ana-ku a-ra-mu-us ki-bi ma 
and (whom) I love, speak ?t07u 

4. um-ma d.p. Du-us-rat-ta sar mat Mi-it-ta-a-ni-[i] 

thus: Dusratta king of Mitani 

5. u-mu-u-ka sa i-ra-h-mu-u-ka [iq]-bi um-ma 
thy father-in-law 7vho loves thee speaks thus : 

6. a-na ya-si sul-mu a-na ka-sa lu-u-sul-mu 
Unto myself (is) peace ; tmto thyself may there be peace ; 

7. a-na bitati-ka a-na d.p. Te-i-e ummi-ka ft mat Mi-its-ri-i 

to thy houses, to Teie thy mother and the land of Egypt, 

8. a-na d.p. Sa(?)-a-ka-kan-sak binti-ya assati-ka 

to iaka-kansak (?) my daughter, thy wife, 

9. a-na ri-khu-u-ti assati-ka u abli-ka a-na amil tsabi-ka 

to thy concubines and thy sons, to thy soldiers, 

10. u D.p. narkabati-ka a-na d.p. KUR-RA-MES-ka a-na tsabi-ka 
and thy chariots, to thy horses, to thy tnen, 

11. a-na mati-ka u mim-mu-ka ag-gis ag-gis 

to thy country and all that is thine very exceedingly 
may there be peace. 

12. d.p. Pi-ri-iz-zi u d.p. Pu-up-ri amil tur-MES-siP-ri-ya 

Firizzi and Pupri my messengers 

13. a-na akhi-ya a-na pa-te-e al-ta-par-su-nu u 

to my brother to explain I send, and 

14. du-ul-lu-khi ag-gis ag-gis ak-ta-pa-a-su-nu 

troubled very exceedingly I despatch them ; 

15. u su-nu mi-i-su u-ta-am-ma al-ta-par-su-nu 
and them purified (?) I appoint and I send tium : 



16. u a-ma-ta an-ni-ta i-na ma-akh-ri-i-im-ma 
and this word beforehatid 

17. a-na akhi-ya aq-ta-bi d.p. Ma-ni-e amil xuR-sip-ri-ka 

to ?ny brother I say : Ma?tie thy messenger 

18. a-gal-la-a-ma Sam-me-a-tu amil xuR-siP-ri-ya . . . 
I detain, and Samvieatu my messenger . . . 

19. yu-mas-sa-ru-u-ma a-sip i-il-la-gu-u . . . 

wi/i leave and the prophet tvill go ... 

20. u i-na-an-na akhi-ya a-na ka-am-ra-ti-im-ma 
Ajid again my brother to 

21. la yu-mas-sar-su-nu-ti a-na a-la-ki u ik-ta-la-a-su-nu-ti 
has not permitted them to go a7id has detained them 

22. ag-gis ag-gis amil abli-sip-ri mi-nu-u 
very exceedingly. The messengers wherefore 

23. u-ul iz-zu-ru-u ip-par-ra-su-u-ma se-il-la-[at] 
has he ?iot protected ? They have fled a?id (there is) guilt 

24. akhi-ya as-sum amil abli-sip-ri am-mi-ni lib-su 

on my brother in respect of the messengers. Why is his heart 

25. [ig]-ak-ku am-mi-ni ul-lu-u a-na pa-ni ul-tu(?)-su 
angered "^ zvhy has he gone up (?) before the face of his . . .1 

26 ru la in-ni-es-khir d ul-lu-[u] 

he does not return (?), and he has gone up (?) 

27 sul-ma-ni-su la-a i-se-im-[me] 

his offers of peace (?) he does not listen to. 

28. [u ana-ku] kha-ta-nu ag-gis ag-gis u-mi-ka 

( Yet I), O son-in-law (am) verily thy father-in-law 

29. [akhi-y]a amil abil-sip-[ri]-ya kha . . . ri in-es-khir 

O my brother, 7ny messenger is returned (?) . . . 

30 sul-ma-ni-su 

.... his offers of peace 

Reverse. Last paragraph. 

(I a-ma-te mes ri-ba-tum (?) sa it-ti a-bi-ka 

And as to the frequent intercourse which zvith thy father 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9. 

ad-bu-bu d.p. Te-i-e ummi-ka i-di-e si-[ma]-a-ti 
I had Teie thy mother knouis the facts ; 

ma-am-ma sa-nu-u-um-ma u-ul i-di-e si-[ma]-a-ti 
no one else k?i07c>s t he facts, ■ 

tl a-khar d.p. Te-i-e ummi-ka ti-[di]-im-mis-su-nu-ti-ma 

and after Teie my jnother thou knowest them, and 

sa it-te-pa-ak-ku ki-i-me-e a-bu-ka it-ti-ya 

what he said to thee. As thy father with me 

ir-ta-na-h-am u a-ka-an-na akhi-ya i-na-an-na 

was frie?idly, so now, O my brother, again 

it-ti-ya te-ir-ta-na-h-am u sa sa-ni-i-sa ma-am-ma 

with me thou are frietidly and what (is) co?itrary thereto no one, 

akhi-ya lu la-a i-se-im-ma 

O my brother, indeed listefis to. 


This is a very important text, as it not only gives us the name of 
the queen-mother, the Thi of the Egyptologists, but also the name of 
the wife of Amenophis IV, who is stated to be the daughter of 
the writer. Unfortunately the reading of the name is not certain. 
The first character in it may be ru rather than sa, the fourth 
character has the value of khe in the letter of Dusratta published by 
Mr. Budge (No. 70, Obverse line 6), and the last character may be 
intended for ka instead of sak or ris. Equally interesting is the 
name of the messenger Pirizzi, since a hieratic docket attached to 
one of the letters of Dusratta now at Berlin, and published by 
Dr. Winckler {Bericht, p. 14), tells us that ^ <=» I ^^ was the name 
of one of the two messengers sent to Egypt by the king of Naharina. 
It is clear from the cuneiform transcription of the name that the 
Ck t was not pronounced. The name of the other messenger, which 
is lost in the hieratic text, is shown by Rostovitch-Bcy's tablet to 
have been y ][<y ^"^ *"TM Bupri. 

The language of the text is noteworthy in many respects. By 
the side of forms with the mimmation, we find illagii for illaku (19), 
agallct for akdlCi, and ittepa for itteba, to which aktapa (1. 14) should 
be added. Kime, moreover, the Heb. ^^D, is another distinguishing 
peculiarity of the letters from Mitanni. The use of the masc. ide, 
sunuti {Rev. 5) and rikhilti (9) in place of the feminine, must not be 
overlooked, as well as the frequent notation of the vowel after 



a character which terminated with the vowel in question. This 
latter is a characteristic of the Vannic inscriptions. 

5. Umu is the Heb. QH, and is written 2^ i^X^ in line 28, and 
emi in the text published by Mr. Budge. Compare emntu or ejiieiu, 

9. The feminine ri-e-khe-ti is correctly given in the text published 
by Mr. Budge (Obv. 6J, instead of the incorrect masc. rikhtiti. The 
words signify Hterally, " the beloved ones even thy wives." 

13. This is a new sense (ox pate, "to open." 

14. I connect aktapd with HDID, "to turn away," Arabic ^^, but 
considering that in Rev. 5 ittepa must stand for itteba, it is possible 
that the word is intended for aqtaba, " I address." Dnllukhi agrees, 
of course, with sunu, "them." 

15. Misu, "clean," does not make much sense here; but I know 
of no other Assyrian root to which the word can be referred. 

20. Kaviratinwia has the same termination as makhiimma (16) 
but the meaning of the word is obscure to me. Perhaps the phrase 
signifies " for the future," or else " at home." 

21. Yumassar-sufiuti, Uterally, "has left them." 

25. My restoration is doubtful, as we ought to have igaggu. 

26. Inneskhir is a difficult form, since the medial vowel shows 
that we cannot read innessar. It seems to be a quadriliteral formed 
from a Jiiphal. Zimmern notices that naskhira is written for naskhira 
{Busspsal/neji, p. 83). 

I, 2. Literally : " Teie thy mother knows the account of the 
numerous words which I spoke with thy father." 
5. Ittepa must be for itteba, from nabii. 


A tablet of red rough clay, much injured: No. 1903 in the 
collection of Rostovitch-Bey : 

1. a-na d.p. Sarri bili-ya ki-bi 

To the king my lord speak 

2. um-ma d.p. Ya-ma ardu-ka 

thus : (I) Varna thy servant 


June 4] TROCEEDINGS. • [1889. 

3. a-na sepi-ka am-kut 

at thy feet prostrate myself 

4. a-khum-mi a-na-ku ardu-ka 

/ even I thy seniant 

5. i-na bar-ri sa i-ba-sa-te 

in the sight Ci) of the dry ground (1) : 

6. a-duk ra-nu sa i-ba-sa-te 

I slew the . . . of the dry ground (1). 

7. ali-ka us-bu 
Thy cities I peopled (?) 

8. a-na-ku ardu-te-ka 
even I thy servant 

9. [amil] kha-za-nu ab-ku 

The governors were driven away : 

10. lu-u-na-ats-ra-ku 

dut I defend 

11. dur amil . . . arda-ka 
the fortress of the . . . thy servant. 

1 8. al-si-su-nu 

/ cried to them. 

1 9. dura lu-u-na-as-ru 
The fortress they destroyed 

20. \X lu-u-te(?)-ki (?) 
and passed by (?) 

21. un-nu-tu (?) al-mu 
Thereupon (?) I invested 

22. ali-ka gab-[bi] 
thy cities all [of theni\. 

The mutilation of the characters and the number of unknown words 
makes a satisfactory translation of this text impossible at present. 

4, 5. Akhummi may also be read aliimmi ; see XXX, 19, 20. 
Barri is capable of more than one signification, and ibasata (which 
can also be read imasate) may be connected with the Heb. U7!2^ ; 
but I have never before found it in Assyrian. See XXXII, 66. 

7. Usbu can also be read uspu, and is capable of several inter- 



8. The te of ardute is incomprehensible to me. 

9. Abku for abaku, 3rd pers. pi. Permansive Kal of abdku. It 
is possible, however, to read duku for diku, " were killed." 

21. I imagine itnnutii to be the unnuttu7n, "very small," of 
W.A.I. V, 23, 26. 


A rectangular tablet of pale-coloured clay, marked No. 1900 
in the collection of Rostovitch-Bey. The characters clearly written. 

1. a-na sarri bili-ya [ili-ya] 

To the king my lord, (my gods) 

2. AN UD-ya ki dhe-ma 
my Sun-god, by letter 

3. at-ma d.p. AN-iM-ki-nu-um (?)-ma (?) 
/ speak, (I) Addu-kmu(mma) 

4. ip-ri sa 11 sepa-[ka] 
the dust of thy feet 

5. a-na sepi sarri bili-ya 
At the feet of the king my lord, 

6. ili-ya AN-UD-ya vii su 
Diy gods, my Stin-god 7 times 

7. VII TA-A-AN am-ku-ut 
seven I prostrate myself 

8. sa-ag-la-te itti tsabi 
The king's wives (are) ivith the army. 

9. u sa-ag-la-te itti-ya 
a7id the king's wives (are) tvith me 

10. u la-a na-mi-ir u 
atid one does fiot see (them) ; and 

11. sa-ag-la-te a-na sum [sa] 
the king's wives (are) for the name of 

12. sarri bili-ya H na-mi-ir 
the king my lord, a?id he sees (them). 

13. u te-na-mu-su kis(?)-te 
And tho2i hast 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

14. is-tu su-pal tar-pa te-si 

from below the . . . (which) thou hast 

15. tl a-na-ku la-a i-na-mu-su 
And me has not . . . 

16. sarru bili-ya is-te-mi 
the king my lord. He has heard 

17. a-ma-te mes sa is-pu-ur 
the words which sent 

18. sarru bili-ya a-na arda-su 
the king my lord to his servant. 

19. u-khum-mi amil Gis-KA-ka 

/ have . . . thy porter 

20. <i yu-khum ali sa 
and he has . . the cities, what 

21. epus ardu-ka a-nu-ma 
has done thy servant. Noiv 

22. mas-sa-ru il a-nu-ma 
they are gone, and 7iow 

23. . . te(?)-mu-ut-te(?)-ma'; 

24. u suma sa a-rna-te-MES sa 
ajid the report of the 7aords of 

25. sarri bili-ya a-na arda-su 
the king my lord to his servant. 

26. nu-kur-ti al Tu-mur ka-[nu] 
Hostility has the city of Ttimur raised 

27. a-na ya-si {i ra-ats-pa-te 
against me a?id the biiilditigs 

28- biti EN ali Ma-an-kha-te ^X 

of the house: the lord (1) of the city of Mankhate 1 

29. a-na su-si-ri a-na pa-ni 

to direct to my preseiice 

30. tsabi bi-ta-at sarri bili-ya 
the soldiers of the palace of the king my lord 

31. ft sik-ku-u ^ al-ki pan d.p. Ba-a-ya 
a7id the .... I took in the presence of Bay a 



32. is-tu bar-te-ya u istu gan 
fro7n my jiirisdidioti and from the district 

33. amil Gis-KA-su i-na ri-bi 

his gate-keeper iJi my anger ; 

34. u NU-id a-na d.p. Ri-a-na-ap 
and I entrusted (1) to Ria-nap 

35. ala-Ki i-na bar-te-ya u 
the city in my Jurisdiction, and 

36. yu-si-su-ru a-na pa-ni 

he directed to my presence 

37. tsabi bi-ta-at sarri bili-ya 
the soldiers of the palace of the king my lord 

38. sa-ta a-kin ib-si 
This have I done (?). There is 

39. D.p. Bi-e-ya abil sal gu-la-te 

Beya the son of the chief wife, 

40. a-na al sar-ri sal ama-tu 
belonging to the city of the king, the handmaid 

41. sa sarri bili-ya ba-ni 

of the king my lord, my creator ; 

42. yu-mu-MES si-ma-ti la [is-pur] 
for some days neivs he has not (sent ?), 

43. u ka-ni-ip sa sarri [bili-ya] 
and the ded-coverer(?) of the king (my lord), 

44. al-Ki Ru-bu-te .... 
the city of Rubiite [the princes'\ .... 

45. a-na sa-su, al-Ki . . . 
belonging to him, the city . . . 

46 me 


[a-na] pa-ta-tum amili i-na xxx kaspi li alu sa 

(For) provisions the men at t^o pieces of silver and the city of 
D.p. Bi-e-ya i-na c kaspi u li-ma-ad 

Beya at ico pieces of silver : and are learned 

a-ma-te-MES ardi-ka an-nu-ti 

the words of thy servant by these men (1). 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


The texture, style, and writing of the tablet show that it must 
have been sent from Palestine. 

13-15. I can make nothing out of this passage. 

19. For ukhumnii va\A yukhu/n, see XXIX, 4. Here some such 
meaning as " instructed " seems to be required. 

26. The last character oi ka-mi is written at the end of the line 
following, there being no room for it in its proper place. 

Tumur reminds us of Tamar the older name of Jericho (?) 
Ezek. xlvii, 19. 

28. EN may represent adi^ "as far as." 

29. With Mankhate compare the name of Manakhath, i Chron. 
viii, 6. 

31. Comp, XVIII, 4. Baya is evidently the same name as Beya, 
line 39. 

34. I do not know of any ideographic value belonging to *^ which 
terminated in -id^ but the sense is pretty clear. 

Ria-nap would represent an Egyptian Ra-nofer. 

38. The second word can be also read a-jnur, " I saw," and 
a-khar, " after." Sata does not seem to be the same as the sata of 
XI, 24. Perhaps it is a singular of the pronoun satina, satumi. 

43. Kanip is possibly to be connected with the Heb. r|23. 

44. The first character of Ruhite is written like khtc. The name 
of the city occurs in a tablet given in my former Paper (III, 11), in 
connection with Gath and Keilah. There was a Rabbah in Judah, 
Josh. XV, 60. 

Edge 3. The masc, pi. anmcti cannot agree either with the 
feminine amate or the sing. ardu. For limad, see XV, 32. 


Small square tablet of pale clay, belonging to Rostoviich-Bey, and 
marked No. 1902 in his collection. 

1. a-na d.p. ... ap-pa a-bi-ya 

To ... a/'pa * my father 

2. ki d he-ma 
by letter 

* Can the name be Amasi-appa ? See my former Paper, p. 507, line 9. 



3. at-ma d.p. Ri-ib-AN-iisi abli-ka-ma 
I speak, even Rib- Adda thy son ; 

4. a-na sepi a-bi-ya am-ku-ut 

at the feet of my father I prostrate myself: 

5. ak-ta-bi si-ma as-ta-ni 

/ utter a report, I repeat (it) 

6. a-na ka-tam u-ul ti-li-u-na 

to thee. Do not go up 

7. la-an-(?)ya is-tu qa-at 
beside (?) me from the hand 

8. D.p. arad a-si-ir-ta ka-li 
of the righteoiis servant* All 

9. amili akhi it-ti-su 
the me7i brothers with him 

10. u amili kha-za-nu-tu u-ul 
and the governors do ?iot 

11. ti-es-mu-na mi-im-ma 

listen to at all, 

12. u sap-ru a-na sa-a-su 
whether to a despatch-bearer to him 

13. u ki-na-na dan-ga u 

or an official poiverful ; and yet 

14. ta-as-ta-na a-ma-tam a-na ya-si 
thou repeatest the words to me : 

15. us-si-ra-mi amil sak it-ti-ya 

'■Direct the chief man (who is) with me 

16. a-na ekalli, ix la-a ka-si-id 

to the palace, for he receives not 

17. i-ri-su u us-si-ir-ti-su 
his despatch and his direction. 

18. mas-du tsabi be-la-ti a-na ka-tam 
He excites the soldiers of the queen belonging to thee ; 

19. a-du a-zi tsabi bi-ta-ti 
he knows the exits of the soldiers of the palace 

20. a-na na-tsa-ar napisti-ka u 

to defend thy life, and 

* Or Ebed-Asherah. 

June 4] 










. aq-bi a-na ka-tam la-a 

I say to thee, not 
ka-li u-us-sar-[ri] 

all does he direct : 

u-ul PI es-ma d.p. arad a-si-ir-[ta] 

he does not hear the righteous servant. 

eli (?) an-nu epis-ti .... 

As regards (?) this, the work (is) 
[is-]tu qa-ti-su u ta . . . 
and .... 

ta-pa-la . . . 
dost not (regard ?) 

a-ma-tav a-na 

from his hand, 
a-na ya-si u-ul 
to myself thou 

u ta-as-ta-ni 

and thou repeatest the ivord 
yus-si-ir-mi elippi a-na 
He has directed a ship to 

mat Ya-ri-mu-ta u 

the country of Yarimuta 

kas'pi lu-bu-si 

the silver (and) clothing 
a-nu-ma amili sa 

Now the men whom 
a-na ya-si en-na-ab-tu 

to me are fled 



and has purified 
es-tu sa-ku 

thou hast given 
all (of them). 

a-nu-ma li-madu (?) eli ka-li (?) 

Noiv may they multiply (?) above all (?) 
ta-ku-u-ul a-na ya-si a-nu-ma 
thou hast said to me. Now 
es-ti-mi u-ul i-nu-ma 
he heard not at that time 

us-si-ir-ti amilu-ya a-na ekalli 
the directing of my man to the palace, 

u iq-bi a-na amila u iz-zi-ir 

and he spoke to the man and defended 
^ ut ka an eli tsabi (?) u am-ma-kha-a^-sa 

over the soldiers (?) and I am undone (?) 



39. VII TA-AN a-nu-ma ta-kal i-su 

7 times. Noiv thou sayest : he has (cotnmitted) 

40. ar-ni an-nu-u u i-su ar-ni 

this offence and he has (committed) an offence 

41. sa-ni mi-nu ebus ti-qa-ni-i-ma 
second. What has he done (that) thou begrudgest, and 

42. yf"^^Y ya-nu tsabi bi-ta-ti 

? there are Jiot any soldiers of the palace, 

43. il i-ti-zi-ib ali-Ki 
afid thou hast left the city 

44. u pa-adh-ra-ti u 
and the defences and 

45. pal-ta-at napisti-ya a-na 
the preservation of my life to 

46. i-bi-su i-bi-es qab-bi-ya 
accomplish the performance of my luords. 

47. sa-ta u-ul ti-i-ki 
This thou hast not . . . 

48. . . . ta mat A-mu-ri ur-ra 
the country of the Amorites day 

49. [u] mu-sa tu-nia-u-ud 
and flight thou increasest. 


1. ili bi-ta-ti u-ul ta-sa-ruv 
The gods of the palace do not direct (?) 

2. a-na ak-za-bu u ki-bi a-na sarri 

to deceit (?) but speak to the king : 

3. lu-us-sik ki-ma ar-khi-es 

let me kiss (him) like a fleet antelope. 


I can see my way but partially through this difficult text, and can 
only hope that my attempt at translation will serve as a basis for the 
emendations of other scholars. Rib-Addu, the writer of the despatch, 
commanded in Phoenicia. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

6. The curious sufifix -tia, met with in iiliu-7ia and fesmu-na (1. 11), 
has already been met with in other tal)lets written in Palestine. Does 
it represent the Heb. ^2"? See also note on line 15. 

7. The second character may be >f- bar or mas or AJ qa. 

13. Kinana can hardly be a proper name here as it is in XXX 11, 
23> 34j 57 ; but must be connected with the Aram. '^^D and '^*1^"^2, 
the r\1D!D of Ezra iv, 7. 

15, 28. The particle tnl is another characteristic of the tablets 
from Palestme, like -7ia mentioned above (line 6). In XXXII, 49, 
it may possibly denote the plural of the noun, but here and in 
line 28 it is affixed to the verb much as yQ is to the particles 
O5 ■/; &c., in Hebrew. It bears the same relation to the particle 
-ma that -;// does to the particle -na. 

17. Iri, from aru "to send." 

19. The sense of the passage indicates that adu must stand for 
yadu, from idu, "to know." 

23. We have already met with the ideograph pi, "ear," prefixed 
to the verb semu in the tablets from Palestine. 

29. The country of Yarimuta is mentioned in XIV, 73, which 
would apparently place it in northern Syria. 

Ytizaka, from zaku, " to be pure." The meaning of the passage, 
however, is not clear to me. 

30. For estu see my former Paper, IX, 30. 

8aku is the title of an official, Strassmaier, s. v. 

33. The identification of the character which may represent 
.^y][ madu is very doubtful. 

34. In takiil, from qalu, the guttural is weakened as is so often 
the case in the tablets from Palestine. 

35. The position of id after the verb is most anomalous. In 
Assyrian estiini would be written isteme. 

38. AnimakJiasia is a tiiphal from mak/uisii, a verb otherwise 
unknown to me. 

46. The particle / in i-tizib (as in i-nibiis above) has been 
explained by Uelitzsch. 

48. The land of Amuri is alluded to in a tablet now \w the 
British Museum mentioned by Mr. Uudge (No. d-^). 

401 2 G 



1 . As »— represents the syllable as elsewhere in these tablets, the 
natural reading would be fasas instead of tasariiv, but the sense 
would be obscure. My translation, however, can hardly be correct, 
since we ought to have tesiru instead of tasarii. 

2. With akzahu the name of 3,''D^ or Ekdippa is parallel. 


A long rectangular tablet of yellow clay, belonging to 
M. Golenisheff 

1. D.p. Ri-ib-Ad-[du] .... 
Rib-Addu .... 

2. a-na sarri be-li . . . 

to the king my lord . . . 

3. a-na ki-ta sepi [sarri beli] 

beneath the feet (of the king my lord) 

4. vii TA-AN u VII [a-ma-tav] 

7 times and 7 times (a message) 

5. as-tap-par as-ta-ni a-na [ka-tam] 

/ send, I repeat to thee ; 

6. u la-a tu-zu-nu u 
and thou shall not be angry ; and 

7. PI is-mi sarru be-li a-ma-[te] 

hears the kifig my lord the words ; 

8. Ci i-pi-si-ii amilu abil-sip-[ri] 
a?id interprets the messenger 

9. a-na bit-ti e-gal si-ma-tav 

to the palace even to Pharaoh the report. 
10. tal-ku-ut i-ya-nu tsabi ma-tsa-[ar-ti] 

Gone are not the soldiers of the guard 
\ r. a-na sa-a-na si-ma-ti mu-ru-us-[ti-ya] 

to repeat the report of my disaster. 

12. i-nu-ma la-a na-ap-dhur ni-rib-tav ti-is-la* 

Behold ive have not defended the lowlands (loJiicIi) thou didst entrust 

* From n?L", see 1. 85, not ii-niil-la from N?D. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

13. a-na ya-si ki-ma amili kha-MES-za-ni akh-khu-ya 

to myself like the governors my brothers 

14. u ti-na-i-su (?) ni-sap (?)-par a-na ku-mi-e 
a7id. we send(?) to the camp(l) 

15. ^ik-ka-ti (?) a-na ma-khar-ri d.p. Kha-mu-ni-ri 
of huts (?) to the presence of Khaimi-niri 

16. ft ? ya i-is-tu ya-ti 
and my . . . from myself 

17. i-na sit(?)-mi al Du-la-Ki 

in the streets (?) of the city of Dtda 

18. a-na na-da-ni al Di-li-pi (?) 

to give the city of Dilipi(?) 

19. a-na abli arad d.p. a-si-ir-ti 

to the sons of the serz'ant' of righteoiisness* 

20. i-nu-ma ma-khar amil akhi-ya i-nu-ma 
Behold before my brother, behold, 

21. a-zi amil i-sip-ya ri-barmi 
(is) the going forth of my prophet 

22. i-ya-nu >=y"C-^ ma-a ar-tam it-ti-su 
There are no ? , and I dwell (?) with him 

23. u Ya-an-kan-ni u Ki-na-an-na 
and Yankanni and Jiijianna. 

24. a-bu-us ar-na tl a-ta-ri-id-ni 
/ have committed a fault, and have departed 

25. is-tu AL-li-Ki u-ul ya-ku-ul-mi 
from the city ; does not address me 

26. sarru be-li a-na ip-si-tas an-nu-u-tam 
the king my lord in regard to this his business. 

27. a-nu-ma a-na ku-la-a e-la-u-mi 

Now at the words (?) I went up 

28. i-ri-ma a-na matati Mi-its-ri-e 
wheti one brought to the countries of Egypt 

29. si-ma-ti u mur-su-u-nu 
the report and troubles 

* Or Ebed-Ashcrah. 

403 2 G 2 


30. a-na sir ra-ma-ni-ya u i-du-mi 

to the person of myself ; and knew (it) 

31. sarru be-li i-nu-ma ili al Du-la 

the king my lord. Behold the gods the city of Dula 

32. mas-du-na u mur-su-u ma-rab 

excite and it is troubled exceediiigly 

33. li khi-e-khi-ip-ti a-na ili 
And supplications (?) (are made) to the gods. 

34. ki-na-an-na la-a i-ri-bu 

Kinanna has not entered 

35. a-na ma-khar sarri be-li-ya 
into the presence of the kitig my lord, 

36. u a-nu-ma abil-ya arad sarri bel-ya 
and now my son the servatit of the ki fig my lord 

37. us-si-ir-ti a-na ma-khar sarri be-li-ya 
has directed himself to the pi'csoice of the king my lord : 

38. 11 PI is-mi sarru a-[ma]*-te AR-du-su 
a>id has listened the king to the words of Ids sen' ant ; 

39. u ya-ab-na sarru be-li-ya 
and has formed the king my lord 

40. . . MES U 


41. ip (?)-du AL-li-Ki \x la-a .... 

the city, and not .... 

42 bu-mi tsabi sa-ra 

the soldiers a multitude (?) 

43 ti 

44. a-na ri-bi-si u ti-ili-[nu] 

to its full extent, and went up 

45. tsabi bi-ta-at sarri be-li-ya 
the soldiers of the palace of the king my lord 

46. a-na la-ki-si a-khar-nia nar-du 

to take it (\. e. the city) : afterwards descended 

47. amili ra-i-mu-ya a-na ri-bi ali-Kl 
the men who lo7'e me into the 7C>holc of the city 

* Oniittcd by the scribe. 

fuNE 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

48. itti (?) amili sa sup-tu a-na ri-bi-si 
with (?) the men of the throne to its full extent. 

49. a-zi-mi tsabi bi-ta-tu u sa-mu 
Came forth the soldiers of the palace and established 

50. a-na sam-nii ka-sa-ap-si ft 
for an indeinnity its payment and 

51. ta-ra-at ali-Ki a-na sarri be-li-ya 
the return of the city to the king my lord 

52. <1 pi-di be-li i-nu-ma il(?)-su-a 
and the clemency of my lord. Behold my . . . ! 

53. i-nu-ma a-na-ku a-na al-H-ki a-na tsa-ar-pi 
Behold I to the city to be smiths 

54. a-na be-li-ya pana ta-ri-its gab-bi 
for my lord turn all (the meJi). 

55. eli sarri be-li-ya la-a na-din-mi 
As regards the king ??iy lord he does not give 

56. ali-Ki a-na abli arad as-ra-ti 

the city to the sons of the servant of Asherah * 

57. Ki-na-an-na. nu-kur-mi akhu-ya al Ki-ti 

the Canaanite. Has estranged my brother the city of Kiti 

58. a-na na-da-ni-si a-na abli ardi-[su] 

to give it to the sons of his servant. 

59. u-ul ya-ku-il-mi sarru be-li is-tu 
Has not spokeri the king my lord. From 

60. AL-li-KI duri GIS-TAL GIS-AT 

the city (and) fortress various woods (?) 

6[. kaspa khuratsa a-na gab-bi-si a-na bit ili-si 

silver (and) gold for all of it for the temple of its gods, 

62. ma-ad mi-im-mu dura pif its-ba-tu-si 

a?i abundance of everything, a fortress ? has taken it 

^13. sarru be-li itti gis-tal bu-na-na ardu-su 

the king my lord ; 701 th the . . . wood an image I his servant 

64. a-bu-us u ya-di AL-la Bu-ru-Zi-lim 

have made, and he has assigned the city of Buru-Zilim 

* Or EJied-Asherali. f ro>sil)Iy intended for ti ; see Edge I. 



65. a-na a-sa-bi-ya a-nu-ma a-na ma-khar 
for my seat. Now to the presence 

66. D.p. Kha-mu-ni-ri i-ma-sa-ti i-nu-ma 
of Khamu-7iiri the . . . . , behold, 

67. na- . . -ra-at alu-Ki khal-al Bu-ru-Zi-lim 
has sent (?) the city., even the fortress of Biiru-Ziliin. 

68. na-kur-ru pal-kha-tu abli arad as-ra-ti 
Conceived (?) fear the sons of the servant of Asherah ; 

69. i-nu-ma sik-ka-ti a-na ma-khar d.p. Kha-mu-ni-ri 
behold the huts (?) in the presence of Khamu-niri 

70. ris abli arad a-si-ir-ti i-nu-ma 
the eldest of the sons of the servant of righteousness, behold 

71. da-nu eli-ya A i-ya-nu sa-ri 
they adjudged tinto me, and there are not many 

72. ka-bi sarri a-na ya-si u ki-bat-ti 
words of the king against me, and a speech 

73. a-na be-li-ya a-kin al Du-H a- la 

to my lord I made. Of the city of Dulu the city 
ilik-ku il 

they have taken and 

74. mad mi-im sarri a-na ri-bi-si 

a7i abundafice of the property of the king to its full extent, 
(and) the goods. 

75. amili at-ti-nu pa-na-nu duri qa-sik sarri a-na 
The men of the fortress, the officers of the king unto 

76. gab-bi KHAL-AL-Ki mat-Ki na-tsu-ni ya-nii 
the zvhole of the city (and) country are gone forth ; there 

[itti] sa-su 
ftone ivith him. 

77. la-a ya-ku-il sarru a-na ip-si an-nu 
Does not speak the king upoti this matter. 

78. a-nu-ma ardu-ka abli-ya us-si-ir-ti a-na 

Now thy servant my son directs himself to 

79. ma-khar sarri beli-ya u pi-si-ra abli-MES-[sip-ri] 
the presence of the king my lord and interpret the messengers. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

80. sarru mas-du tsabi ti-il-ku AL-la-Ki 
The king levies the soldiers : they haye taken the city 

81. dur sarri be-li a-kan-na-nu-ni u 
the fortress of the ki fig my lord. I have performed my duty (1 ) and 

82. a-te-ru-ni a-na ali-Ki u a-na [dura?] 
have returned to the city and to (the citadel?) 

83. ki pa-na a-na sarri be-li-ya dur 

as formerly. For the king my lord the fortress 

84. sarri be-li a-na ri-[bi-]si u 

of the king my lord to its full extent and 

85. is-la is-tu 

he entrusted from 

86. ki-ma pi(?)* 


87. '. . zi 

88. D.p. Kha-mu-[ni-ri] 


89. a-di ma 

as far as 

90. PI is-mi [sarru be-li a-ma-te sa] 
heard (the king my lord the words of) 

91. ardi-su 

his servant 


1. tsabi bi-ta-at u ti-its-ba-tu tsabi 
The soldiers of the paiace aiso have captured the soldiers 

ki-ma kha-mu-ti-is [u] 
like heat and 

2. ali-Ki ki-ma ar-khi-is u ti-il-ku AL-la-Ki 
the city like a fleet atitelope ; and have taken the city. 

3. amilu til-mi a-na pa-ni sarri 

The 7nessenger (1 ) has approached the presence of the king. 

la-a ya-ku-ul-mi sarru be-li 

Has not spoken the king my lord 

* Probably ar-[khi-is]. 


4. a-na . . . . ki e(?) ku mi dan-na-tu a-na ip-si mar-zi an-nu-u 

to tJie powerful upon this difficult matter 

5. la da-na-at a-na pa-ni sa a-pa-as-mi 
Thou dost not decide before my face what I have done 

a-na matati [u] 

/;/ regard to the countries (and) 

6. tsabi sarri be-li-ya u ma-ar-khi 
soldiers of the king my lord and the relatives (1) 

7. sa sarri be-li 
of the king my lord. 


The desperately difficult despatches of Rib-x\ddu and his son can 
be cleared up only by comparison with one another. It will be 
noticed that they are distinguished by many peculiarities, such as the 
softening of !J and p into t and "7, the use of ^*~ with the values of 
a and ma, and of >->-y with that of il ; the curious employment of 
ideographs like *i^*- before the verb semu "to hear," the attachment 
of the particles -;///, -;// and -7ia to the verbal forms, (S:c. They are 
written on yellow clay, and the characters are small, with the wedges 
laid one upon another. Hence >]p- often represents »->-Y and *^ 
represents ii-|, 

6. Tuzunu, pael of zanii, " to be angry." 

9. It is interesting to find the exact equivalent of the Egyptian 
per-aa, "Pharaoh," or "great house," in the cuneiform text. 

10. The use of a tiphel is characteristic of the language of this 
class of tablets. Thus we have talkut here, from "TTTI ; tilku, from 
T^ph, in 11. 81 and edge 2, and even titsbutu in edge i. 

13. The ideograph of plurality (ries) has been misplaced by the 
scribe. It ought to follow the character 7ii. 

14, 15. These lines are obscure to me. Kumc may be kunwie, 
"habitations." ^ikkati or sikkati means " thickets " (TODX also, 
" objects of wood," " framework of wood," and the like. Compare 
line 69, as well as XVIII, 3, and XXX, 31. 

I 7. If sitnii is the right reading, the word may be a derivative 
from samu, " to place." 

21. Isip instead of asip is noticeable, as it implies a Canaanitish 
pronunciation of the word with initial yod and thus tends to verify 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

my conjecture that f]DV primarily represented the Babylonian word 
for " prophet " or "diviner." Ri-bar-vii (the first character may also 
be read tal or dal^ and the second mas or qa) is perhaps the name of 
the prophet. 

22. Perhaps we should read gis-mes, "there are no trees." 
Artam occurs in my former Paper (p. 511, line 24, where the 

preceding character seems to be nli^ "city"). I cannot exjilain artam, 
which is probably an Iphteal form. 

23. Kinanna must be a proper name here, possibly meaning "the 
Canaanite." See 11. 34, 57. 

24. Atarid-tii seems to be a tiphel present of radu, with the 
conjunctival affix -ni. 

27. For the particle -/;//, see above, XXXI, 15. 

29, 32. Mursihiu and i/nersu seem to correspond to the Assyrian 

33. IMy translation o{ klickhipti is merely a guess. I do not even 
know how the word should be read, as .^ may be dhi as well as khi, 
and the labial may be b instead of /. 

37, 39. One of the j^eculiarities of this class of tablets is the use 
of the substantive 2tssirti, "direction," in place of the verb. The 
phrase must be elliptical, some verb like iskun being understood : see 
below, 11. 79, 80. Also the use of forms like yabfia, yacjbi, yadi, for 
the Assyrian ibna, iqbi, idi. 

42. Sara may be saru, the Greek aopus, borrowed from the 
.\ccadian sar, "a multitude." 

48. Or perhaps amili sa-rii-tu, "men of the kingdom." 

49. Here -mi may represent the plural rather than the particle of 
which I have spoken above. But compare 1. 32, where the suffix -;ziz is 
attached to the participle or permansive viasdu ; also nadiii-/iiin\ 1. 55. 

50. Kasapti, from ?1D3 with t^ for D • 

52. Fidi, hompadi/, "to spare," and compare the Heb. nVTC- 

54. Fap/a is literally, "as regards the face." 

56. According to Dr. Winckler, Abdu-Asrati occurs as a proper 
name in a tablet at Berlin. Here, however, it seems to be a title of 
Kinanna. In 11. 68, 70, the phrases arad asrati and arad asirti 
appear to be parallel to one another ; ami since asrati would be the 
plural of asirti, it is tempting to make asirti \.\\(^ ecjuivalent of Ashcrah, 
and asrati of the Asheroth. Many years ago I pointed out that the 



Assyrian esrit, " a shrine," of which asrati is an equivalent, corres- 
ponded to the Heb. ashcrah ; and the Accadian name of the month 
Nisan is explained (W.A.I. II, 35, 55) as asib parak asirtwn, "he 
who dwells in the inner shrine." (We can scarcely read asip, 
"prophet," here). On the other hand, arad asirti is interchanged 
with arad kitl, " servant of justice," in the Tel el-Ama!<-na tablets ; see 
my former Paper, p. 493. For the present, therefore, I must leave 
it doubtful whether arad-asirtum is to be translated " servant of 
righteousness," or " servant of the temple" of (Asherah). 

In W.A.I. II, 39, 23, the Accadian falla-^iood is rendered by the 
Assyrian dhmnmii . . . 

64. Vadi represents the Assyrian idi, for iddi, from nadu. 

66. For imasati or ibasati, see above, XXIX, 5. 

68. I can offer no explanation of nakurrti. 

72. In kibatti >-< should probably be read bit. 

76. For qasiJz, see Strassmaier, No. 7332. 

79, So. For ?/i'i'//-// and pisira, see above on 11. 37, 39. 

82. Akaimanu-ni, from p3- 

Edge 2. The parallelism of kima k/ia?iiutis (from n^H) makes it 
probable that arkhis is from araklm^ "to hasten," and is not the 
Arabic r-j'* 


I add here a revised copy of the tablet given in my former Paper 
No. Vn, which is now in the possession of M. Golenisheff : — 

1. [a-na sar-]ri beli-ya . . . 

To i/ie king my lord . . . 

2. . . . ni amil abil-sip-[ri] 
. . . ;// the messenger 

3. [sa] sar-ri rab-bi ki-[bi] 

of the great king say 

4. [um-]ma d.p. A-zi-ru* amil Mu . . . 

thus : I, Azirii the Mu . . . 

5. VII su u VII su a-na sepa 

7 times and 7 times at t/ie feet 

* Or perhaps ri. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

6. ili-ya \\ Samsi-ya am-[k:ut] 

0/ my god atid my Sun-god prostrate myself. 

7. bel-ya iii-ya Samsi-ya . . . 

my lord., my god, my Sun-god . . . 

8. a-na-ku amil ardu-ka ft abli-ya 

1 (am) thy servant, and my sons 

9. ti akhi-ya araili arda-tum 
and my brothers (are) men of sennce 

TO. sa sar-ri beli-ya a-di ta-ri-ti 
to the king my lord tintil death. 

1 1, a-nu-um-ma gab-bi mi-ri-is-te-MES 

Now all the requests 

12. sa sar-ri-ya u-se-es-se-ir 

of my king I have carried out, 
[3. u sa it-ta-az-zi 

atid 7vhat has gone forth 

1 4. [is-] tu siri ka-bi-i 
from (his) body even the words 

1 5. sar-ri-ya u-se-es-se-ir 

of my king I have carried out. 

r6. a-nu-um-ma kha-ba(?)-ru (?) .... 
Now the 

17. Ci Gis-MES rab-bu-te [u-za-kip] 
and the great trees (I have planted). 

18. gab-bi sa it-[ta-az-zi] 

All which has gone forth 

19. is-tu siri ka-[bi-i] 
from (his) person, even the words 

20. sar-ri beli-ya [u-se-es-se-ir] 

of the king my lord (I have carried out) 

21. [a-]na(?) ipr?)-[si-ti an-ni-ti] (?) * 

for(?) (this work) (?) 

* Perhaps the traces of the characters would better lend themselves to the 
restoration : « lti-za-\_kip etsi\, "And I planted the trees." 


June 4] 








[u] sar-ri [bel-ya a-na amil abil-sipri] 
And the king (my lord, to the messenger) 

i-ga-bi [um-ma] . . . 
speaks thus : ... 

. . istu p^a-an rubi . . . 

. .from the face of the prince . . . 
.... pa-am sa beli-[ya] . . . 

of my lord . . . 

mat Nu-kha-[se-Ki] 

of the country of Nukhase 

. . bu-di (?)-num it-ti . . . 

2aith . . . 

[u] la-u pa-an ni-si . . . 
the men . . . 

i-na nu (?) . . mu . . . ki-ma 

in like 


. . . the foot (?) 

u sarri 

and the kins:s 

and strong before 
al Tsu-mu-ri 
the city of Simyra 

a-pa-ru (?) al 

a marsh (? ) the city of Simyra. 

bel-[ya a-na-]ku amil ardu-ka 

O my lord I (am) thy servant 



32. u sarru a-na amil [abil] sa-ar-ru-ti 

And the king to the son of the kingdom 

2)T). [i-gab-bi] u rubu num-qar risi-ya 

(speaks) and, O prince, the .... of my head, 

34. [ka-bi-i ?] bel-ya la te-se-im-mi 

(the words ?) of my lord thou dost ?iot hear. 

35. li sar-ri beli-ya ili-ya u 
And may the king my lord, my god and 

36. amil abil sip-ri-su li-is-pur-ra-am 

Ids messenger send 

37. it-ti amil abil [sip-ri]-ya 
ii<ilh my messenger ; 

38. u li-sim (?)-[me] [sii)-]ri-[su] 
and may he hear (?) his message 

39. sa i-ga-ab-bi [um-ma] 
which he says (thus) 

my gods 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

40. beli-ya i-na-an-na .... 
O my lord, again .... 

41. [ki-]i-me-e u-ta 

as I have 

42. [sarru] beli-ya ili-ya . . . 
lei the king my lord my god . . . 

I kha-mu-dis* us-se-ra-am 

. . . by way of a present I se7it : 
2 bi(?)-ka istu qati sa sarri beli-ya u- . . . 

from the hand of the king fny lord I . . . . 

A comparison of the above with the transcription of the text in 
my former Paper, will show how many corrections have been intro- 
duced into the latter by a larger acquaintance with the styles of 
writing peculiar to the Tel el-Amarna texts and by the cleaning of 
the tablet. It will illustrate the necessity of publishing and com- 
paring all of them that exist. It is only in this way that obscure 
passages will be cleared up, and mis-readings and mis-translations 
corrected. Let it be borne in mind that the translations I have 
given above are but first attempts, with all the imperfections that are 
inevitable in first attempts. But the first attempt is better than none 
at all, and the primary duty of the Assyriologist is to assist others in 
understanding the texts which he edits. 

Tariti in line 10 must clearly mean "death," perhaps as being a 
" return " to the under-world. 

In line 26, the name of the country which is described as having 
been in the neighbourhood of Phoenicia is supplied from tablets at 

The translation of line 28 is very doubtful. 

NUM-QAR can hardly be identified with the Accadian ^i^x-gir 

In concluding this Paper, I have to express my thanks to 
Rostovitch-Bey, M. Golenisheff, and the Rev. Ch. Murch, for their 
kindness in permitting me to copy and publish the tablets in their 
possession. I hope it will not be long before my copies will appear 
in the Proceedings of this Society. 

* Or better, as in XXXII, Edge 2, \kima\ khaniu-tis, " in haste." 


By F. L. Griffith.* 

I have now the unexpected pleasure of submitting to the Society 
a series of conjectural emendations proposed to me by Professor 
Adolf Erman, together with the results of verifying the passages 
in question on the original. 

I. I. "lies ^^|^<^,^?" The slight trace of a sign 
after su, which is fairly represented on the facsimile, cannot be 
part of ^. %_ is of course an extremely improbable reading. 
Possibly the stroke is only accidental. 

n "Tk (^ V 1 — \ I n n n Ci I i 

I. 2. " lies I v\ T UA I I '^ I U U LJ I ? " The plural sign 1 
is not there, but "^1 is by no means impossible, though the sign 
is badly formed ; read therefore i^ | ^ [I] ^^. 

I. 3. "das Fragment aus der Mitte der Seite habe ich auch 
immer dor thin gesetzt." Omit the ?. 

I. 4. " am Anfang ist wohl nur [J^ ( ^~~^ (2] zu ergiinzen, ■ fiir 
hr hpnv m ist doch wohl kein Platz " I agree to this as the 
most probable reading. 

<« .^aa ^ ^vwv^ I Wl LJ Yx\ ^^^ ? Allerdings erwartet man 

-.^ ^." Not possible. 

1. 5. " 1^ f ^^^-^ \^ I ^^ 7\]<=> Erganzt nach IV. 8. Passt 
das in die Liicke?" \%% <=^ ^^^=3 © XH. i, XHI. 5, is the re- 
gular expression, but ^^^ S^s- ^' I^' 4) etc., or ^j\ <=> ^ M- 
i]i]'^-=-- I , etc. Sm is hardly the right word. The only objection 

to ^^>A ^^ ^'^^^ '^^^ common word is always spelt .^^^, an 
arrangement which is hardly possible here, "^[l] is very probably 

right. Read |v ^ ^_ ^ [' S] ^ <^i>. 

-B^ (2 sic ? sic 

* See p. 161. In the note on that page read "add Cocmans, Manuel," and 
on page 162, note, for XVII. 6, read XVIII. 6. 


June 4] TROCEEDINGS. [1889. 


II- S. " i ,,,,„^ Cr3 "^^ |°| ist doch kaum moglich ; konnte 
T"::::w!7 "i^ht etwa em Rest von ^ ^^ sein?" ^ ^=f is quite 

impossible, f and aaaaaa are certain. a has only lost the upper 

part, ITT] and i°| are certain, ^ ^^^j are broken and confused, 
f i::Z::^ ^lust be a mistake for f -7^ . Correct IT^ "^^ to 

III. I. ' steht denn wirklich ^^== 1 ^ tCl ? ^ass ^== is ja 
ein Unding fur eine solcher Handschrift, und wie ungeschickt ware 
es gemacht ! Ist das nicht etwa ein moderne Correktur ? ' The 
ink is certainly not modern. The facsimile is correct, and the lines 
are fairly defined and little worn. ^== seems the only possible 
reading. ' Der Satz bedeutet " lass meine Frisur mWa mivollejidet 
bleibeti " (d. h. unterbrich mich jetzt nicht beim Frisiren) yo-l 
1-7^ f S*i' "unvollendet lassen " (Stele von Kuban, Z., 31).' 
Groff also quotes this illustration. 

Ist denn ^ ^ 1^ ^ ' ^^^- " ' ^^I- 3' ^'^^''^'S ? ^'^s. 

IV. 1. 'der schluss heist wohl " ich werde es nicht aus 7nei7ie7n 
Mund zu irgend welchen Leuten komrnen lassen.'" 

V, I. ' 7\ ^ 7\ ^^^^ wohl mit / wie immer?' Yes. 

4. ' Die conjectur ^ [1 *^^^ ist sehr hiibsch, aber mir bleibt 
der Sinn dabei unklar.' See Netciig. Grain., p, 163. 

VI. 3. 'P@P#5 YM^^(il|-/^istSchreib-fehlerfur^//y//r?c'V, 
"fliehen," vgl. p®P^^<=>|7^, Mar. Karn., 53, 37.' 

VII. 9. '^7^"^^. |(^)' ^^^ (W) ist doch wohl der Kopf 
eines verwischten k^^, das ja dort stehen miisste.' I think how- 
ever that the scribe again made an absurd mistake, for there is not 
a trace of the tail. 

XL 5. ' Steht nicht an dieser Stelle etwa so im Ori^-inal 

Locke) ist ein Tribut fiir dich aus einem andern Lande," vgl. die 
'^^'^, Geschenke der Dorfer in den Griibern des a. R.' Each of 



the signs '^z:::^ <2 '^ is clear in the original as in the facsimile, but 
that fact does not deprive the conjecture of its felicity. In a later 
communication Professor Erman says, 'Wenn IX, 5, also wirklich 

(9vgi llO steht, so wird der Schreiber in der Handschrift die er 
kopirte ^ ^^^ (| l| gehabt haben, und dies falsch gelesen haben. 
"To ^^ t J " Tribut," kommt ja meines Wissens sonst im n. R. 
nicht vor, wahrend es im a. R. desto haufiger ist ("^^ '^) ■ Aber 
es ist ja auch nicht auffallend, wenn die Gelehrten des Pharao ein 
alterthiimliches Wort gebrauchen. Schreibfehler sind ja iiberhaupt 
genug im d'Orbiney da ! So XI. 7, ^ \ [[ ^ ^ fff , XII. i, 

u. s. w. 

XVI. 3. 'lies [wAA/^] ^^ wie XVII. 10.' Yes. w, I think, was 
a slip of the pen. 

XVI. 4. ' steht denn wirklich "^ I ? Ich dachte jetit 

immer nur Reste eines sehr breites - l^,' zu sehen.' 

My transcription of the passage was wrong. Either '(K . [1 

or I n ^ (without fa) are possible solutions of the hieratic. Of 

these the latter must of course be preferred, although it involves an 
unusual form of 1 — r . 


XVIIL 2. 'icherganzte ^ 

Ist das so unmoerlich wie es auf Ihres Tafel aussieht?' 


It is quite impossible. The red ink is very indistinct, and the 
preparer of the facsimile read it wrongly. 


June 4] 



By Dr. A. Wiedemann. 

Some months ago the University Library of Bonn bought a series 
of sheets formerly belonging to Mr. Lee, and containing lithographs 
of monuments in the Hartwell Museum. The plates were made 
by Madeley, Lithographer, 3, Wellington Street, Strand, about 1835, 
and have, as far as I have been able to discover, not been offered 
for sale. But even if they were not privately printed, the lithographs 
are mostly so indistinct that their publication would not be of great 
service in reading the inscriptions. In the example at Bonn the texts 
have been corrected, mostly by Dr. Leemans of Leyden ; sometimes 
copies have been added, and in some cases even rubbings. By 
help of these materials the monumental texts were easily restored. 
The following appear to merit publication : — 

I. Group of two sitting statues of grey stone, representing a man 
and his wife, the latter wearing a large wig. The statue was bought 
at Sotheby's, i6th March, 1833, and is No. 573 in the printed 
catalogue of the Museum. The inscription covering the middle 
line of the clothes has been erased ; those near the chair are 
preserved (lithograph, special copy, rubbingV At each side are 
6 vertical lines, running to the right : — 


\J D 

^37 — ^ fv/-v/i 
===>! i I I ^37 

ft/' AAA/* V^ -7 

1 /WNA/NA ■*■ -^ I 

f o ^* 

c^ -cs:=^ 



2 /vv^,AA,-v "y ^ , 

A^VAAA I i£j 


I I I I o ^ 


o I I I 



1 1 



■ O o 


D X 



2 H 

June 4] 



Of this User-ha we possess many funeral cones found at Thebes, 

aj^.,u„.i„g hi™ - n W T V fl ™ 1 P s^ ¥ W T 

^ (Wiedemann, Grabkegel, IV, 12; Petrie, Season 1S87, 

pi. 23, 86); to his family belonged probably Thuti-nefer, whose 
stela is at Turin (Rossi, Atti dell' Acad, di Tormo, XVII, 814 sqq. ; 
Piehl, Rec. de Trav., IV, 121 sqq.; Inscr., pi. 83-4; Maspero, 
Hec. de Trav., IV, 125 sqq.; cf. Lieblein, No. 583), and who had 
for brothers Neb-ua and the director of the house of Thutmes I, 
User-hat. The god named at the beginning of the text — in the 
original the middle-pillar of the hieroglyph forming his name is 
standing on a horizontal line — is known from a text published below, 
and from a pillar found at Memphis (now at Leyden ; cf. Brugsch, 

DicL Geogr., 758), where we read ^^] 


The idea of a resurrection in the month Choiak, in 

whicli Obiris is raised from the dead, occurs again in the PaJ). hiling. 
Rhind, II, 4, line 8 (ed. Birch, pi. 8) ; the Hartwell text shows 
this idea to be as old as the i8th dynasty. 

The text on the left of the chair is : — 






( — Ti) 


j\ I 


oi ■ 








n I 


O:^ LL 

■ 1 5> I I I I T ^AA/W^ I I M°| 1 \ AA,WV^ Xt'k 

2. Cowering statue. No. 574 of the catalogue, enveloped in 
a large cloth ; only the hands are to be seen. At the pillar at 
the back the inscription (corrected lithograph, rubbing) : 1 A 

o D 




O D 



At the base a very nicely 

June 4] 



written text runs to the left and to the right. The left side of 
the base being broken off, only the words "T" 1 A ' 

fl O F\ / j 

are preserved ; at the right the text is complete 

O D 

the hieroglyphs shows that this Sebauk-hetep lived at the time of the 
1 8th dynasty. 

3. Quadrangular Naos-stela, Cat. No. 553. Above ornaments, 
then an inscription from right to left in 7 horizontal lines (corrected 
lithograph, rubbing) : — 


T o =--^.^o!o III --oT^h^ 


_ga^ I I I 

ll A_fl I I 1 

r? Q '\A/\AAA \- -7 

IT ® m 


I I I 


I I I 

I 1 1 

I I I 

J i, 





Below a sitting man, a flower in the hand ; before him an altar 
and a man, lifting the right hand as if speaking, and holding in the 
left a burning censer. 

4. Stela Cat. No. 446 has been published by Sharpe, Inscr., II, 
68. The corrected lithograph gives the following emendations of 
Sharpe's text. Above is twice written 1] g ; the indistinct sign 
in the title of the priest is always |. Over the jjicture of Osiris 

419 ::? H 2 

June 4] 



is found [[[[if • 1. I is to read ft ^zi ; 1. 5, the pointed 
sign is n ; 1, 6 at the end r ; 1. 7 ' ' ; the f=^ at the end 

could be AAAAAA. 

5. Stela of limestone ; Cat. No. 442. Above the Q between the 
two Ut'a-eyes. A woman \"^-q _p jjj is making libation, and 
holding a burning censer to a sitting man Q^c:^, who smells 
at a flower. Below two horizontal lines from right to left : — 


^ — I 

6. Limestone tablet found in a tomb at Gizeh, bought at 
Sotheby's, i6th March, 1833, Cat. No. 561. 3' 4^" large, 2' 9" high. 
Above two horizontal lines (corrected lithograph) : — 

oy A 

^ =1 




Below in the middle is an altar, above which is written /^ T O T ?^ • 

At one side a woman 



are sittmg. 

at the other a man 

Below the latter a stick and the sceptre ] are standing, of which 
the second has quite the same form as Leps. D., II, 21, in the hand 
of Mer-ab. At the right and the left of this representation are each 
time four boats without sails or oars placed one over the other. 

7. Limestone stela, rounded at the top ; Cat. No. 554, bought at 
Sotheby's, 15 March, 1833. 22:13 inches (corrected lithograph). 
First 6 horizontal lines from right to left : — 



© ^1 

111 3- 


* In the original there is at this place an | , at the longer end of which there 
is seen above a small oblique line. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [18S9. 

Then in the middle to the right and the left the jackal on a standard ; 
between them is written ^ ^ I () ]^^ . On each side a man 

is adoring the jackal, and has before him the text A ^ ]] (J ''^'^' tJ 

<:z:> O Q fl Oi ■<3>- =S3r=i- CZZD 

|\ I . Below an altar with fruits, 

- fl n jj S ^^^ /www o I I I 

bread and other objects. On one side a man and a woman are 
sitting, above whom is written [1 A [1 ® ^1 V'\ 

I \\ . On the other side sits a man I a A [ 

Before him a woman is cowering, and smelling at a 

riower ; she is called W ■-:■--- -, A\ Vv A ^AAAA/^ . 

Jih^ ?:;^ ?.;';?■ .JihJ 2C^=_ _M^ O O JJ /wwv\ 

8. Finally a certain interest is offered by two pieces belonging 
to other collections whose reproductions are given in the same book : 
a. Rubbing of a text found at Theljcs, and given by Captain Brace to 

the United Service Museum : I <rr> v A ifk 1 VV^ 

/a Small lithograph of the feet of an Uschebti from the collection 
of Robert Fox, Esq., of Godmanchester. The text was in 4 vertical 

Imes :- 


1" (°T^ 




O 111 

A^=^ i III J!3^ '"" ~ o I I I 

'+■ JL ft^ f3 * It /wwva ^ U \ A 

It is an exemplar of the Uschebtis of Amenophis III, of which 
many pieces are preserved (Birch, Ae^: Zeitschr., 1864, 90 sq.) The 
variant of the 6th chapter of the Ritual which they bear is curiously 
enough missing in the Ritual-texts of the Thebean period. 




By Dr. A. Wiedemann. 

The discovery of the cuneiform tablets of Tell el Amarna has 
given a particular interest also to the Egyptian historical inscriptions 
dating from the second half of the i8th dynasty, so that I believe 
that the following as yet unpublished texts will be not unwelcome to 
the readers of the Proceedings. 

I. The most interesting historical text of the reign of Ameno- 
phis n is a large granite stela at Karnak, of which Champollion, 
Not., II, 185 sq., published a part, which was treated by Maspero, 
Aeg. Zeitschr., 1879, 55 sqq., and Erman, I.e., 1889, 39 sqq. In 
1 88 1 I took a copy of the text, which gives some passages left 
out by Champollion. In the upper part of the stela there is in the 
middle a line quoting Seti I {cf. Champ.). At the left a king offers 

two cups to a divinity. Before him is written A ^^ [1 A T" 

and behind the god Vt" ff 1 1'=^— r^ % ^^ the right there 

is left only the body of the god and the line behind him, which 
is quite the same as that on the other side ; all the remainder of the 
picture has disappeared with the first quarter of the whole stela. In 
the lines following this representation my copy gives as variants 
to ChampoUion's text as given by Maspero, I. 2, before the name of 

Amenophis ^s.vkk ^^:zI7 ; line 3 at the end Q >'>l-7/i' W^^-i j 

n 111 -T- , . , ^ [\t^^^^ 

1- 4, 5^,,,,,,cz=zi^ \. S, C^; 1- 6, n ^; 1. 7, no lacuna 

111 111 /WVW^ U ^^ 1 /WVA^A _Zi 

above v ^ (thus also Champ.) ;1. 8, (rZ\ (j (thus also Champ.). 

Between 1. 8 and 10 of Champ, no line is wanting; 1. 10 (really 9) 

Then follow 4 lines not published by Champollion ; the first quarter 
always wanting : — 



June 4] TROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

13, ,4?:? 

/3 ^^wyw I '> T 

Y /wvw\ * 

fl z] 1) J large lacuna .^^. t^Sa /\ 1T rl^MlpJ 

14. i;,)>:i,;i^^ V IJ :;,)>: ^ The end of the text is completely destroyed 

by the infiltration of water. 

2. A scarab of the Louvre, S.h. 586, has the inscription 

( ^:~y n ] ^^1 1) ^ V' ^'""^^^'"S the veneration of Set of Ombos 

by Amenophis III. A fragment of a cowering granite-statue, which 
was offered for sale in February, 18S2, at Karnak, names the 
king himself as god. It reads on the front side: i. ••• I 

2. ^ A ^-Q— ^ ^ ; at the right: i. J 


'■VA-CDSffs^ ^-M-l" 


Q)Xi A functionary probably of the same monarch ap- 

pears on a fragment in calcareous stone at Bulaq, i. ^ 

V S AAAAAA ^^ ^A ' ^ ///T^ (J ^ _^ ^ 

3. On the wall near the Pylon of Horemheb at Karnak is found 
a representation of the jirinces of Punt bringing tribute to the 
king. It has been published by Marietta, Mon. div., 88 ; the text, 
which was given incorrectly l)y Mariette, is found exactly rendered 
in Brugsch, Rec.^ pi. 57. On the same wall is a representation 
of Horus, who brings prisoners. The middle line reads here : 


^^ I I w mm^ 4A ^^ <rr> _^^ (3 w 

This is the only text speaking of successes of the king in the 
north ; his victories in the south, however, are glorified by many 

* In the original rather the abbreviation for "^7 

JrxE 4] 



inscriptions. Also a fragment lying quite near to the wall alludes 
to them, showing flowers and other gifts and having above these in 

the ends of three vertical lines the words : I A ^a^^^^a -^s^ 

.. , J] 111 1 Usic) M^ 


4. The most important tomb of the time of king Horemheb 
was the tomb of a Horemheb at Saqqarah, which unhappily has 
been badly destroyed. Pieces of it are now at Bulaq (Mariette, 
Mon. div., 74-5 ; £t. eg., IX, 36) ; London (Aeg. Z., 1877, 148 sqq. ; 
Sharpe, Inscr., II, 92); Leyden (Leemans, Alon., I, 31-4; Aeg. Z, 
1885, 81); the Louvre (Pierret, Rec. d'l/iscr., II, 57). Another 
piece, a plate of calcareous stone, was in May, 1882, in the 
collection Zizinia at Alexandria, where I copied it. It shows 11 
vertical lines running from left to right, of which the first and 
last have suffered very much ; at the top some signs are wanting. 
Under the last 5 ones a man with the L'riiaus on the forehead 
leans upon a stick, i. Rest of the embracing line of a cartouche 





-/] W. 



,^j I 

'-^■^•^'^ J\ \^ A 





5. ?f^ a(?)^ 

6. ^1;^ 

1 <9' 




J] A 7\ 



\> I ^ I 

- a 

11 fl 


The use of the word aspit, " sledge," for the baldachin in which 
the king ordinarily contemplates the passing of the tributes and 
the prisoners appears to be a new one. 


June 4] 



Another calcareous fragment of quite the same style, very 
probably of the same tomb, is at (quoted v. Bergmann. 
Ufbersic/it, p. 26). Inhere are represented several bowing men, and 
above the rests of eight vertical lines, of which the very much injured 
first one is running from left to right, the others from right to left : 

(as penultimate sign in the cartouche appears the beginning of £• — ^). 



\\ 111 








I I I A a 

^ q^ o D 

J^ J\ O 


1 1 1 t — 3 ^ I 


I I I ti^^ 




nn T 



D © 


o /I n 




9 I 

This text, dated from the reign of 

® D 

^^ .M> 1^ I III X \> I 
Horemheb, tells us quite new facts, the transplantation of one 
people to the site of another, the taking of fortresses and their (?) 
burning. The conquered suffered from hunger and had to live 
like goats in the mountains. The end s[)eaks of persons posted 
by the Pharaoh on the border of the country to defend the frontiers. 
The relief represents the men as Semites ; these events therefore 
must have taken place at the north of Egypt. 



Some Notes on the "NIN-MAG" Inscription. 

London, June yd, 1SS9. 
Dear Mr. Rylands, 

In the last issue of our Proceedings, which I received the day 
before yesterday, the Rev. C. J. Ball has given you what he calls 
" the first correct copy" of an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II., on 
some cylinders which he calls "the nin-mag Cylinders," and has 
published, in addition to it, some startling discoveries of his, which 
involve an unexpected attack upon me. 

I am sorry to state that these discoveries come a little too late for 
all readers, even superficially acquainted with the matter in question. 
In fact, they have been known to me since the 20th of February, 
1 886, and to some other Assyriologists as long ago as 1859 ! 

In order to show clearly enough which of us both has to be 
blamed, to justify myself against his criticism, and finally also, to 
avoid a similar blunder to that with which I am now going to 
charge Mr. Ball, I think it not superfluous to give you here a short 
history of the decipherment of the "nin-mag" text — otherwise 
called "Oppert Inscription." And it is always taken for granted 
that every writer on Assyriology has made himself acquainted with 
the published matter referring to texts of which he is making a 
fresh study. 

This inscription first became known from four cylinders coming 
from Babylon. Two of them were brought to Berlin by Dr. 
Petermann, another was in the private possession of M. Raoul 
Rochette in Paris, and the fourth was acquired for the Collection De 
Luynes in the National Library of Paris. From this last-mentioned 
document, the text of 33 short lines was published, with a translitera- 
tion, a translation, and a full commentary, by Dr. Oppert, in his 
admirable Expedition scientifiqiie. Vol. II, Paris, 1859, p. 295 ff., the 
translation being repeated also in the first Volume of this work, 
Paris, 1863, p. 235 ff. It is instructive for the study of the " History 
of Assyriology " to see that Dr. Oppert's text agrees almost entirely 
with Mr. Ball's " first correct copy," issued after thirty years.* 

In addition to the four above-named cylinders, some others were 
subsequently discovered bearing the same text. Of two of them, 

* There is but one single sign which Dr. Oppert incorrectly rendered in his 
copy : rfr instead of rf^, 1. 30. But, on the other hand, the goddess NIN- 
MA'', i- explained as " ttne sorie de Lucina on d' lUthyic,''' many years before the 
Rev. C. J. Ball made the same discovery. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1889. 

which are to be found in the Vatican Library, an arconnt has been 
given by Professor Oppert, in the Couiptcs rendus de V Acadanie des 
Inscrr. et B.-L., Paris, 1883, p. 166 f., and some further remarks 
upon them I added myself, Z//., p. 130, n. i.* 

Next follows my unfortunate edition of three cylinders of the 
Collection "81, 8-30," which were in 1882 in the British Museum, 
Zeits., 1886, p. 39 ff. I did not recognize in this that the text is 
identical with that published in E.M., and, having no experience 
whatever in copying such documents, I made several mistakes in my 
publication. As soon, however, as the first part of my Zcifsc/iri/t, 
1886, was issued, I received a letter from Professor Oppert, of 
which I repeat here, with his kind permission (June 2nd, 1889), the 
opening passage concerning the text in question : "Paris, 2, rue de 
Sfax, February iSth, 1886. Dear Colleague, The 'unpublished' 
Nebuchadnezzar inscription was published so long ago, viz., 28 years, 
that it may be regarded as unpublished. It is to be found E.M. II, 
p. 297, taken from a cylinder of the Due de Luynes, who, with well- 
known kindness, intrusted me with it Mr. Pinches has made 

it appear as a new one. I have seen this text in London, and told 
Pinches, 1882, or 1883, that it had been published. Our Paris 
text is better. It runs : rubhisi zirim sjindili nannabi (not su-e-di-li) 
ina kiei-bit parVya ^1^ '^yy<I -<^'-*- t^fy salmis sutesiri talidti. You 
Avill find this text treated and viewed from an archaelogical standpoint, 
E.M. I, p. 235. The ruins ot this temple I discovered in 1853, i.e., 
32 years ago. My translation holds good, except in a single point : 
ri/iiiniti, 'merciful,' instead of the old 'sublime.' But rubbisi (!) 
zirim ^ D'^T? is : 'let the germ grow in the mother's womb.' Sundili 
is the imp. fem. of usandil, sundtil ; nannabi is the 'embryo' 
{G.A. ) ; ina kirbit piri'ya, 'in utero ' ; sutisiri talidti, 'direct 
thou the birth.' It is ta-li-id-ti, nothing else. Read my commen- 
tary, p. 301, dear Colleague, and rectify the matter yourself. Such 
a thing may happen to everybody. In any case my heartiest thanks 
for " t 

* According to a kind communication to me from Prof. OPi'ERT, dated June 
I2th, 18S6, y][ ^^ T^ has "certainly" to be read afwr Sar £ddi/u, instead of 

t The original German text reads as follows : — 

P.\Ris, 2 rite ite Sfax, 
Werther Hcrr Collcga, den 18 Fcbr. 1886. 

Die '■'■ uttedierte" Nchuchadnezzarinsehrijt ist nuii schon so latige edierl, 
ndmlich 28 Ja/irc, doss sic Jiir unedierl gcltcn kann. Sie findet sick E.M. I/, 



Although pp. 1 30-1 3 1 of my Literatur were already printed off, 
when I received this letter, I was fortunately able to insert in the same 
book, under "81,8-30," the following paragraph : f "81,8-30; 
unnumbered : a) Duplicate of the cylinder inscription of Nebukad- 
nezar, described above, p. 130, § 73, No. 10. I am sorry to have 
overlooked this fact, by an incomprehensible negligence, when pub- 
lishing the text anew, Z.A. I, 39 fif. {see above, p. 131, § 73, No. 11), 
and I hope that my clumsy mistake will be forgiven. Professor 
Oppert has called my attention to it in a most amiable manner 
(Feb. i8th, 1886). Lines 30-33 have also been corrected, inde- 
pendently of him, by Dr. Jensen, in agreement with the Paris 
Edition (apparently unknown to him ; March 15th, 1886). Therefore 
§ 73, No. 10 = No. II." 

As early as April, 1886, another copy of our text was made 
known, which had been acquired by the Metropolitan Museum of 
Art at New York, by Professor Peters, who published a few remarks 
upon it in Hebraica, 1886, April, p. 173, as well as in my Zeits., 
1886, p. 217. Some of its variant readings were published, after his 
copy, by myself, ilndem, footnote. 

I had soon occasion to add some more notes on the text, in my 
review of Dr. Strassmaier's excellent Worterverzeichniss, in the 
Ostert'cichische Mo7iatsschrift fiir den Orient, 1886, July, No. 7, 

p. 297, nach einevi Cylinder des Due cie Litynes, der iiiit hekaiiiiter Liehenswiirdig- 

keit sie niir anvertratcte Hen- Pinches liat 

dieselbe als neu erscheinen las sen. Ich hahe diesen Text in London gesehen, und 
aucli Pinches 1882 oder 1883 gesagl, sie [r. t'/-] sei cdiert. Unser Pariser Text 
isl besser. Es steht : rubbisi zirim sundili nannabi [nicht su-e-di-li) 

ina kierbit pari'ya rfz *-TT<T ■<^'-*- ^^Ty 
salmis sutesiri talicUi. 

Siefinden diesen Text hesprochen und archaeologiscJi heleiichtet E.M. I, p. 235. 
Die Ruine dieses Tempels liahe ich 1853, also vor t^z Jahren, aufgcf linden. 

Meine Uebersetznng Jidlt Stich, atisser des Detail riniiniti, " ba^-mherzig,'^ fiir 
das alte " erhaben." Aber rubbisi (!) zirim, D"IT, i^l ■ "' Icisse den Keiin im 
Mntterschosse wachsen." Sundili ist der Imp. Jem. von usandil, sundul ; nannabi 
ist der ^^ Embryo" {G. A. ); ina kirbit pari'ya " ? w Uterus"; sutisiri 

talidli " leite die Geburt." Es stelit ta-li-id-ti, weitcr niclits. 

Lesen Sie, werther Herr Collega, meinen Commentar, p. 301, und rectificiren 
Sie die Sadie selbst. So etwas kann ja Jedem passieren. 

Aufjeden Fall meinen hcrzlichsten Danii fiir 

t For the original Cjerman text, see my Lit., p. 349. 

June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [iSSg. 

stating there (p. 132) that Father Strassmaier also had made an 
[independent] use of the Paris copy, " NB. 786, in 34 references," 
as well as of the "duplicate NYa" [i.e., in New York], "in 3 refe- 
rences (pp. 321, 550, 739)." As Mr. Ball knows of the existence 
of Strassmaier's work, it would have been a useful preparatory 
task for his "first copy" to search for these 34 passages.* Here 
they are: Strassmaier, A.K, pp. 24, 198, 244, 256, 260, 313, 
321, 332, 352 (read " NB." inst. of N.), 393, 401, 547, 550, 552, 588, 
589, 624, 702, 708, 739, 744, 765, 790, 854, 879, 918, 929, 937, 
946, 959> 97i> io57> 1067, 1077. 

Some more remarks as to the text were added by Dr. Winxkler, 
Zfi'fs., 1886, p. 338,1 who proved the two Berlin copies of Peter- 
MANN, mentioned by Oppert, to be clumsy forgeries. The variants 
of three more copies of the text, in the Imperial Hofmusetim of 
Vienna, I added myself, ifnde/>i, p. 442. Finally, Dr. Winckler 
made known some casts of the inscription in the Bulaq Museum, 
Zeits., 1888, p. 424 ; see also Agypt. Zeits., 1889, p. 23. 

Now, Mr. Ball has made use of the British Museum cylinders. 
He has not taken, however, the slightest notice of any of the 
above-mentioned papers, not even of Oppert's ediiio priiiceps — 
with the one exception of my own edition in 1886! And yet he 
thinks himself authorized to give the " first correct copy of this 
inscription." \ 

I am at a loss to agree with my estimable critic in that respect. 
What I have to blame him for is that 

1. he has not a sufficient knowledge of the material of the texts 
which he is treating ; and that 

2. he is not yet sufficiently acquainted with the Assyriological 
literature, to correct, or attack any of his fellow-workers. 

* E.g , Mr. Ball could have found there (p. 321) his explanation of Ki, in 
Ki . DAM, by irsitii, and also (p. 547) the reference to "Lay. 39, 19" for ki-su ! 
Mr. Ball quotes wrongly : " Lay, 31, 19." 

t In this article, my Liter., the Vienna Monatsschn'it, and Professor Peters' 
notes are quoted. Mr. Ball must necessarily have seen parts 3 and 4 of tiie 
Zeitschrift, 1SS6 ; for he quoted pp. 246, 274, 348 ; see our /Proceedings, \'o\. X, 
p. 441, note* ; Vol. XI, pp. 121, 130 ! 

X Most of the above remarks can be applied also to the footnote * of p. 132 
of the Leipzig Bcitriif^e ziir Assyriohgie, " 1SS8," as soon as the first part of this 

new " periodical" shall really be issued. 



I am extremely sorry to repeat, in reply to Mr. Ball's paper, 
such elementary statements as the following in our Proceedings : 

Intu "of both genders" can now be seen by any beginner 
from Dr. Delitzsch's Grammar, p. 191, § 71. — mag = r«-^//-2^ and 
similar explanatory passages, quoted over and over again, without a 
reference, in Mr. Ball's papers, are known to every Assyriologist 
from Dr. Brunnow's List. — The separation of ki-sa-a-da-lum into 
ki-sa-a da-lum is not quite obvious ; as soon however as there is a 
variant ki-sa-a-am-da-lum, it does become obvious ; cf. the present Vol., 
p. 137, sub No. 6 ! — The development of the root of idhi, adallu, has 
been shown lately again, according to my theory upon it, by Dr. 
Jensen, Zeits., 1886,* p. 399, and by Dr. Delitzsch, W.B., p. 152, 
n. I ; if "this is much above " Mr. Ball, I cannot help it. — usashirsa 
cannot without any further discussion {cf. Proceedings, Vol. X, p 220) 
be compared to IPfD because of the sibilant. — '^ epir, ebir" is 
certainly not "a shortened plural"; it might be of a pluralic meaning, 
which cannot, however, be " shortened " ; but it is not a plural by 
formation, for such formations do not exist in any of the Semitic 
languages. — As to ki-'^'^Y-'\-a-nim, I may again refer to Delitzsch's 
Grammar, p. 58, § 23, note (repeated there from Jensen, Zeits., 

1884, p. 316, footnote, and others). — nannabi {var. in " NYa" : 

bci, ^y t) cannot without any further discussion be compared with 

f]^V, i dJvi, because of the different labials. — Mr. Ball cannot 

decide at present, whether ^fy in 1. 16 of the Cylinder "A" 
from which I published the text in Zeits. (10 by 3,2 cm. !) is 
" tindeiitlich," or not. For this document has been sent away, 
I believe, to Constantinople ! "81, 8-30, i " (10 by 4 cm. !) is my 
" Cylinder B." 

In conclusion, I am curious to know whence Mr. Ball has 
taken the title of his paper : " The nin-mag Cylinders." These 
documents have never been called so before, with one exception: 
see Winckler, Zeits., 1888, p. 424. Has he had any knowledge of 
this article to which he does not allude ? 

Yours, &c., 

C. Bezold. 

* Cf. the last note but one ! 

t Omitted Ijy Mr. BALL ; but see Strassmaier's A. V., p. 739, No. 6061, 
and my remark, Zeits., 1SS6, p. 217, footnote. 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [iSi'g. 

By the Rev. C. J. Ball. 

Mr. Karl Bezold does not challenge either my text or my 
translation of the nin-mag inscription. He is aggrieved by the 
incidental criticism of my notes, and apparently wishes to diminish 
the effect of it by suggesting doubts about the manner in which 
I may have obtained my knowledge of the subject. I frankly 
confess that the whole mass of his bibliographical details is new to 
me. I did not know that any one had pubHshed the MN-MA(i 
inscription before Mr. Bezold. I naturally took it for granted that 
the editor of a Zeitsc/irift fiir AssyrioIfli:;ie was correct, when he 
described it as " An tmpublishid inscription of Nebuchadnezzar." 
{Zeitschr., 1886, p. 39). I did not, however, venture to call my own 
transcription "the first correct copy" of this text. I wrote, " So far 
as I kji07u" ; a reservation the meaning of whi( h may have escaped 
Mr. Bezold, though 1 should hope it was clear to everybody else. 

I am gratified to learn that my copy of the London cylinders 
coincides almost entirely with Professor Oppert's copy of a Paris 
duplicate. It is an unexpected proof of the absolute accuracy of 
my own independent transcription, which was made, as I see by my 
note-book, April 3, 1888, and has not been altered since in any 
single respect. Nothing could be more satisfactory. But why did 
not Mr. Bezold publish at least the substance of Dr. Oppert's good- 
humoured remonstrance in the next number of the Zeiisc/irijt? I 
might then have had the advantage of referring to his work. 

After all, it would seem by Mr. Bezold's own shewing that I 
actually have published the first completely correct copy of the 
inscription in question, unless "one single sign" is to count for 
nothing. A single sign may make all the difference between sense 
and nonsense. FarPya is not piri'ya, any more than "packet" is 
" picket," or " farce " " force." It is true that I cannot claim much 
credit for accuracy, where inaccuracy would have been inexcusable. 

A couple of days ago I referred to Dr. Oppert's work on this 
text. I do not think it altogether in good taste for younger students 
to be always characterizing the labours of their still living seniors and 
teachers as "admirable," "excellent," and so forth. Dr. Oppert's 
reputation can stand on its own merits, without the aid of such 
doubtful support. 



My critic apparently assents to the statement that Dr. Oppert's 
translation " holds good except in a single jjoint." It is quite 
credible that Mr. Bezold thinks so ; but, with all respect for his 
learned correspondent, I think otherwise. Epiri kidam ellutim 
kirbasa u/nallani does not mean "cum {sic) terra fornicem cubicu- 
lorum in ejus penetralibus explevi." But those who wish to see 
what Dr. 0])pert wrote on this subject in 1859 may be referred to 
his Expedition. 

If Mr. Bezold considers that it is a " discovery " to compare a 
goddess of parturition with Lucina or Eileithyia, I can only assure 
him from personal knowledge that the average English public 
school boy is perfectly cognisant of the functions of the latter 
goddesses. Can it be that " Assyriologists " are so loftily ignorant 
of the Greek and Latin classics that the most obvious allusion comes 
to them as a "startling-discovery?" 

I am not inclined to follow Mr. Bezold into his maze of capital 
letters and numerals. On p. 429 he gives us tour lines of figures, but 
I shall make no use of this Pythagorean clue to the mysteries of 
language. I have a stronger faith in Sir Henry Rawiinson's five 
volumes of inscriptions than in any ponderous Wdrte?'verzeichniss ; 
and I have for years past used the former, and managed to get 
along pretty well without the latter. To judge by Mr. Bezold's 
letter, I do not appear to have been guilty of any egregious errors 
in text, translation, or notes; although I omitted to make the 
elaborate preliminary investigation of foreign journals, Avhich he 
appears to think necessary. It may be true that I am not profoundly 
acquainted w'ith what he calls "the Assyriological literature j " but 
his own papers do not encourage one to expect much light from that 
source, considering the extraordinary blunders in Semitic grammar 
which he has managed to perpetrate, in sjjite of an intimate acquaint- 
ance with "the Assyriological literature." 

I have certainly "seen parts 3 and 4 of the Zeitsdirift., 1886." 
I borrowed the whole volume for the purpose of referring to M, 
Amiaud's paper on the Boss of Tarcondemus (p. 274). I did not, 
however, look at Dr. Winckler's introductory remarks (p. 338), but 
only at his text and notes on the Berlin cylinder. My references to 
the volume, moreover, were made long after I had copied and trans- 
lated the NiN-MAG inscription. I may here observe that, in my 
simplicity, I thought that nin-mag was the only conceivable name of 


June 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS9. 

the inscription, relating as it does to the temple of that goddess 
(= Gula), and to nothing else. I had not seen " \\^inckler, 
Zeitschr., 1888, p. 424." Perhaps I ought to have called it "The 
Bezold Inscription," in recognition of my censor's claims to first 

I should have been thankful for scholarly criticism of my sugges- 
tions, but I look in vain for any in the above letter. Mr. Bezold 
apparently accepts my explanation of kidam as correct (a point 
on which I have my doubts), and tries to shew that it is not mine, 
but the property of a friend of his. This at least seems to be the 
drift of his note that ' ki = irsitu ' might have been found in a work 
which I do not possess and never use. It is an elementary fact 
which I learnt many years ago from Sayce's well-known Syllabary. 
Besides, it was not ki but kidam which Mr. Bezold failed to explain. 
I read ki-sa-a da-lum, and printed so, with the rendering " a great 
wall," months before Mr. Pinches lent me his copy with the variant 
ki-sa-a-ain. It was the reading and sense which the context and 
parallel passages suggested at once. But really Mr. Bezold's attempt 
(p. 430) to discount the effect of my notes is, in general, of such a 
character, that I can only conclude that his knowledge of Babylonian 
'idiom is much what it was in February, 1886. I must decline to 
waste more time in discussing with him the question of my com- 
petence "to correct or attack (!) any of my fellow-workers." That 
is a point which may safely be left for the decision of competent 

July 26, 1889. 

433 2 I 



Plates II and III, illustrating Mr. Griffiths' paper, "Notes 
on a Tour in Upper Egypt," should change places, i.e., 
Plate II should have been marked III, and III — II. 




TLbc Bronse ©rnaments of tbe 
palace (Bates from Balawat. 

[Shalmaneser II, j;.c. <S59-<S25.] 

Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers. 

In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for 
each part is now raised to ^^i lo^-. ; to Members of the Society (the original 
price) £i IS. 

Society of Biblical Archaeology. 

COUNCIL, 1889. 

President : — 
P. LE Page Renouf. 

Vice- Presidents : — 

Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter. 

Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor. 

The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c. 

The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c. 

The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c.. Bishop of Durham. 

Walter Morrison, M.P. 

Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c. 

Sir Charles Nicholson, Ban., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c. 

Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury. 

Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.CL., F.R.S., &c. 

Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury. 

Council : 

Rev. Charles James Ball. 
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. 
E. A. Wallis Budcje, M.A. 
Arthur Gates. 
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 
Rev. R. Gwynne. 
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. 
Kev. Albert Lowv. 

Prof. A. Macalister, M.D. 
Rev. James Marshall. 
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A. 
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A. 
J. Pollard. 

F. G. Hilton Price,^ F.S.A. 
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A. 
Rev. W. Wright, D.D. 

Honorary 7>-tV7J-//nr— BERNARD T. BOSANQUET. 

Secretary — W. Harry Ryi.ands, F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence— Vv-OV . A. H. Sayce, M.A. 

Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 










VOLS. I TO X. , 1878 TO 1 888. 

W. Harry Rylands, 
JSiovember, 1888. Secretary. 




Aahmes, Inscription of, in the Fitzwilliam Museum. Dr. Macalister. IX, 98. 

Ahmes-sa-pa-ar, The King. Dr. Wiedemann. VIII, 220. 

Aboo-Habba, Discoveries at. T. G. Pinches. Ill, 109. 

Abraham, Apocalypse of. Dr. Gaster. VIII, 105. 

Accent, in Akkadian and Assyrian words. G. Berlin. V, 19. 

Addu, or Daddu, The god. Dr. C. Bezold. IX, 377. 

Adoption, Contracts of, in Egypt and Chaldea. E. and V. Revillout. IX, 167. 

Agarrutu, Worlanen. T. G. Pinches. VIII, 241, 

Ahriman et Satan. C. de Harlez. IX, 365. 

Ainsworth, W. F., Note by. VII, 28. 

Akkadian Numerals. Dr. J. P. Peters. Y, 120. 

Characters, &c. Hyde Clarke. II, 51. 

Rules of Life. G. Bertin. IV, 87. 

Aleppo Inscription. W. H. Rylands. VI, 132. {///usir.) 

Altar, found on Mount Gerizim. VI, 1S2. 

Amelineau, Prof., Papers, &c., by. IX, 109 ; X, 181, 235, 391. 

Amen, Formulae for recitation in Temple of. E. A. W. Budge. IX, 11. 

Oracle of. Dr. W. Pleyte. X, 41. 

Amenemha III, Monument, Reign of. VII, 180. 

Amenhotep III, Dated Inscription of. Prof. .Sayce. IX, 195. P. le P. Renouf. 

i7>., 206. 
Despatches to, found at Tcll-el-Amarna. E. A. W. Budge. 

X, 540. 
Amenhotep IV, Monument, Time of. VII, 200. 
• as the Pharaoh of the Famine. Dr. Lund. IV, 96. Remarks 

by II. V. Stuart, td., 95 ; Canon Beechey, //>., 102 ; Dr. Birch, //'., 102. 
Portraits of. H. V. Stuart. IV, 95. 

Ames, Amesi. VIII, 192. 

Ants, notes on, in Jewish writings. Rev. A. Lowy. Ill, 68. 

L'Antichrese, non immobiliere dans r!Eg}-pte et dans la Chaldee. E, and V 

Revillout. IX, 178. 
Antichrese in Solutum. E. and V. Revillout. IX, 22S. 
Apepi, Service for Slaughter of E. A. W. Budge. IX, ii. 
Appleton, Dr. C. E. Notice of decease. I, 26. 
Apuat, The Egyptian god. P. le P. Renouf. VIII, 157. 
Architects, Tablet on two. Dr. Birch. Ill, 56. 


Arrow-heads, Mould for casting, from Mosul. E. A. W. Budge. VI, 109. 

Assurbanipal, Inscription of, at Tartus. Prof. Sayce. VII, 141. 
Assurnazirpal, Recently discovered text of. E. A. Budge. I, 27. 
Assyrian Letters, see Letters. 

Gi;ammar, Papers on. T. G. Pinches. V, 21. Part II ; VI, 62. 

Transliteration. VI, 125. 

Expression of the Hebrew t3. R. Cull. II, 62. 

Assyriological Notes. T. G. Pinches. VIII, 240. 

Assyrian Religious Text. B. T. A. Evetts. X, 478. (Illustr.) 

Assyria, Excavations in. H. Rassam. II, 3. 

Astrology, when did Babylonian enter China? Rev. Dr. Edkins. IX, 32. 

Aswan, Greek Inscription from. IX, 202. 

Excavations by Maj.-Gen. Sir F. Grenfell. E. A. W. Budge. X, 4. 


Austin, Miss Gertrude. Stele at Bath. VIII, 213. 


Baal, Ex voto from Temple of, at Carthage. Prof. W. Wright. VII, 31, 

Baal-Zebub, the name. Rev. J. Marshall. VIII, 76. 
Babylon, Capture of, by Cyrus, &c. T. G. Pinches. II, 39. 
Babylonia, Ancient History and Chronology of. T. G. Pinches. V, 6. 
Babylonian Kings, List of. T. G. Pinches. Ill, 20, 37 ; IV, 193 ; VII, 65. 

Tablet. T. G. Pinches. X, 526. 

Art. T. G. Pinches. VI, 11. 

Weight with Trilingual Inscription. E. A. W. Budge. X, 464. 

Cities, Recent Discoveries in Ancient. H. Rassam. V, S3. 

Bagnold, Major A. H., R.E., Paper by. X, 452. 

Bahr-Jusuf, The. F. Cope Whitehouse. VIII, 6. 

Balawat, Gates. See Shalmaneser. 

Ball, Rev. C. J., Papers, &c., by. Ill, 12, 80; VIII, 127, 140, 160; IX, 67, 

I3i> 153. 193 ; >^. 87, 215, 290, 292, 296, 359, 368, 424, 437. 
Baruch, Abyssinian, or .^ithiopic Book of. Rev. J. M. Rodwell. I, 43. 
Basque and Egj-ptian Marriage Contracts. X, 479. 
Bath Museum, Eg)-ptian stele in. VIII, 213. 
Bath-Kol. VIII, 117, 140. 
Battle. The Egyptian word for Q£). P. le P. Renouf. VI, 229; IX, 313. 

See also Strife. 
Beechey, Canon, Remarks by. IV, 102. 

Bek-en-Amen, Papyrus of, at Bologna. G. Kminek-Szedlo. II, 70. 
Belzoni Sarcophagus. See Hades, Book of. 
Ben, Tomb of. IX, 78. 

Ben Hadad, The Name. T. G. Pinches. V, 71. 
Berger, Philippe, Notes by. VI, 119; IX, 100, 153. 
Berlin, G., Papers, etc., Ijy. II, 37; III, 121; IV, 20, 87; V, 19, 45, 75; 

VI, 10, 83, 84, 115, 125. 


Bezold, Dr. C, Papers, etc., by. IX, 377 ; X, 265, 418. 

Biblical Nationalities, Past and Present. H. Rassam. VI, 33. 

Bilingual Inscription, Phoenician and Cypriote. IX, 47. 

Birch, Dr., Papers, etc., by. I, 12, 27, 35 ; II, 60; III, 13, 24, 56, 93, ill ; 

IV, 5, 88, 102, 135; V, 6, 76, 84, 98, 119, 124, 158; VI, 37, 52, 106, 129, 

170, 185, 206; VII, 7, 45, 49, 52, 79, 121, 204, 213. 

(President), Decease of. VIII, 61, 62. 

Birds in Assyrian Records and Monuments. Rev. W. Houghton. IV, 57. 

Bird Names, Assyrian. T. G. Pinches. VIII, 244. 

Birs Nimroud. W. Simpson. VIII, 83. 

Bit hilani. G. A. Simcox. IX, 193. Rev. C. J. Ball, ih., 194. 

Book of the Dead, Title of. J. Lieblein, VII, 187; VIII, 75 ; P. le P. Renouf, 

VII, 210. 
Boscawen, W. St. C, Papers, etc., by. I, 44 ; II, 27 ; V, 118. 
Bow, in the Egyptian Sky. P. le P. Renouf. VI, 131. 
Bowl, Inscribed, from Babylon. W. H. Rylands. VII, 154. (Illustr.) 
Bowls, with Phrenician Inscriptions. P. Berger. VI, 119. 
Boxes, Sepulchral, from Echmin. VIII, 120. 
Brotherhood, Babylonian Deed of. T. G. Pinches. VIII, 25, 42. 
Brown, R., Junr., Paper by. II, 61 ; VIII, 125; IX, 127; X, 207, 316, 346. 
Brugsch-Pasha, Paper by. X, 450. 

Bubastis, Antiquities from. F. G. Hilton Price. VII, 75. 
Budge, E. A. Wallis, Papers, etc., by. I, 27; V, 155; VI, 5, 109, 119, 125, 

144, 120, 179, 182; VII, 7, 95, 122; VIII, 105, 106, 120, 133, 213; IX, II, 

27, 78, 3i7> 358; X, 4, 86, 130, 146, 464, 540. 
Bunsen, E. de. Paper by. Ill, 79, 96. 
Burraburiyash, Despatch of. X, 540. 
Busts, see Palmyra. 


Caaba and Mosque of Mecca. Miss Gonino. IX, 109. 

Cajsars, The Twelve, see Ostraka. 

Calendars of Babylonians. T. G. Pinches. IV, 32. 

Calvert, Consul, Vegetable remains collected from Tombs in Eg}'pt by. I, 34. 

Campbell, Prof. J., Note by. Ill, 87. 

Canopic Vases from Tel Basta. Dr. Birch. V, 98. (Illustr.) 

Cappadocian Tablets. T. G. Pinches. IV, 11. (/Uusir.) /A., 28. (Illustr.) 

Remarks : Prof. Sayce, ih., 19 ; G. Bertin, //'., 20. 
Cappadocian Tablets. Prof. Sachau. IV, 117. See also Kappadokia. 
Cardinal Points, Assyrian. T. G. Pinches. V, 74 ; G. Berlin, \', 75. 
Cat and Weasel, in ancient times. Rev. Dr. Placzck. VII, 97. 
Gates, Arthur, Remarks by. I, 42. 
Chabas, F. J. Notice of decease. IV, 93. 

Cherub, Is the word, of Egyptian origin ? P. le P. Renouf. VI, 189. 
Cheyne, Prof. T. K., Note by. IX, 374- 
Chotzner, Dr. J., Papers by. VI, 60, 137. 

Christian Inscriptions (early) in Egypt. Prof. Sayce. VIII, 175. 
Christianity, Mention of, in Egyptian Documents. Dr. \V. Pleyte. V, 149. 


Chronology, Assyrian and Biblical. VIII, 58. 

Chueniten, jNIonunient of the time of. VII, 200. See also Khuenaten. 

Clarke, Hyde, Paper, &c., by. II, 51 ; III, 24. 

Clermont-Ganneau, C, Paper by. VI, iii, 123, 182. 

Conscience, in Egj'ptian Texts. P. le P. Renouf. IX, 207. 

Consonants, Assyrian, S, R, and L. T. G. Pinches. Ill, 82. 

Constellation (Ursa Major). IX, 127. 

Contract Tablet 17 Nabonidus. Dr. Strassmaier. II, 78. 

Babylonian. G. Bertin. VI, 84. 

from Babylon, inscribed with unknown Characters. T. G. Pinches. 

V, 103. {Illustr.) 

of the reign of Hammourabi. Prof. E. et Dr. V. Revillout. X, 266. 

Cooper, W. R., Notice of decease. I, 10. 

Coptic Inscriptions, Beni-Hassan, &c. Prof. Sayce. IV, 117; VIII, 175. 

MS. No. I of Lord Zouche's collection. Prof. Amelineau. X, 235. 

Correspondence, Babylonian and Assyrian. T. G. Pinches. VII, 170. 
Council, 1879, I, 16 ; 1880, II, 26 ; 1881, III, 36 ; 1882, IV, 53 ; 1883, V, 57 ; 

1884, VI, 51 ; 1885, VII, 64 ; 1886, VIII, 71 ; 1887, IX, 62 ; 1888, X, 142. 
Creation Tablet, The 4th. E. A. W. Budge. VI, 5. Remarks by T. G. Pinches, 

»/'., 9 ; G. Bertin, ih., 10. 

E. A. W. Budge. X, 86. {Iliistr.) 

Cull, R., Papers, &c., by. II, 42, 62 ; III, 11. 

Cunaxa, Battle of. W. F. Ainsworth. VII, 28. H. Rassam, ih., 50. 

Currey, Rev. George {Vice-President), Notice of decease. VII, 129. 

Cybele, Hieroglyphics attached to the Statue of, near Magnesia ad Sipylum. 

G. Dennis. Ill, 49. 
Cypriote Syllabary, Origin of. Alex. Enmann. V, 113. 

Inscriptions from Abydos and Thebes. Prof. Sayce. VI, 209. 

• at Abydos. Prof. Sayce. VII, 36. D. Pierides, ib., 40. 

. __ Prof. Sayce. VIJI, 159; IX, 5. 

Cyrus, Capture of Babylon by. II, 39. 


Daddu, The god. Dr. C. Bezold. IX, 377. 

Darius, Rejxiirs of the barge of. T. G. Pinches. VII, 148. {Illustr.) 

David, Metres of. Rev. C. J. Ball. VIII, 160. Cf. Hebrew poetry. 

Deir-el-Bahari, Discoveries at the. Dr. Birch. IV, 5. 

Demonology, Palestinian. Dr. S. Louis. IX, 217. 

Demotic Documents in the British Museum. E. Revillout. VII, 133. {Illustr.) 

Papyrus. Dodgson. V, ^. 

Dennis, G. Note by. Ill, 49. 

Depots, Les, et les confiements en droit figyptien et en droit Babylonien. E. et 

V. Revillout. IX, 267. 
Der-el-Medinet (Thebes), Tombs of 19th Dynasty at. VIII, 225. 
Dilmun, Island of. II, 4. 

Divine Name, '^>{- Ty If- Thco. G. Pinches. VIII, 27. 
Dodgson, Papyrus. V, 4. 


Dog River, see Nahr el Kelb. 

Drach, S. M. Notice of decease. I, 26. 

Dublin, Egyptian Inscription at. IX, 125. 


Eastlake, F. W., Paper by, IV, 36. 

Echmin, Sepulchral Boxes from. E. A. W. Budge. VIII, 120. 

Eclipse, in Egyptian Texts. P. le P. Renouf. VII, 163. 

at Nineveh. Dr. J. Oppert. VIII, 58. 

Edkins, Dr., Paper by. IX, 32. 

Egyptian god, fT^ ^. P. le P. Renouf. VI, 187. 

Antiquities in his Collection. F. G. H. Price. V^III, 149. 

Egypt, Coptic and Early Christian Inscriptions in. Prof. Sayce. VIII, 175. 
Egyptian Tombs, Vegetable Remains from. J. R. Jackson. I, 34. Remarks 

by Rev. I. Taylor, ib., 35 ; W. H. Rylands ; Dr. Birch, and Geo. Murray, ih. 
Egyptian and Basque Marriage Contracts. Miss Simcox. X. 479. 
Eisenlohr, Prof., Paper, etc., by. Ill, 97 ; VII, 77. 
Elijah the Tishbite, Coptic Version of Encomium on. E. A. \V. Budge. VIII, 

Enmann, Alex., Paper by. V, 113. 
Ephesus, Tomb at. II, 49. 
Errata. II, after contents, 8, 16, 34, 81 ; III, 24, 104 ; VI, 134, 231 ; VIII, 36; 

IX, 157; X, 132, 178, 232, 299, 329. 
Etruscan Inscriptions of Lemnos. R. Brown, Junr. X, 316, 346. (Illusir.) 
Evetts, B. T. A. Paper. X, 478. 
Exodus Geography, A Contribution to. Max Miiller. X, 467. 


Falconry in Assyria. T. G. Pinches. VI, 57. 
Falkener, Ed., Paper, etc., by. II, 51 ; IX, 349. 
Flint Instruments from Egypt. H. V. Stuart. V, 97. 
Formulae for Recitation (Egyptian). E. A. W. Budge. IX, 11. 
Frothingham, A. L., Junr., Paper by. IV, 77. 

Garden, sale of. Tablet i8th of Samas-sum-ukin. E. A. W. Budge. X, 146. 
Gaster, Dr., Paper by. VIII, 105. 

Gems, Ancient inscribed. Prof. W. Wright. \, 100. [Illiistr.) Notes by 
Rev. W. Wright, il>., 102. 

Engraved, from Nineveh. W. II. Rylands. VI, 22S. 

Genesis, Chronology of. Dr. J. Oppert. II, 5. 

Genubath, the name. Rev. H. G. Tomkins. X, 372. 

Gerizim, Altar found on Mount. C. Clermont-Ganneau. \'I, 182. (Illusir.) 

Gethsemane, Site of. Ed. Falkener. IX, 349. 

Gish-du-Barra, and Nimrod. Dr. Hommel. VIII, 119. 

Glass, notices of, in Hebrew records. Rev. A. Lowy. IV, 84. 

Golenischeff, W., Paper by. X, 369. 


Gonino, Miss, Papers, &c., by. VI, 119, 205 ; IX, 109. 

Great Cackler, The. J. Lieblein. VII, 99 ; P. le P. Renouf, VII, 152 ; IX, 83 

Brugsch- Pasha, X, 451. 
Greek Inscriptions from Egypt. Dr. Wiedemann. YI, 52. 

from Zagazig. Dr. Birch. VI, 206. 

from Aswan. Prof. Sayce. IX, 202. 

from Abydos. Prof. Sayce. X, 377. (Ilhisir.) 

found in Egypt. Karl Piehl. X. 143. 

Grenfell, Maj.-Gen. Excavations at Aswan. IX, 78 ; X, 4. {Ilhtsir.) 
Guyard, Stanislas, Notice of decease. VII, i. 
Gwynne, Rev. Robert, Note by. IV, 105. 


Hades, Book of. E. Lefebure. Ill, 18. 

Hamadan, Cuneiform Inscription found near. VII, 132. 

Hamath, inscribed stones from. IX, 73, 153, 193. 

Handicrafts and Artizans in Talmudical Writings. Dr. S. Louis. VI, 117. 

— \ Hebrew. Rev. A. Lowy. VI, 138. 

Harlez, C. de. Paper by. IX, 365. 
Harrowby, Earl of, K.G, Notice of decease. V, 33. 
Heath, Rev. Dunbar, Paper by. Ill, 23. 
Hebrew Handicrafts, etc. VI, 117, 138. 

Inscription at Ravenna. A. L. Frothingham. IV, 77, 105, 107. 

(Ilhistr. ) 

at Joppa. C. Clermont-Ganeaii. VI, iii, 123, 

from Aden, Prof. W. Wright VIII, 215. (Illicstr.) 

Hebrew Poetry. Dr. J. Chotzner. VI, 60. 

Rev. C. J. Ball. VIII, 127, 160; IX, 131. 

Heliopolitan Nome. P. le P. Renouf. VIII, 246. 

Hell, Legendary Description of. Rev. A. Low}'. X, 333. 

Henderson, J, Notice of Decease. I, 10. 

Heta-Hatte. Rev. C. J. Ball. IX, 67, 153, 193. (Illiistr.) Iranian names 

among. Rev. C. J. Ball. IX, 424. 
Hieratic Inscription on Boards. Dr. Birch. V, 76. 
Hieroglyphic Groups, Wrong Values commonly assigned to. P. le P. Renouf. 

IV, 60. 
Himyaritic Inscriptions. E. A. Budge. V, 155. 
Hittite Monuments. Prof Sayce. II, 76. 
Inscriptions. Rev. J. D. Heath. Ill, 23. Remarks by Hyde Clarke. 

Dr. Birch, ib., 23. 

Inscriptions, Decipherment of the. Prof Sayce. IV, 102. 

Notes on. R. Brown, Junr. VIII, 125. 

" Hittites." See Bowl, Tarkondemos, Seals, Gem, ^Q'eta-Hatte, Hamath, Jerabis, 

Syria, Khita, Cybele, Niobe. 2 Kings vi, vii. VII, 179. 
Holmes, John. VI, 25. 
Hommel, Dr., Paper. VIII, 119. 

Honorary Members. II, 18 ; V, 50; VI, 45 ; VII, 57; IX, 55; X, 134. 
Hor and Suti, Tablet of. Dr. Birch. Ill, 56. 


Horrack, P. J., Paper by. VI, 126. 

Horse in the Book of the Dead. P. Ic P. Renouf. VII, 41. 

Horus, the Blind. P. le P. Renouf. VIII, 155. Ithyphallic llorus. P. Ic P. 

Renouf. VIII, 245. 
Hosh, Monument at. Prof. Eisenlohr. 111,97- (Illustt.) 
Hotep, meaning of the word &c. P. le P. Renouf. Ill, 117. 
Houghton, Rev. W., Papers by. IV, 57 ; X, 144. 
Householding, Babylonian Tablets relating to. T. G. Pinches. V, 67. 
Houses, &€., Palestine, in the time of Christ. Rev. \V. H. Sewell. V, 35, 40. 

Remarks by Dr. Reichardt, ib., 37 ; Rev. A. Lowy, ib., 38 ; Rev. \V. Wright, 

D.D., ib., 39. 
How, Hieroglyphic Inscriptions at. Prof. Sayce. VII, 185 ; VIII, 158. 

Prof. Eisenlohr. VIII, 77. 
Howorth, H. H., Paper by. HI, 117. 
Hyksos Kings. Dr. Wiedemann. V'lII, 92. 
Hypocephalus, belonging to Sir Henry Meux, Bart. (Illustr.). Dr. Birch. 

VI, 37. In Brit. Mus. W. H. Rylands (illustr.), ib., 52 ; Dr. Birch, ib., 52 ; 

Dr. Birch., ib., 106 (illustr.) ; Louvre, P.J. de Horrack (illustr.), ib., 126; 

Brit. Mus., Dr. Birch (illustr.), ib., 129; Dr. Birch (illustr.), ib., 170; Dr. 

Birch (illustr.), ib., 185 ; in Coll. W. Myers, Dr. Birch (illustr.), VII, 213. 


Ichneumon, Egyptian name of. E. Lefebure. VII, 193. 

Ideograph ^X-^, The. R. Brown, jun. II, 61. 

Inscription, Xlllth Dynasty, at Dublin. Dr. A. Macalister. IX, 125. 

Iranian Names among the Heta-Hatte. Rev. C. J. Ball. X, 424. 

Issac of Tiphre, Martyrdom of, in Coptic. E. A. W. Budge. VII, 95. 

Israel's Servitude in Eg>'pt. E. de Bunsen. Ill, 79. Remarks: Rev. C.J. 

Ball, ib., 80 ; H. V. Stuart, ib., 81. 
Ithyphallic Horus. P. le P. Renouf. VIII, 245. 
Ivory Ornament froin Egypt, in the British Museum. W. II. Rylands. X, 570, 


Jabez (i Chron. iv, 9, 10). Prof. J. Campbell. HI, 87. 
Jackson, J. R., Paper by. I, 34. 

Jacob, Prophecy of, &c. F. Cope Whitehouse. VIII, 9, 57. (Illustr.) 
Jacobs, Paper by. VIII, 39. 
Jerabis, Monuments from. Ill, 8. 

Jirbas, Jerabees, Jerablus, the name. Prof. W. Wright. Ill, 58. 
Job, Sahidic Translation of the Book of. Prof. E. Amelineau. IX, 109. 
J oppa, Hebrew Inscription at. C. Clermont-Ganneau. VI, in, 123. (Iliust? .) 
Judah, Supposed Name of, in List of Shoshcnq. Max Miillcr. X, 81. 
Remarks by P. le P. Renouf, ib. , 83. 


Ka, True sense of the Egyptian word. P. le P. Renouf. I, 26. 
Remarks by Rev. A. Lowy, //'., 27. 
Do. Dr. Biich, ib., 27. 


Ka priests, Ka Room, &c. I, 44. 

Kadesh, Campaign of Rameses II against. Rev. H. G. Tomkins. IV, 6. 

Kak-si-di, The Star. Dr. C. Bezold. X, 265. 

Kappadokian Cuneiform Inscription at Kaisariyeh. Prof, Sayce. V, 41. 

{Illustr. ) 

G. Berlin, ib., 45. 

Kappadocia, Cuneiform Tal^lets from. Prof. Sayce. VI, 17. See also Cappa- 

Karlsruhe, Egyptian Monuments in Museum at. Dr. Wiedemann. VIII, 95. 
Karnak, Two Temples built by Kings of 29th Dynasty. VII, loS. 

—Tribute Lists of Thothmes III at. IX, 162. 

Keb or Seb. Brugsch- Pasha. X, 451. 

Kenebtu, and the Semitic South. P. le P. Renouf. X, 373. 

xa, '^'^^ , The Hieroglyphic sign, &c. P. le P. Renouf. V, 13. 

Khem. VIII, 247 ; E. Lefebure, VIII, 192. 

Kheta, The. IX, 67. See also Heta-Hatte. 

Khuenaten, Monument of Reign of. Dr. Wiedemann. VII, 200. See also 

Kings II. VII, 6. J. Summers, VII, 179 ; Prof Lieblein, VIII, 74. 
Kminek-Szedlo, G., Paper by. II, 71. 

Kufic Tombstones in the British Museum. Prof. W. Wright. IX, 329. 
Kum-el-Ahmar, Inscription at. P. le P. Renouf. X, 73. {Illustr.); ih., 132. 

Lamentations, Book of, arranged according to original measures. Rev. C. J. Balk 

IX, 131. 
Lauth, Dr., Paper by. Ill, 46. 

Lawsuit, Egyptian, tried before the Laocrites. E. Revillout. I, 33. 
Lefebure, E., Papers, &c., by. Ill, 18; VII, 193 ; VIII, 105, 192. 
Lemnos, Etruscan Inscriptions of. R. Brown, Jun. X, 316, 346. 
Lenormant, F., Notice of decease. VI, 43. 
Lepsius, Prof., Notice of decease. VII, i. 
Letters, Assyrian. S. A. Smith. Part. i. IX, 240. Part 2, X, 60. Part 3, 

X, 155. Part 4, X, 305. (niusir.) 
Lewis, Prof. Hayter, Papers, &c., by. II, 31 ; IV, 89. 
Libation Vase of Osorur. 11,57- 
Library, Donations to : — 

I, I, 9, 15, 21, 25, 31, 33, 41. 

II, I, 9, 17, 29, 35, 47, 55, 69, 75. 

III, I, 17, 27, 54, 66, 77, 91, 107. 

IV, I, 25, 45, 55, 73, 81, 94. 

V, I, 33> 49, 65, 81, 93, 109, 137. 

VI, I, 31, 44, 71, 113, 135, 175. 

VII, 2, 43, 55, 73, 91, 129, 157. 

VIII, I, 37, 63, 81, 103, 109, 131, 147. 

IX, I, 29, 53, 65, 107, 159, 213. 

X, 1, 79,133. 179, 233, 331, 389. 


Library, Purchases for. I, 22, 26, 33, 34, 42. II, 10, 18, 36, 57. Ill, 3, 19, 

27, 54, 67, 78, 92, 107. IV, 4, 26, 46, 56, 81. V, 66, 82, 93, no, 139. 

VI, 4, 45, 72, 113, 136, 178. VII, 5. VIII, 4. IX, 55, 216. X, 180. 
Library, alteration, &c., of. II, 53, 67, 73, 80. Ill, 14, 25, 51, 62, 75, 88, 105, 

123. IV, 22, 42, 72. 
Lieblein, Prof., Papers, &c., by. IV, 108. VII, 99, 1S7. VIII, 74. X, 301. 
Lion from Merash, Inscribed. W. II. Rylands. IX, 374. (Illtistr.) 
Lists of Kings, Early Babylonian. See Babylonian. 
Longperier, H. A. P. de. Notice of decease of. IV, 55. 
Louis, Dr. S., Papers, &c., by. V, 95. VI, 117. VIII, 117. IX, 217. 
Lowy, Rev. A., Papers, &c., by. I, 12, 27, 37. II, 11, 13. Ill, 60, 68. IV, 

84. V, 38, III, 140. VI, 5, 138. VII, 97. IX, 40. X, 333. 
Luke, so-called Tomb of. G. Weber. II, 49. Remarks : Ed. Falkener, M. 

Renan. II, 51. 
Lund, Dr., Paper by. IV, 96. 
Lushington, Prof, Papers by. I, 32. Ill, 1 16. 


Macalister, Dr. A., Papers by. IX, 98, 125. 

Malediction of an Egyptian mother on her son embracing Christianity. E. Re- 
villout. V. 4. Remarks : Dr. Birch, ih., 6 ; P. le. P. Renouf, il>., 6. 

Mankind, Destruction of (Tomb of Rameses III). E. Naville. VII, 93. 

Marduk and Tiamat, Fight between. Fourth Creation Tablet. VI, 5. 

Marriage, Contracts of, &c., in Egj'pt and Chaldea. E. and V. Revillout. 
IX, 167. 

Marriage Contracts. X, 479. 

Marriette, A. F. F., Notice of decease. Ill, 53. 

Marshall, D., Note by. VI, 116. 

Marshall, Rev. J., Papers, &c., by. VI, 223 ; VIII, 76, 140 ; X, 281. 

Maspero, Prof., Paper by. I, 44. 

Mecca, Caaba and Mosque of. IX, 109. 

Mechu, Tomb of. IX, 78 ; X, 16. 

Meermanno-Westreenianum, Eg}'ptian Antiquities in Museum. Dr. Wiede- 
mann. VII, 179. 

Members, elected : — 

I, 10, 16, 26, 32, 34, 42. 

II, 3, II, 18, 31, 37, 49, 57, 70, 76. 

III, 19, 29, 55, 67, 79, 92, 109. 

IV, 27, 46, 56, 75, 83, 94. 

V, 35. 50, 67, 83, 94, no, 139, 140. 

VI, 32, 46, 73, 115, 136, 179. 

VII, 45, 57, 74, 92, 131, 159, 160. 

VIII, 38, 64, 82, no, 132, 149. 

IX, 31, 55, 66, 161, 216. 

X, 80, 134, 180, 234, 332, 390. 

Members, Honorary. II, 18 ; V, 50 ; VI, 45 ; VII, 57 ; IX, 55 ; X, 134. 
Memphis, The Age of. Dr. Wiedemann. IX, 184. 
Menant, J., Note by. VI, 88. 


Menant, Letter about Dr. Birch. VIII, 62. 

Menes, Date of, and date of Buddha. E. de Bunsen. Ill, 96. 

Mentuhotep, Stele of. Prof. Lushington. Ill, 116. 

Merash Lion. IX, 374 

Mereneptah, " Peoples of the sea of." See Peoples. 

Miller, Rev. Jos., Paper by. I, 36. 

Mist and Cloud, Egyptian Mythology. P. le P. Renouf. IV, 75. 

Mocatta, F. D. Present of Casts. VII, 132; VIII, 5. 

Moeris Basin. F. Cope Whitehouse. IV, 124. {Ilhistr.) 

Remarks: Dr. Birch, ib., 135; F. Cope Whitehouse, V, 169; VII, 112; 

VIII, 201. 
Monument of the First Dynasties at Aix-en-Provence. Dr. Wiedemann. IX, 180. 
Moses, Legend of the Death of. Rev. A. Lowy. IX, 40. 
Mould for Arrow Heads. VI, 109. 
Muller, Max, Papers, &c., by. X, 7, 81, 147, 287, 467. 
Murray, George, Remarks by. I, 37. 
Myers, W., Hypocephalus belonging to. VII, 213. 

Nadanu, to give. T. G. Pinches. VIII, 241. 
Nabonidus. II, 39 ; VIII, 142. 

Cylinder of. T. G. Pinches. V, 9. {Illustrations). 

Naljlus, Pentateuch of. Rev. A. Lowy. II, 13. 
Nahr-el-Kelb, Inscriptions at the. W. Boscawen. II, 27. 

Cuneiform Inscription found there. Prof. Sayce. IV, 9, 34. 

Naram Sin. VIII, 142. 

Nasikhonsu. V, 77, 79. 

Naville, Ed., Papers, &c., by. II, 6 ; VII, 93. 

Nebuchadnezzar I, Edict of. T. G. Pinches and E. A. W. Budge. VI, 144. 

Inscription of. Dr. J. P. Peters. VIII, 72. 

Inscription at Nahr-el-Kelb. Prof. Sayce. IV, 9, 34. 

Ill, New fragment of the History of. T. G. Pinches. I, 12. 

Nebuchadrezzar II, Inscriptions of. Rev. C. J. Ball. I. The India House 

Inscription, X, 87. II. The Phillips' Cylinder, ih., 215. III. Cylinder of 
Mr. Rich, //'. , 290. IV. A Cylinder from Babylon, ib., 292. V. The 
Cylinders from Senkereh, ih., 296. VI. Cylinder marked 68-7-9 I> Brit. 
Mus., X, 359. VIII. Unpublished Cylinder, ?7;., 368. {% plates.) 

Neriglissar, Cylinder of. E. A. W. Budge. X, 146. (Ilhistr.) 

Nes-Ames, Mummy and Coffin of. E. A. W. Budge. VIII, 106. 

Nilometer of Philoe. Major Plunkett. IX, 311. {Illustr.) 

Nimrod and Gisdubar. VIII, 119. 

Niobe, Inscription on the. V, 148. 

Nitukki, Island of. J. Oppert. II, 3. 

Nomination of Candidates. I, 2, 9, 16, 26, 32, 34, 42. II, 2, il, 18, 31, 37, 49, 
57, 70, 76. Ill, 3, 19, 29, 55, 67, 78, 92, 109. IV, 4, 27, 46, 56, 75, 84, 
95- V, 4, 34, 50, 67, 82, 94, no, 139. VI, 4, 32, 46, 73, 114, 136, 178. 
VII, 5. 44, 57, 74, 92, 131, 160. VIII, 5, 38, 64, 105, no, 132, 149. IX, 5, 
31, 55, 108, 161, 216. X, 3, 80, 134, 180, 234, 332, 390. 


Nub-xas, a relative of Queen. Dr. Wiedemann. IX, 190. 
Nub-kau-Ra-necht, Tomb of. X, 24. {Illustr.) 
Numerals in Cuneiform. Prof. J. Oppert. VIII, 122. 

Assyrian. G. Berlin. II, 37 ; Prof. Sayce, IV, 105. 

Akkadian. Prof. Sayce. IV, iii. 

Numeral Form. T. G. Pinches. VIII, 240. 
Numerals, Ugro-Altaic. R. Brown, jun. X, 207. 


Offord, J., Junr., Note by. X, 231. 

Ohnefalsch-Richter, M., Cypriote Discoveries. IX, 5, loi. 

Oppert, Dr. J., Papers, &c., by. I, 18; II, 4; V, 12, 124: VI, 34, 109; VII 

58, 122. 
Oracle of Amon. Dr. W. Pleyte. X, 41. 
Oracles, Papyri containing. E. Revillout. X, 55. 
Osiris Unnefer, The Myth of P. le P. Renouf. VIII, 11 1. 
Osorkon I, Statue of. Miss Gonino. VI, 205. {Illustr.) 
Osor-ur, Libation Vase of. Paul Pierret. II, 57. 
Ostraka, Demotic. E. Revillout. VII, 133. 

of the time of the Twelve Caesars. Dr. Birch. V, 84. 

Reigns of Nerva and Trajan. Dr. Birch. V, 124. 

of Hadrian, the Antonines, &c. Dr. Birch. V, 15S. 

at Queen's College, Cambridge. Dr. Birch. V, 119. 

from Erment and Karnak. Prof. Sayce. VII, 11. 

from Karnak. Prof. Sayce. VII, 89, 195. 

■ Greek. Prof. Sayce. IX, 198. 

from Elephantine. Dr. Wiedemann. VI, 207. 


Palmyra, Busts from. Prof. W. Wright. VI, 27. (Illustr.) 

Busts and Inscriptions. Prof. W. Wright. VIII, 29. (^ pla/cs.) 

Papyri in Museum of Science and Art, Edinburgh. Dr. Birch. VII, 79. 

Roman. Dr. Birch. VII, 204. ($ plates.) 

Particle, The Negative — fU.. P. Ic P. Renouf. VI, 95. 

Pekersala, Queen, of the beginning of the Saitic Period. Dr. Wiedemann. 

VIII, 31. 
"Peoplesof the Sea"of Merenptah. Max Miiller. X, 147. Note. J. Offord, jun., 

ib., 231. Max Miiller, ib., 287. 
Pepi, Pyramid of. Dr. Birch. Ill, 93, III. {7 f/n/cs.) 
Perse, un Nouveau Nom Royal. E. and V. Revillout. IX, 233. 
Peters, Dr. J. P., Papers, &c., by. V, 120; VI, 73, 225 ; VIII, 72, 142. 
Petrie, W. F., Paper by. IV, 76. 
Philoe, Nilometer of. IX, 311. 
Phoenician Inscription discovered by Mr. Cobham. Prof. W. Wright. Ill, 49, 

71. Note by Rev. A. Lowy, ti>., 60. 

Inscription from Larnaca. D. Pierides. Ill, 72. Remarks by Prof. 

Wright, t/>. {Illustr.) 

Inscription from Melrose. Prof. W. Wright. Ill, 85. 


Phcenician Inscriptions from Cyprus. Prof. W. \Vright. Ill, 102. 

and Cypriote Bilingual Inscription. Prof. W. Wright. IX, 47. (2 

plates.) Remarks: P. le P. Renouf. IX, 49; P. Berger, ib., 100, 153. 

Inscriptions. VI, 1 19. 

Cylinder Seal. VI, 16. 

Alphabet, Babylonian origin of. Dr. J. P. Peters. VI, 73. Remarks: 

Rev. I. Taylor, ib., 77 ; G. Bertin, ib., 83 ; Dr. Peters, ib., 225. 

Phoenicians in Egypt. Prof. Lieblein. IV, 108. 

Piankhi, a synonym for Sabako ? H. H. Howorth. Ill, WJ. 

Piehl, Karl, note by. X, 143, 343, 530. 

Pierides, D., Paper by. Ill, 72. 

Pierret, Paul, Paper by. II, 57. 

Pigeons, Ancient observations on the flight of. Rev. Dr. Placzek. V, ill. 

Pinches, T. G., Papers, &c., by. I, 3, 12, 18, 20, 24; II, 34, 39, 62; III, 20, 
37, 48, 82, 109 ; IV, II, 28, 32, III ; V, 6, 21, 67, 71, 74, 103, 152 ; VI, 9, 
II) 36, 57, 62, 102, 107, 115, 116, 119, 125, 144, 170, 179, 182, 193; VII, 
32, 65, 124, 132, 148, 170 ; VIII, 25, 27, 42, 40 ; X, 526. 

Pistic Nard of the Greek Testament. Rev. W. Houghton. X, 144. 

Placzek, Rev. Dr., Papers, &c., by. V, in ; VII, 97. 

Pleyte, Dr. W., Papers, &c., by. V, 149; X, 41. 

Plunkett, Major G. T., Paper by. IX, 311. 

Poor Laws of the Hebrews. Dr. S. Louis. V, 95. 

Pottery, &c., from Giseh, W. F. Petrie. IV, 76. 

Preposition, Egyptian. P. le P. Renouf. V, 135 ; VI, 93. 

President, Election of. VIII, 82. 

Price, F. G. Hilton, exhibits Canopic Vases. V, 98. (Illiistr.) 

Papers, &c., by. VII, 75 ; VIII, 149 ; X, 130. 

Proceedings, Letter from G. Bertin. VI, 115. Remarks: T. G. Pinches, 

ib., 116 ; W. H. Rylands, ib., 116 ; D. Marshall, ib., 116. 
Pronominal forms in Egyptian. P. le P. Renouf. X, 247. 
Psalms, Apocryphal Syriac. Prof. W. Wright. IX, 257. 

Ptah Totunen, le Decret de, en faveur de Ramses II et III. E. Naville. II, 6. 
Punic Inscriptions from Carthage. Prof. W. Wright. VIII, 211. {Illustr.) 

Qinoth, Metrical Structure of. Rev. C. J. Ball. IX, 131. 


Ramaka, Queen, Monument of. VII, 183. 

Ramses II et III. Le Decret de Phtah Totunen, en faveur de. E. Naville. 

II, 6. 
Ramses II, Campaign against Kadesh. Rev. II. G. Tomkins. IV, 6. 
Colossi at Memphis, Account of Raising, by Major Bagnold. X, 452. (Iliusli.) 
Rameses III. Inscription in Tomb of. VII, 93. 
Ranyard, Mrs., Notice of Decease. I, 26. 

Rassam, H., Papers, &c., by. II, 3 ; V, 83 ; VI, 33 ; VII, 50. 
Ravenna, Hebrew Inscription at. IV, 77, 105, 107. 
Reichardt, Dr., Remarks, &c., by. V, 39. 


Reichardt, Rev. H. C. , Paper by. VI, 16. 

Religious Texts of Early Egyptian periods. P. !e P. Renouf. \TI, 6. 

Text, Assyrian. B. T. A. Evetts. X, 478. 

Renan, Ernest, Remarks by. II, 51. 

Renouf, P. le P., Papers, &c., by. I, 26 ; III, 117 ; IV, 60, 75 ; V, 6, 13, 135 ; 
VI, 93, 95, 131, 187, 189, 229 ; VII, 6, 41, 100, 152, 163, 210 ; VIII, 105, 
III, 143, 155, 157, 246 ; IX, 49, 83, 95, 206, 207, 313 ; X, 73, 83, 132, 247, 

373. 45i> 571- 
Revillout, E., Letter about Dr. Birch. VIII, 82. 

Papers, &c., by. I, 22, 33 ; V, 4, 135 ; VII, 133 ; X, 55. 

Revillout, Prof. E. and Ur. V., Papers by. IX, 167, 178, 228, 233, 267 ; X, 266. 

Rhyme, in Akkadian. B. Bertin. Ill, 121. 

Rituals, Egyptian, of the Roman Period. Dr. Birch. VII, 49. 

Rodwell, Rev. J. M., Paper by. I, 43. 

Rogers- Bey, Notice of Decease. VII, i. 

Rules, Alteration in. I, 17 ; III, 24, 29, 65. 

Rylands, W. H., Notes by. I, 35 ; II, 49 ; III, 10 ; V, 44, 146 ; VI, 17, 25, 

52, 68, III, 116, 132,228,231; VII, 132, 154; VIII, 5; IX, 104, 374; 

X, 388, 570. 

Sachau, Prof. Ed., Note by. IV, 117. 

St. Ephraim's Discourse on the Transfiguration of our Lord. The Coptic Version. 

E. A. W. Budge. IX, 317. 
wSt. Paul at Athens, The account of. Illustrated by Monuments and Literature. 

Rev. J. Marshall. X, 281. 
St. Polycarpe, Les Actes coptes du Martyre do. Prof. Amelineau. X, 391. 
Sakkara, Pyramid of. Dr. Birch. Ill, 93, in. 
Sale of Lands. Babylonian. I, 18. 

Samaritan Tablet at Leeds. Prof. W. Wright. VI, 25. {Illustr.) 
Samaritans in Talmudical Writings. Rev. A. Lowy. II, 11. 
Sarcophagus of Saitic Period. Dr. Wiedemann. VIII, 232. 
Sargon of Agade, Inscription. W. H. Rylands. VT, 68. {Ulush:) 
Letter, J. Menant. VI, 11, 88. Reply, T. G. Pinches, il>., 107 ; 

VIII, 243. 
Satan et Ahriman. C. de Harlez. IX, 365. 
Sataru, a written document. T. G. Pinches. VIII, 241, 
Sayce, Prof., Papers, &c., by. II, 76; III, 4; IV, 9, 19, 34, 102, 105, in, 117; 

V, 41, 154 ; VI, 17, 209 ; VII, II, 36, 79, 89, 141, 143, 171, 185, 195 ; VIII, 

159, 175; IX, 5, 195, 198, 202; X, 73, 377, 488. 
Schlumberger, M. Seals in his possession, VI, in. 
Seals, Three Ancient. Prof. W. Wright. IV, 54. 
Clay. In possession of M. Schlumberger. W. H. Rylands. \'I, in. 


— Hematite, from Yuzaad. E. A. W. Budge. IX, 27. 

Seb, the Great Cackler. VII, 99, 152. 

Eg>'ptian god. P. le P. Renouf. IX, 83. (Illustr.) 

or Keb. II. Brugsch-Pasha. X. 451. 


Secretary's Report: 1S79, II, 19; 1880, III, 30; 1881, IV, 47; 1882, V, 51; 

1S83, VI, 46; 1S84, VII, 58; 1885, VIII, 65 ; 1886, IX, 56; 1887, X, 135. 
Semitic Inscriptions (Early) from Babylonia. W. St. C. Boscawen, I, 44. 
Sepulchral V'ases. V, 79. 

Objects, Inscriptions on. Dr. Birch. VII, 52. 

Se-Renput, Tomb of. IX, 78 ; X, 26. {llliistr.) 

Set, Cult of. Dr. Wiedemann. VIII, 92. 

Seti I, Historical Inscriptions of, at Karnak. Prof. E. L. Lushington. I, 33. 

Sewell, Rev. W. H., Paper by. V, 35, 40. 

Shade or Shadow of the Dead, Egyptian Belief concerning. Dr. Birch. VII, 45. 

Shalmaneser, Gates of, at Balawat, Publication of Ornaments of. A. Cates. I, 42 ; 

T. G. Pinches, I, 3. 
Shapira MS. Rev. A. Lowy. VI, 5. 
Sharpe, Rev. Jno, Note by. IV, 107. 

Shem, Ham, and Japhet, The Names. Prof. Sayce. V, 154. 
Shosenq, List of. X, 81. 

Siloam Inscription. Prof. W. Wright. IV, 68. (llhistr.) 
Silurus Fish, The Egyptian. P. le P. Renouf. VII, 100; IX, 313. 
Simcox, G. A., Note. IX, 193. 

Miss. X, 479. 

Simpson, W., Papers, &c., by. I, 22 ; III, 92 ; VII, 132 ; VIII, 83. 

Sisku, The Name. Dr. Lauth. Ill, 46. Remarks by T. G. Pinches, il>., 48. 

Uruku versus. F. W. Eastlake. IV, 36. 

Slave, Sale of. V, 105. Dr. J. Oppert, V, 122; T. G. Pinches, V, 152. 

Tablet of Sale of. Dr. Oppert. VI, 34. Remarks : T. G. Pinches, 

ib., 36; T. G. Pinches, ib., 102. {Illiistr.) J. Oppert, ib., 109. 

Dealing in Babylonia. T. G. Pinches. VII, 32. {Illiistr.) 

Smith, S. A., Papers by. IX, 240; X, 60, 155, 305. 

Solar Disc, Winged. P. le P. Renouf. VIII, 143. 

South Shields, Bilingual Inscription in Latin and Aramaic, discovered at. Prof. 

W. Wright. I, II. Remarks by Rev. A. Lowy, I, 12. 
Speos Artemidos, The Age of the Grotto called. Dr. K. Piehl. X, 343. 
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure: 1879, II, 25; 1880, III, 35; 1881, 

IV, 52; 1882, V, 56; 1883, VI, 50; 1884, VII, 63; 1885, VIII, 70, IX, 61 ; 

1886, IX, 61 ; 1887, X, 141. 
Star Kak-si-di. Dr. C. Bezold. X, 265. (Illiistr.) 

Statues of the Dead, Egyptian Documents relating to. G. Maspero. I, 44. 
Stelse, Egyptian, i8th Dynasty. E. A. W. Budge. VII, 7. 

at Oxford. E. A. W. Budge. VII, 122. {Illustr.) 

at Bath. E. A. W. Budge. VIII, 213. 

Sepulchral, of Nes-Heru. E. A. W. Budge. IX, 358. 

at Boulaq. Prof. J. Lieblein. X, 301. 

Strassmaier, Rev. J. N., Note by. II, 28. 

Strife and War, Hieroglyphic Sign for. P. le P. Renouf. VII, ICXD. See also 

Stuart, H. v.. Note by. Ill, 81 ; IV, 95 ; V, 97. 
Succession Settlement, Babylonian. I, 19. 


Summers, W. H., Letter from. VII, 179. 

Supernatural Voices (Bath Kol. ), Trarlitions of. Dr. S. Louis, VIII, 117 ; Rev. 

J. Marshall, ih., 140. 
Syllabaries, Unpublished Cuneiform, with respect to Prayers and Incantations, 

written in interlinear form. Dr. C. Bezold. X, 418. [Illustr.) 
Syllabique, Sur un. E. Lefebure. VIII, 192, 

Syria, Geography of Northern. Rev. H. G. Tomkins. V, 58; VII, 160. 
Syriac Psalms, Apocryphal. Prof. W. Wright. IX, 257. 
Syria, New Readings of the Hieroglyphs from Northern. Rev. C. J. Ball. X, 


Talmud, in relation to Biblical Archreology. Rev. Jos. Miller. I, 36. Remarks : 

Rev. A. Lowy, ib., 37. 
Tamassus, Inscriptions from. See Phoenician. 
Tangur, Inscription at. Dr. Birch. VII, 121. 

Tarkondemos or Tarkutimme, Boss of. Prof. Sayce. 111,4. {Illustr.) VII, 143. 
Boss of. T. Tyler. HI, 6. Remarks : Hyde Clarke, Rev. 

W. Wright, ih., 9 ; W. H. Rylands, ib., 10 ; R. Cull, ib., 11 ; Rev. C. J. Ball, 

ib., 12 ; Dr. Birch, ib., 13. 

W. Golenischeff. X, 369 ; Rev. C. J. Ball, X, 439. 

Name of Country and City where he ruled. T. G. Pinches. VII, 

Tartus, Inscription at. VII, 141. 
Taylor, Rev. A., Remarks by. I, 37. 

Rev. I., Notes by. VI, 77. 

Technological Terms, Semitic. Rev. A. Lowy. VI, 138. 

Tell-el-Amarna, Babylonian Tablets from. Prof. Sayce. X, 4S8 ; E. A. W. 

Budge, ib., 546. {Illustr.) 
Tell-el-Yahoudi, Excavations in. Prof. Hayter Lewis. II, 31 ; W , 89. 
Temples of the Jews, The site of the. Lieut.-Col. Warren. II, 70. 
Two, built at Karnak by the kings of 29th Dynasty. Dr. Wiedemann. 

VII, 108. 
Babylonian Texts referring to the Restoration of. T. G. Pinches and 

E. A. W. Budge. VI, 179. 

Babylonian tower. VIII, 83. 

Textes Egyptien inedits. Dr. K. Piehl. X, 530. Remarks : P. le P. Renouf, 

X, 571. 
This, The site of. Prof. Sayce. VII, 171. 
Thothmes HI, Karnak Tribute Lists of. Rev. II. G. Tomkins. VIII, 60 ; 

IX, 162. 
Thothmes IV, Inscription of. X, 130. 
Tirhaka, Monuments of the Reign of. Dr. Birch. II, 60. 
Tombs of 19th Dynasty at Thebes. Dr. Wiedemann. VIII, 225. 
discovered by Major-Gen. Sir F. Grenfell. E. A. W. Budge. IX, 78 

Tombstones, Kufic. IX, 329. 


Tomkins, Rev. H. G., Papers, &c., by. lY, 6; V, 58; VII, 160; IX, 162 ; 

X, 372. 

Totem-clans in the Old Testament. J. Jacobs. VIII, 39. 

Tower Temples, Mesopotamia. W. Simpson. VIII, 83. 

Trade Dispute, Babylonian. I, 46. 

Transcription of Egyptian YV^ords. P. le P. Renouf. IX, 95. 

Transliteration in Assyrian. VI, 125. 

Tushratta, Despatch of. X, 540 

Tyler, T., Paper by. Ill, 6, 12. 


Ugra-Altaic Numerals. R. Brown, junr. X, 207. 
Underground structures in Biblical Lands. Rev. A. Lowy. V, 141. 
Ursa Major, Euphratean name of. R. Brown, junr. IX, 127. 
Uruku versus Sisku. F. W. Eastlake. IV, 36. 


Venice, Egyptian Monuments at. VIII, 'i']. 

Voices, Supernatural. Dr. S. Louis. VIII, 117; Rev. J. Marshall, VIII, 140. 


"Warren, Lieut. -Col., Paper by. II, 70. 

Weasel and Cat in Ancient times. Rev. Dr. Placzek. VII, 97. 

Weber, G., Paper by. II, 49. 

W^eight, Babylonian, with trilingual inscription. E. A. W. Budge. X, 464. 

Whitehouse, F. Cope, Papers, &c., by. IV, 124; V, 169; VII, 112 j VIII, 6, 

57, 201. 
W'iedemann, Dr. A., Papers, &c., by. VI, 52, 207 ; VII, 108, 179, 200; VIII, 

31, 87, 92, 95, 220, 225, 232 ; IX, 180, 184, 190. 
Will of a Coptic Monk. E. Revillout. I, 22. 
Wilson, Sir Erasmus, notice of decease. VII, I. 
Women, Life and Social Position of Hebrew. Dr. J. Chotzner. VI, 137. 

Remarks : Rev. J. Marshall, ib., 222. 
Wood, Inscribed, from Thebes. F. G. II. Price. X, 130. 
Wright, Prof. W., Papers, &c., by. I, u ; II, 49, 58, 71, 72, 85, 102 ; III, 103; 

IV, 54, 68 ; V, 100 ; VI, 25, 27 ; VII, 31 ; VIII, 29, 211, 215 ; IX, 47, 257, 

Wright, Rev. W., D.D., Remarks, &c., by. Ill, 9 ; IV, 8 ; V, 39, 102. 


Zeno, History of the two daughters of the Emperor. Coptic Version. Prof. E. 

Amelineau. X, 181. 
Zouche, Lord. Collection of Coptic MSS. Prof. E. Amelineau. X, 235.